Thursday, May 14, 2020

The Sonic Structure of Shango Feasts 

The Orisha religion began in Trinidad sometime in the middle to late-19th century, originating with several thousand indentured laborers (free, not enslaved) from the areas in present-day Nigeria. (The religion was long known as Shango in Trinidad, but many worshipers now prefer the name Orisha.) Based on the veneration of a pantheon of Yoruba spirits known as orishas – with attendant spirit possession, animal sacrifice, and drumming and singing—Orisha bears strong resemblances to the Yoruba-derived religions in Cuba (SanterĂ­a) and Brazil (CandomblĂ©). As in those places, Trinidad Orisha musicians use three drums. But while Cubans play bata drums, and Brazilians play Dahomean-derived peg-style atabaques, Trinidadians use a trio of bembe drums with bent sticks. Very similar bembe drums can be observed in Nigeria today.
Like elsewhere in the diaspora, Christianity plays a central role in Trinidad Orisha—though some Orisha shrines since the late 20th century have spearheaded a more “pure” Orisha practice that renounces Christianity. Historically, the Yorubas in Trinidad syncretized their orishas with the saints of the local (French) Catholic religion.[1] As Orisha practitioners in Trinidad maintained their Christianity over generations, many became Spiritual Baptists (an Afro-Protestant faith native to the West Indies), such that “Shango-Baptists” remains a common (if derogatory, in the eyes of many) moniker on the island. (The Spiritual Baptist connection remains strong, and the setting of the Orisha ethnography below is a Spiritual Baptist church.)
Being one of three main Yoruba-derived faiths in the Americas, Trinidad Orisha has received the attention of several anthropological studies.[2] These include a Herskovitsian study on the high degree of Africanisms found in Orisha (Simpson 1965); a study of syncretism in the religion (Houk 1995); a biographical sketch of the well-known Shango leader, Papa Neezer (Henry 2008), and a study of the sociopolitical legitimization of the religion (2003); studies of spirit possession in the Orisha religion in relation to trance practices of Spiritual Baptists and Hindus (Lum 2000 and McNeal 2011, respectively); and studies of Yoruba language retentions in Trinidad (Warner-Lewis 1994; 1996). However, while at least one of these anthropologists performed Orisha drums as part of his methodology (Houk 1995), no scholar has written specifically about Orisha music.[3] When one considers that drumming and singing are nearly ever-present during Orisha rituals, it becomes clear that the study of Trinidad Orisha music is long overdue in African diaspora scholarship.
In this audio essay I look specifically at the “feast”—the  main, annual event held by an Orisha congregation—to explore the idea that music during Orisha rituals is much more than ancillary. Rather, Orisha feasts can be understood as sonically structured. In that sense, Orisha music and ritual are inseparable. While individual Orisha songs are typically brief, taking a wider view reveals long-form structures and a more complex relationship between Orisha music and time. Along these lines, Michael Tenzer argues that a useful concept in world music analysis is periodicity, which “orients us in music and a much larger hierarchy of time that connects to experience both at and beyond the scale of human lives” (Tenzer 2006:25). The Orisha feast periodicities herein described might be categorized as 1) hymn time; 2) Litany time; 3) drumming and ring march time; 4) manifestation time; 5) offering time; and 6) time for giving thanks. In Tenzer’s terms, Orisha music “orients” its participants in the feast, signaling the progression through different periods of the ritual, and, beyond the scale of participants’ lives, to the historicity of their tradition.[4]
The  recordings included in this essay were made by me in June 2014, using a Zoom H4N handheld recorder, at an Orisha feast at the Mount Moriah Spiritual Baptist Church in Brooklyn. This church was something of a home base for me during my fieldwork, especially during the summer in 2011 when I was a regular umele drummer in the Orisha scene in Brooklyn. The umele (derived from a Yoruba word in Nigeria denoting an accompanying drum) is the smallest of the three standard bembe-derived Orisha drums, all of which are played seated with either one or two curved sticks. Drumming in Orisha can easily involve 4 to 6 hours of continuous work, usually in the middle of the night. While this was tiring, the central rituals of Orisha—namely  spirit possession and animal sacrifice—are carried out mere feet from the drums (the drums being a focal point of the religion). Being a drummer at these ceremonies gave me a front row seat for the proceedings and enabled a unique perspective of Orisha ritual and structural development. Although I was not a drummer when I made the present recordings, this perspective aided me while I was attending as an onlooker, singing participant, and ethnomusicologist with recorder in hand.
While these recordings were made in Brooklyn rather than in Trinidad, for the purposes of this article they can be considered representative generally of the genre “Trinidad Orisha music” (see Bazinet 2013). Though the context of this feast is somewhat different from a Trinidadian version (indoors rather than outdoors, as would be the case in Trinidad), the music is the same. I make this statement with confidence not only based on my own frequent travels to Trinidad and to Orisha feasts there, but also due to the fact that several of the singers and drummers recorded herein split their time between Trinidad and Brooklyn, as do many other transnational West Indians. In Brooklyn, Trinidadians use music—from Orisha to soca—to recreate home in the diaspora (Bazinet 2012).[5]



Spirits, Blood and Drums: The Orisha Religion in Trinidad
James T. Houk
Copyright Date: 1995
Published by: Temple University Press
Pages: 256
https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt14bsw8x


Table of Contents

PART ONE Orisha Experiences (pp. 3-16)

Seventy to eighty people crammed themselves into a small church in Barataria in northwest Trinidad on a warm and muggy June night, and another fifty or so stood outside peering in the doors and windows. Almost everyone was African, although a few East Indians could be seen scattered here and there in the crowd. Also in attendance was a white foreigner doing his damndