Arakan Army treatment of Rohingya minority poses challenge to Myanmar opposition

The Rakhine force, the most effective rebel army fighting the junta, vents its grievances on the battlefield.

A commentary by Zachary Abuza
2024.06.08

 Illustration by Amanda Weisbrod/RFA; Images by Adobe Stock

Evidence of Arakan Army culpability in mass arson attacks on Rohingya homes in western Myanmar's Buthidaung township – where satellite imagery has confirmed that more than 400 homes were burnt to the ground – poses a serious challenge to the anti-junta opposition.

While such attacks have ceased since the Arakan Army captured the majority Rohingya town, the rebels' double-speak both weakens the prospects of an inclusive federal democracy, and is very shortsighted for the ethnic army’s leadership.

As it is said, the truth is the first casualty in war, and so far here’s what we know happened: On May 18, the Arakan Army captured the last remaining four light infantry battalions and two border guard police camps in Buthidaung, following a multi-month siege. Immediately, over 400 homes in Rohingya residential neighborhoods were set ablaze.

There is a chance of course that some of the fires were set by the retreating junta military, who had waged a genocidal campaign against the Rohingya in 2017-18. The military seems determined to stoke inter-communal tensions as it retreats from northern Rakhine state, and “false flag” operations are part of the military’s modus operandi.

In a bizarre irony, the army has been conscripting Rohingya men into its depleted ranks to fight the Arakan Army, while at the same time, relying on radical groups, such as the Rohingya Solidarity Organization (RSO) and the Arakan Rohingya Solidarity Army (ARSA), operating in the refugee camps in Bangladesh to recruit fighters.

Despite the military’s own culpability in ethnic cleansing, they are trying to paint themselves as defenders of the Rohingya community, as the Arakan Army settles old scores. If the Arakan Army continues such attacks, they are making an alliance between the military and radical Rohingya groups including ARSA and the RSO, inevitable.

Flames from burning homes in Buthidaung in Rakhine state, are seen above the treetops in this image provided by a Rohingya refugee, May 17, 2024. (Image from video via AP)

While this is not surprising, it is exceptionally short-sighted in its thinking and undermines the effort to defeat Myanmar’s military and establish a federal democracy. 

This should not come as a surprise. The Arakan Army’s position on the Rohingya has been two faced. Its leader, Tun Mrat Naing, has a decade-long track record of referring to them as “Bengalis”, parroting the Myanmar military’s own term for the Rohingya. 

The arson attacks have also increased tensions between the Arakan Army leadership and the National Unity Government (NUG).

Following the military coup in February 2021, the Arakan Army made a very important, if not surprising, statement in support of the NUG position that the Rohingya were a persecuted minority who were entitled to full citizenship, and that the one million refugees in Bangladesh should be repatriated.

More intransigent after military gains

But with military gains since the Three Brotherhood Alliance launched its offensive on October 27, 2023, the Arakan Army has become far more intransigent. Its leadership has signaled this change to their constituents, whether in social media or simply by greenlighting attacks by local units.

The Arakan Army’s military gains are significant. They now claim to have seized 180 military camps and taken full control of eight of Rakhine’s 17 townships. While they have not moved on the state capital of Sittwe or the Chinese special economic zone in Kyaukphyu, they are controlling the roads in and out of them. 

Should the Arakan Army complete their capture of Maungdaw, they will have driven the military out of the entire northern region of Rakhine.

While the ethnic Rakhine army has stated their intention to liberate the entire state, for now they are trying to control the three main entry points into the northern part of the state in order to consolidate their power. 

The military has scant deployments in southern Rakhine, meaning that the Arakan Army’s takeover of the entire state is not unthinkable. 

Arakan Army troops pose in Buthidaung, Myanmar, in an image posted to 

social media May 18, 2024. (AA Info Desk via VKontakte)

The Arakan Army has proven itself to be amongst the most effective fighting forces among the ethnic armed organizations. Their battlefield advances have spread the military thin and not allowed the junta to redeploy troops to Kachin, Kayah or northern Shan states, where regime forces have suffered serious setbacks. 

Likewise, in eastern Myanmar, though opposition forces had to give up the border town of Myawaddy, the military has not been able to regain full control of the key Asia Highway.

In short, military success has given the Arakan Army the opportunity to advance their short-term and parochial political interests at the expense of the national agenda to defeat the military.

The Arakan Army’s stated commitments to the anti junta opposition’s long-term political goals, as stated by the NUG, should always be taken with a grain of salt. 

They are the only ethnic army that has flirted with independence, and their authoritarian leanings show they are hostile to democracy and any political system that would force them to share power. 

Prejudice with huge implications

The United League of Arakan, the AA’s political arm, issued a statement on May 20 that denied any culpability for the Rohingya village torchings, apportioning the blame solely on the military. Its statements since then have been largely dismissive and continue to deny the attacks, while criticizing media reporting on civilian casualties.

But evidence of their culpability is mounting, underscoring the reality that the Arakan Army does not like the Rohingya population, nor does it want to see large-scale resettlement from Bangladesh. The Arakan Army’s politics capitalize on Rakhine Buddhist prejudice against the Muslim community.

The Arakan Army leadership is under intense pressure to renounce any violence towards the Rohingya. But the reality is that many of their troops were involved in the communal violence against them. This is simply a return to their default setting.

The Arakan Army’s position has larger implications. 

While they might have moved on from the 2017 ethnic cleansing, the international community, including the United States, has not. Earmarked in the recent $121 million in U.S. support for Myanmar, are still funds to support the quest for accountability for abuses against Rohingya.

The continued persecution of the Rohingya will undermine future international aid and support for Myanmar’s opposition in general, and cyclone-ravaged Rakhine in particular.

What is so frustrating is that Arakan Army chief Tun Mrat Naing is arguably the most charismatic and competent of the ethnic army leaders in Myanmar. 

Major General Tun Myat Naing, right, commander-in-chief of the Arakan Army, attends a dinner commemorating peace-building efforts, in Pangkham in Myanmar's eastern Shan state, April 16, 2019. (RFA)

Were he to better coordinate his efforts with the NUG and wholeheartedly endorse their political aims, he would be a commanding figure in a post-conflict Myanmar. 

His parochialism augers poorly for a post-conflict Myanmar and puts the NUG in a very awkward position.

The NUG’s statement in response to the mid-May arson attacks was exceedingly diplomatic, never referencing the Arakan Army and largely pinning the blame on the junta military for stoking communal violence. 

But behind the scenes the frustration is clearly mounting.

With such heavy strategic implications to this sectarianism, the Arakan Army has to get its priorities straight and prove themselves as responsible stakeholders.

Zachary Abuza is a professor at the National War College in Washington and an adjunct at Georgetown University. The views expressed here are his own and do not reflect the position of the U.S. Department of Defense, the National War College, Georgetown University or Radio Free Asia.

A lack of global norms leaves Uganda’s government able to manipulate social media




Solomon Winyi
June 19th, 2024

LSE

Uganda is facing many of the same challenges with social media as other countries. But, as Solomon Winyi writes, the lack of globally accepted regulations has left a path for an authoritarian regime to stifle the public sphere.

The global proliferation of social media has led to a quest for legal standards and norms for internet governance. In its own attempt to govern this space, Uganda has gradually instituted laws, occasionally shut down the internet and levied taxes to regulate social media use. Initially, these practices were introduced ostensively to limit the negative consequences of social media use, such as hate speech, incitement, and misinformation. However, the regime in Kampala has since used this pretext to curtail collective voices, dissent, and the freedom of expression that social media brings into the political sphere.

Social media use and regulation


X (formerly Twitter), Facebook, and WhatsApp are the most popular social media platforms in Ugandan politics. In 2011, the platforms acted as venues for free expression around the world, helping to spark the Arab Spring, a series of public uprisings and rebellions against authoritarian regimes. Similar protests shook the Ugandan regime, which has been in power for more than 30 years. Because of the protests, the government introduced The Computer Misuse Act of 2011 (CMA) and the Social Media Tax in 2018.

The CMA 2018 was used to arrest opposition politicians and political activists who used social media to expose corruption and also mobilise youth against the regime. The social media tax by 2019 had cut off many youths from the platforms as they could not afford the daily two hundred Ugandan shillings that was levied on them to access WhatsApp, Facebook, X, and Instagram among others. The intent of these laws was not to regulate the negative consequences of social media but to limit the number of people who used social media to voice support for the political opposition and to mobilise youth.

Despite these actions, the long reign of the National Resistance Movement (NRM) regime has continued to attract political dissent and resistance through social media in Uganda. The opposition has kept the youth engaged in online debates through social media accessed through virtual private networks with crafted messages that combine satire, memes, and poetic themes.

The dilemma of laxity and conformity to international norms

Regulation of social media was initially delegated to engineering and technological groups but later assumed by international organisations and government agencies.

There have been divergent opinions between ‘founder’ countries (such as the US) and countries like Uganda that have adopted the social media platforms. The US and Europe have advocated for established principles and standards, such as free expression and privacy which do not fit the authoritarian ideals of regimes such as that in Uganda. On the other side, Russia and China believe and support internet sovereignty that perfectly fits Uganda’s autocratic needs and its quest for international legitimacy.

Social media regulation remains a contested space of geopolitical competition and between companies and national governments. Some supporters of Uganda’s President Museveni in the 2021 general elections were also suspended by Facebook, citing manipulation of the public debate ahead of the election in the same year.

The tensions between governments and private technology companies have created a dilemma about available tools for regulation in both private and government law. These suspensions by private companies have ignited debates on freedom of expression among world leaders. At the same time, people in autocratic states where platforms are also limited or controlled by the government want freedom of speech.

Uganda has many of the signs of an autocratic regime and is sometimes called a dictatorship. The practice of dictatorships interfering in communication is not new; some classic work on authoritarian rule highlights the role of autocrats in controlling public and private information. President Museveni has, therefore, found solace in countries such as Russia and China that have given him the confidence to restrict social media use when he detects political dissent and mobilisation.

Internationally, there are ambiguous debates worldwide about the appropriate timing for rightfully restricting or shutting down the internet. Even in places where freedom of speech is highly valued and not controlled, shutdowns are used to address political uprisings. For instance, in the US there have been instances where mobile services have been cut for hours to avert anticipated protests. Such scenarios give confidence and justification to autocratic leaders worldwide to put in place well-tailored regulations and policies to control political action in disguise of national security.

The Ugandan regime has achieved its objective of not only controlling political dissent and activism but also surveillance and control of the social media platforms at large. Social media companies have exercised excessive control over social media use, creating a rift among the states that has led to questioning the principle of freedom of expression and who decides its form and practice as an international norm. Therefore, the lack of standardised rules and norms on social media has created a dilemma for developing countries as well as an opportunity for authoritarian states to use regulations to serve their interests.

Photo credit: Pexels

About the author

Solomon Winyi
Dr. Solomon Winyi lectures in the Department of Political Science and Public Administration at Makerere University in Uganda. His PhD research was on Social Media Use and Youth Political Participation in Uganda from Makerere University.

 

 

UN Committee On Migrant Workers Publishes Findings On Congo, Senegal And Türkiye

Thursday, 20 June 2024
Press Release: OHCHR

GENEVA (19 June 2024)

The UN Committee on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of their Families (CMW) today issued its findings on the Republic of the Congo, Senegal and Türkiye.

The findings contain the Committee’s main concerns and recommendations on the implementation of the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families, as well as positive aspects. Key highlights include:

Congo
The Committee commended the several measures taken by Congo to combat trafficking in persons and exploitationand to improve birth registration. It, however, was concerned about the lack of detailed information and statistics on many migration-related issues.It recommended that the State party establish a system to collect data on the situation of migrant workers and their families, particularly those in an irregular situation, and provide publicly available statistics on foreign migrant workers, migrant workers in transit, nationals working abroad and their employment conditions, to effectively promote human rights-based migration policies.

The Committee also remained concerned about the information received on child labour in the informal sector and the fact that children often work in dangerous conditions.The Committee called for a national plan to reduce and eliminate child labour. It asked Congo to provide necessary assistance, including psychosocial rehabilitation, to migrant workers, especially children, who have been victims of labour exploitation, increase unannounced and spontaneous labour inspections, especially in the informal sector, as well as to prosecute and punish those exploiting migrant workers, in particular children.

Senegal
The Committee welcomed Senegal’s adoption of legislation and strategies to combat trafficking in persons and irregular migration. It, however, regretted the lack of a comprehensive plan on migration, a lack of a national coordination mechanism, and the shortcomings in processing disaggregated data about migrant workers. The Committee recommended the adoption of a comprehensive strategy on migration and a centralized system to collect data on migrant workers and their families, particularly those in irregular situations, in cooperation with the African Union Migration Observatory.

The Committee expressed its concern about the alleged exploitation of “talibé/koranic students” children, particularly those from neighbouring countries such as Guinea, Mali, Gambia and Guinea-Bissau, and the failure to reintegrate them into their families of origin. It also raised its concern over economic exploitation, particularly of migrant domestic workers and of children in gold mines. The Committee reiterated its previous recommendations to scale up the fight against this worrying phenomenon and ensure the perpetrators of forced labour and exploitation, especially children, are held accountable.

Türkiye
The Committee recognized Türkiye’s efforts in safeguarding the rights of migrant workers and their families, including as one of the world’s largest refugee-hosting countries. It, however, noted with concerns the continued reports of arbitrary detention and the detention of children, people with disabilities and others in vulnerable situations. It called on the State party to effectively implement alternatives to administrative detention, ensure that measures are taken to prevent arbitrary and unlawful detention, and cease migration-related detention of migrant workers and their families who are in vulnerable situations, in law and in practice.

The Committee also voiced its concern about information received on the large scale of expulsion of migrants, in addition to reports of involuntary returns. It called on the State party to uphold the principle of non-refoulement and the prohibition of collective and arbitrary expulsion by thoroughly evaluating each case individually and by transparently investigating allegations of coercion.

The above findings, officially known as Concluding Observations, are now available on the session page.

© Scoop Media

Africa: Deadly and Growing Impact of Air Pollution Laid Bare in New Unicef-Backed ReportFacebook

TwitterWhatsAppFlipboardLinkedInRedditEmaUN News Service

The State of Global Air (SoGA) report published in partnership with the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) warns on Wednesday that air pollution is increasingly impacting human health - and is now the second leading global risk factor for premature death.

The fifth edition of the report, released by the Health Effects Institute (HEI), revealed that air pollution caused 8.1 million deaths worldwide in 2021 and many millions are dealing with debilitating chronic diseases, leaving healthcare systems, economies, and societies.

Further, it found that children under five are particularly vulnerable to air pollution, leaving over 700,000 in this age group dead in 2021.

'Accurate predictor'

The SoGA report found that pollutants like outdoor fine particulate matter (PM2.5) - which comes from burning fossil fuels and biomass in sectors like transportation, residential homes, wildfires, and more - caused more than 90 per cent of global air pollution deaths and were found to be the "most consistent and accurate predictor of poor health outcomes around the world."

Other pollutants like household air pollution, ozone (O3), and nitrogen dioxide (NO2) - which can be found in traffic exhaust - also contribute to the global deterioration of human health.

HEI President Dr. Elena Craft said she hopes the information in the report will inspire change.

"Air pollution has enormous implications for health. We know that improving air quality and global public health is practical and achievable," she said.

In addition to affecting people's health, pollutants like PM2.5 add to greenhouse gases that are warming the planet. As the earth warms, regions with high levels of NO2 will experience great levels of ozone, which can result in greater health effects.

Dr. Pallavi Pant, HEI's Head of Global Health said, "This new report offers a stark reminder of the significant impacts air pollution has on human health, with far too much of the burden borne by young children, older populations, and low- and middle-income countries."

She continued, "This points sharply at an opportunity for cities and countries to consider air quality and air pollution as high-risk factors when developing health policies and other noncommunicable disease prevention and control programmes."

Children 'uniquely vulnerable'

The report reveals that children are "uniquely vulnerable" to air pollution and effects can begin in the womb. It states that young children's exposure to air pollution has resulted in one in five deaths globally, pneumonia and asthma and affects children with inequities more than it does those in high-income countries.

UNICEF Deputy Executive Director Kitty van der Heijden said that nearly 2,000 children under five die every day due to the effects of air pollution.

'The global urgency is undeniable," she said. "It is imperative governments and businesses consider these estimates and locally available data and use it to inform meaningful, child-focused action to reduce air pollution and protect children's health."

Progress made

In addition to sharing details on the negative effects of air pollution on human health, the SoGA report also claims that there has been better awareness about the harms of being exposed to household air pollution and a 53 per cent decrease in the death rate of children under five since 2000 due to increased access to clean energy for cooking.

Also, regions experiencing the highest levels of air pollution have begun to address the issue by installing air pollution monitoring networks, implementing stricter air quality policies and more - particularly in Africa, Latin America and Asia.

Air pollution heightens risk of heart diseases, death in cancer patients: Study

The researchers found that exposure to fine particulate (PM2.5) pollution weakened the body's detoxification and its defences against inflammation, which are risk factors common to both cancer and cardiovascular disease

PTI New Delhi Published 19.06.24

Air pollution could increase the risk of heart diseases and death in cancer patients, adding to health inequities experienced by the group, according to a new research.

The research reviewed eight papers published between 2000 and 2023 that studied the direct impacts of air pollution on cardiovascular disease, such as heart attack and stroke, and cancer. More than 1.1 crore participants were included in the review.

The researchers found that exposure to fine particulate (PM2.5) pollution weakened the body's detoxification and its defences against inflammation, which are risk factors common to both cancer and cardiovascular disease.

"Air pollution plays an undeniable role in the field of cardio-oncology," the authors, including those from Huazhong University of Science and Technology, China, wrote.

Even short-term exposure to unhealthy levels of air pollution can quickly affect the heart health of cancer patients, according to the researchers. The findings are published in the Journal of the American College of Cardiology (JACC): CardioOncology.

"This suggests that even temporary deteriorations in air quality can have immediate adverse effects on vulnerable populations such as cardio-oncology patients," said senior author Xiaoquan Rao, a cardiologist at Tongji Hospital, Huazhong University of Science and Technology.

Air pollution also worsens health inequities around the world as disadvantaged populations are exposed to higher levels and cancer patients among them are at a higher risk of heart disease and death compared to the general public, said the researchers.

According to the authors, while air pollution is recognised as a significant risk factor for both heart disease and cancer, this study aims to show its effects in cardio-oncology or the overlap of both conditions - an area in which little research has been done.

Deaths due to air pollution are estimated to be about 100-fold higher in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs), compared to high-income ones. LMICs also see more than 65 per cent of all cancer deaths, and 70 per cent of cardiovascular disease deaths, the authors said in the study.

Environmental factors are critical for understanding cardio-oncology risk and patient management and the findings could help identify people more vulnerable to the risk, said Rao.

"This awareness is crucial for developing tailored air pollution exposure control measures and individualised patient management strategies aimed at mitigating cardiovascular disease risks among cancer patients," said Rao.

The authors also outlined potential interventions aimed at reducing the adverse effects of air pollution exposure, including recommendations for society and governments.

Except for the headline, this story has not been edited by The Telegraph Online staff and has been published from a syndicated feed.

Africa: Independent Panel on Pandemic Readiness Comes to Grim Conclusion

© La Presse

18 JUNE 2024
allAfrica.com

By Boakai Fofana

Monrovia — "If there were a new pandemic threat today...the world will likely be overwhelmed again".

That was the grim conclusion of the Independent Panel of Experts on Pandemic response. The group, chaired by Liberian President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf and the former Norwegian Prime Minister Helen Clark, assessed the level of progress made on the set of recommendations it presented in 2021 during the height of the Covid crisis. The panel was established in 2020 by the World Health Organization to advance measures that world leaders must take to avert future pandemics.

"We just aren't equipped enough to stop outbreaks before they spread further," Helen Clark said at Tuesday's digital conference. She cited the Mpox outbreak, a viral infection that spreads from person to person, which has killed about a thousand people in the Democratic Republic of Congo and several others in South Africa, as an example of the lack of global readiness. Clark said if world leaders don't take serious measures to prepare, they are "gambling with our future". She urged the global community to "step up" to change the situation.

In their report, the panel examines the progress that has been made against recommendations presented to the World Health Assembly in 2021, which included the establishment of a high-level global health threat council led by heads of state, a reorganization of WHO's mandate and roles, the establishment of a new global system of surveillance and the creation of stronger national and regional capacities.

While Clark acknowledged that there has been some progress over the years to adhere to the panel's advice - such as the amendment to the International Health Regulations which will allow for faster information sharing from countries and the WHO, more still needs to be done. "Should the WHO be split into two organizations," the former Co-chair asked rhetorically, an apparent reference to the panel's suggestion for a re-examination of WHO's mandate - which will allow its emergency operations to be separate from the routine global health functions.

Unfortunately, Clark said, there hasn't been much focus on other recommendations such as accountability and the exertion of political leadership to help prevent future pandemics. "We have seen political leadership on pandemic preparedness and response issues just fade away," she said, warning that pandemic threats are "always with us".

While agreeing with the stark finding of the panel, other discussants at the conference highlighted the unequal level of global readiness: "Unless we prioritize and prepare well, the global south will not be ready," the CEO of Afrigen Biologics and Vaccines, Petro Terblanche said. Terblanche said preparedness must be global for the world to be fully protected against future pandemics.

Other discussants called for more engagements with civil society actors, because of their ability to "utilize the global networks".

THE NATION
EDITORIAL / JUNE 19, 2024

A Message From 1930: Zion Cannot Be Built on Bayonets


A hope for a more just future echoes across the decades from the pages of The Nation magazine.

RICHARD KREITNER




In a 2012 article for Commentary, “When the Radical American Left Loved Israel,” Ronald Radosh recalled the days in the 1940s when The Nation’s editor, Freda Kirchwey, made the magazine “a singular voice in behalf of the Zionist cause.”

It’s true that The Nation enthusiastically supported the creation of Israel. In late 1948, Kirchwey traveled to the new state and filed dispatches that were overwhelmingly approving—skeptical of outside criticism and woefully unbothered by the displacement of Palestinians and the occupation of their homes. Sara Alpern writes in her biography of Kirchwey that the editor’s son, Michael, recalled that while Kirchwey was interviewing a former Palestinian mayor of Jerusalem, Husayn al-Khalidi (uncle of the historian Rashid Khalidi), “she listened understandingly to Khalidi’s eloquent arguments; but it was as if she did not hear him. Her mind was already made up.”This article appears in the June 2024 issue, with the headline “Peace Be to Zion.”

A few articles from nearly a century ago complicate the story told by Radosh (and others). Though it was in favor of the idea of a Jewish state in Palestine, The Nation of the 1920s—under the editorship of Oswald Garrison Villard—recognized that Palestinian claims to the land were at risk of being trampled as the number of Jewish settlers increased. In August 1929, conflicts over access to the Western Wall in the Old City of Jerusalem escalated into Arab attacks on Jews throughout Palestine, killing 133, while 116 Palestinians were killed, mostly by British security forces suppressing the riots (although there were some counterattacks by Jews). The Nation condemned the violence but sympathized with Palestinians’ “bitter sense of dispossession” and understandable opposition to “any program of making the 90 per cent Arab land of Palestine the homeland of an alien people.” The editors added, “These are facts, this is a history which one has no right to forget, however intense one’s sympathy with the murdered Jews of Hebron.”

A few months later, another editorial, “Peace Be to Zion,” contended that “Zion cannot be built on bayonets.” It was wrong for Jews to expect “the political domination of Palestine.” Somehow, The Nation argued, “the permanent structure of Zion must be built on a foundation of mutual understanding between Jews and Arabs.” Subscribers had complained, but the magazine held firm:

Because we have tried to understand and explain, as far as we could, what lay in the background of the killings, many of our readers have apparently felt that we were inclined to condone the attacks on the Jews. Nothing could be further from the truth; we have nothing but reprobation for violence and murder, and sympathy for the victims. But we have no word to retract that we have spoken in defense of Arab rights; nor have the Arabs forfeited those rights by the misconduct of some of their number…. We once more assert that the only way for those who have been wronged in Palestine is the way, not of vengeance, but of forgiveness and reconciliation.

#H7N8

Second Australian state reports confirmed case of contagious bird flu

Due to the spread of bird flu, Australia’s major supermarket chain Coles has put a cap on the purchase of eggs since last week. 

JUN 19, 2024

SYDNEY – Testing results confirmed on June 19 that the highly contagious bird flu, also known as avian influenza, was detected at a poultry farm in the Australian state of New South Wales (NSW).

The confirmation came only days after a sixth farm in Victoria recently tested positive for the H7N3 strain. Ms Tara Moriarty, NSW minister for agriculture, said in a statement that the state government has enacted its emergency biosecurity incident plan to address the detection of the high pathogenicity avian influenza (HPAI).

According to the statement, the HPAI detected is the H7N8 type, which is not the same strain as the current Victorian outbreak. It is believed, at the current stage, to be a separate spill-over event potentially from wild birds.

As the high pathogenic diseases can spread quickly and lead to a high mortality rate among poultry birds, the farm is now under an immediate lockdown and the NSW government also commenced its emergency animal disease response.

“NSW consumers should not be concerned about eggs and poultry products from the supermarkets,” said Ms Moriarty.

“This detection does not pose a risk to consumer health and the products are safe to consume if they are handled and cooked as per standard food handling practices,” the minister added.

Due to the spread of bird flu, Australia’s major supermarket chain Coles has put a cap on the purchase of eggs since last week.

Signs were seen on June 19 in one of the Coles stores in Sydney saying that due to a shortage of supply on eggs, the supermarket has introduced a temporary limit of two items per customer or transaction. XINHUA
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International Day For The Elimination Of Sexual Violence In Conflict 

Statement By Radhouane Nouicer

Thursday, 20 June 2024, 
Press Release: OHCHR

Amidst the harrowing reports of conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) in Sudan, this year marks the 10th commemoration of the International Day for the Elimination of Sexual Violence in Conflict, on 19 June, with a focus on healthcare. Attacks on healthcare have severely impacted the fundamental right to health for survivors of sexual violence.

I am appalled by instances of CRSV, including rape, gang rape, trafficking for sexual exploitation and forced prostitution, sometimes based on ethnic or tribal affiliation.

The UN Human Rights Office has documented cases of CRSV affecting at least 133 women, girls, men and boys since the current fighting began in April 2023. These cases significantly underrepresent the horror experienced by Sudanese victims, suggesting a much higher scale of sexual violence.

The majority of victims are unable to report due to shame, stigma, and fear of reprisal, to name a few. Striking facts include more than half of the incidents the Office documented are gangrape, a brutal form of sexual violence that kills. In most of the cases, victims were unable to receive immediate or adequate medical services needed in conflict areas.

In both peace and wartime, there must be an environment where medical personnel can provide necessary services to survivors of sexual violence without fear. Their commitment to serving these survivors should be respected and protected. Women and girls exposed to sexual violence, resulting in forced pregnancy, require immediate reproductive healthcare. However, Sudanese laws – particularly one that requires medically authorised evidence during investigations - have obstructed survivors' access to healthcare, resulting in serious health problems for several women and a generation of children born as a result of rape.

While commemorating the International Day for the Elimination of Sexual Violence in Conflict, I condemn all attacks on healthcare facilities, medical staff, and service providers. I also call for full access to medical care and psychosocial support for survivors to preserve their lives and dignity. This support should include economic empowerment and access to justice, with the latter eventually leading towards preventing these heinous crimes.

Let us stand together to honour the victims and survivors of sexual violence in conflict and express solidarity with the medical personnel who support them on the frontlines at great risk.

© Scoop Media

'Handcuffed like dangerous criminals': Amnesty International accuses Egypt of persecuting Sudanese refugees en masse

One day ahead of World Refugee Day, Amnesty International released a detailed report on the alleged atrocities Sudanese refugees have experienced in Egypt.

Amnesty Interantional accused Egypt of committing human rights violations against undocumented Sudanese refugees. [Getty]

Amnesty International accused Egypt on Wednesday of allegedly committing human rights violations en masse against undocumented Sudanese refugees, who fled the war-ravaged neighbouring Sudan to, arguably, face a worse fate.

In a report entitled, "Handcuffed like dangerous criminals: Arbitrary detention and forced returns of Sudanese refugees in Egypt," the international watchdog called on Egypt to immediately cease the alleged "mass arbitrary arrests and unlawful deportations of Sudanese refugees," who sought refuge in Egypt, many were reportedly kept in inhumane conditions before being forcibly deported.

The London-based watchdog claimed in the 35-page report, released a day ahead of "World Refugee Day," due on 20 June, that the Egyptian authorities had forcibly returned 800 Sudanese detainees from January to March this year.

Sudanese refugees bring their delectable cuisine to Egypt

Society

The New Arab

The Sudanese refugees were reportedly deported after they had been denied the right to claim asylum, including by the UN High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR), or to legally challenge deportation decisions.

The group said it based its findings on interviews with detained refugees and other concerned individuals, as well as a review of official statements and documents and audiovisual evidence.

In Cairo and Giza provinces in Greater Cairo, police have been reportedly conducting mass stops and identity checks targeting dark-skinned individuals, spreading fear among the refugee community with many afraid to leave their homes. Other individuals were detained in Aswan, border areas in southern Aswan province, neighbouring Sudan.

Among the atrocities detailed in the report, 14 Sudanese refugees were reportedly detained from public hospitals in Aswan, against medical advice, where they were receiving treatment for serious injuries sustained during road accidents on their journeys from Sudan to Egypt.

"Authorities transferred them…to detention, where they were forced to sleep on the ground after surgery," the report claimed.

"Amnesty International’s Evidence Lab reviewed photos and verified videos from January 2024 of women and children sitting on dirty floors amidst rubbish in a warehouse controlled by Egyptian border guards," the report added.

In recent months, anti-Sudanese sentiments have unfolded in Egypt, especially after the country witnessed a significant influx of refugees, with Egyptians accusing Sudanese nationals of causing the ongoing economic crisis in the country to worsen.

The international human rights group cited former detainees as alleging that "the warehouses were infested by rats and pigeon nests, and those detained endured cold nights with no appropriate clothing or blankets."

"Men's warehouse conditions were overcrowded, with over a hundred men crammed together and limited access to overflowing toilets, forcing them to urinate in plastic bottles at night," the report alleged.



In October 2022, the EU and Egypt signed an €80 million cooperation agreement, which included building up the capacity of Egyptian Border Guard Forces to curb irregular migration and human trafficking across Egypt's border. The agreement purports to apply "rights-based, protection-oriented and gender-sensitive approaches".

A further aid and investment package, under which migration is a key pillar, was agreed in March 2024 as part of the newly announced strategic and comprehensive partnership between the EU and Egypt.


Since the conflict in Sudan began, the Egyptian authorities have failed to provide statistics or acknowledge their policy of deportations. But it is believed that Egypt had already been home to about four million Sudanese citizens prior to the ongoing conflict.

Before war broke out in Sudan in April last year, Egypt had required only Sudanese men between the ages of 16 and 49 to obtain an entry visa.

Women, children, and the elderly were exempted from this rule. But as the number soared, Egypt required all Sudanese nationals, regardless of age or gender, to obtain a visa that took three to four months to be acquired. The Egyptian authorities justified the new measure to help limit "illegal activities," including fraud.

Earlier this month, dozens of Sudanese refugees lost their lives, including elderly citizens, women, and children. They died mainly from sunstroke and dehydration, as they reportedly attempted to cross into Egypt via Aswan inside open trucks facilitated by smugglers during a heat wave.


Meanwhile, the ministries of defence and interior did not reportedly respond to Amnesty's letters sharing its documentation and recommendations, while the state-run Egyptian National Council of Human Rights claimed that "the authorities comply with their international obligations."

When contacted by The New Arab, several Sudanese nationals living in Egypt refused to comment on the claims in the report for safety reasons.

Sudan siege bears hallmarks of brutal Darfur war

Jennifer Holleis

DW

TODAY

DW spoke to Sudanese civilians under siege in El Fasher amid attacks by the Sudanese Rapid Support Forces. Is this a repeat of the "scorched earth" tactics used in the Darfur genocide?

This woman waits to see a doctor with her baby at the Zamzam displacement camp, close to El Fasher in North Darfur, Sudan

Image: Mohamed Zakaria/MSF/REUTERS

The struggle to survive Sudan's civil war has taken its toll on Taj-Alseer Ahamed. After holding out for two months in Darfur's besieged city El Fasher, Ahamed is on the verge of breaking down.

"We don't have money to buy food or water. We don't know where our relatives are. We cannot sleep and have to hide from bullets or missiles day and night," he told DW in El Fasher.

During the first year of war, which broke out in April 2023 between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), El Fasher had turned into a relatively safe place for some 1.5 million people, including 800,000 internally displaced persons.

However, in mid-April 2024, the situation changed. The humanitarian hub, which is under SAF control, became the last major battle zone in Sudan's Darfur region, which is largely under RSF control.

As of last week, fighting in El Fasher has killed at least 226 people, according to the medical charity organization Doctors Without Borders. The United Nations also states that around 130,000 people fled the city since April.

Taj-alseer Ahamed is losing hope after an RSF attack destroyed the neighborhood in El Fasher.Image: DW

Yet, both figures might be much higher as the ongoing fighting makes it difficult to keep track of refugees and casualties.

Since the beginning of the conflict in Sudan more than a year ago, the World Health Organization estimates that around 16,000 people have been killed and 33,000 injured. The war has also displaced more than 9 million people and left some 5 million on the brink of famine.

"This is the largest humanitarian crisis on the face of the planet, and yet somehow it threatens to get worse," Linda Thomas-Greenfield, the US ambassador to the United Nations, recently said.

'Life is unbearable'

"We are just people who don't belong to any side, so why are we being shelled and killed?" asked Mohammad Mousa, an internally displaced Sudanese refugee.

"A few days ago, dozens of innocent civilians were killed by artillery fire in our neighborhood," he told DW.

Due to the shelling and the resulting chaos "we couldn't find our children." He is still in shock, but at last, the family managed to rejoin.

 

DW spoke to Mohammed Moussa in the besieged city El Fasher. He lost his house through attacks by the Rapid Support Forces that are at war with the Sudanese Armed Forces.Image: DW

Mousa's neighbor Hamid Adam showed DW the remains of his house. "It was quarter to nine in the morning when the first missile blew up on Alarbeen Street. Then the second exploded in Isa Arabi's house and the third went off in front of my house.

"This is not just artillery fire, this was a rocket that was strong enough to destroy mountains but should never be used against human beings."

Mohamed Osman, a Sudan researcher in the Africa Division of Human Rights Watch, told DW the region continues to see "relentless shelling and airstrikes, burning of residential areas and attacks that have significantly damaged infrastructure critical to the population, especially healthcare."

"Life has become unbearable for those who remain in the city," Osman said.


In addition to the attacks by the RSF, the Sudanese Armed Forces are extremely restricting and hampering access to aid, he told DW.

"This is a war crime. We need to see concerted and coordinated action to press the warring parties to allow unfettered humanitarian access."

Last Thursday, the UN Security Council passed a resolution demanding an end to the siege. The international body expressed "grave concern" over the spreading of violence in light of credible reports that the RSF is carrying out "ethnically motivated violence" in El Fasher.

However, on the ground, not much seems to be changing. DW correspondents confirmed on Tuesday that fighting was ongoing, and there was a lack of water, food and humanitarian aid.

'Scorched earth'

"What is happening in El Fasher is best described as scorched earth strategy," Hager Ali, a researcher at the German think tank GIGA Institute for Global and Area Studies, told DW.

The term "scorched earth" as a war tactic was used as early as in the violent Darfur War in 2003. Brutal attacks by the Janjaweed Forces, the predecessor of the RSF, had killed hundreds of thousands of non-Arab people.

War has raged for more than a year in Sudan between the regular military and the paramilitary Rapid Support ForcesImage: AFP

Ali points out that it seems that history is about to repeat itself in light of the siege and the shelling of El Fasher's population.

The destruction of important agricultural goods, razing villages, the systematic killing of non-Arab minorities, widespread sexual violence against women, "all of this is to make sure that even when you retreat, your enemy has absolutely nothing to gain," Ali said.

And yet, Ali doubts that El Fasher will remain under the control of the Sudanese Armed Forces.

In her view, the SAF most likely already considers Darfur as a lost case, including El Fasher.

"It would take substantial resources from the Sudanese Armed Forces to reestablish any control in Darfur but it would not translate into the same decisive victory if they were to reconquer the cities of Omdurman or Khartoum," Ali said.

However, as of now, there are neither signs that SAF troops are planning to retreat, nor that RSF troops are advancing.

For the Sudanese refugee Hamid Adam in El Fasher, this means bearing the brunt of the bleak war reality for longer.

"At night, armed groups came into our house and told us to get out," he told DW adding that "we call on the government to come and rescue us." So far, to no avail.

Sudan civil war displaces million  01:30


Mariel Müller, DW's Bureau Chief East Africa, contributed to this article.

Edited by: Maren Sass

Jennifer Holleis Editor and commentator focusing on the Middle East and North Africa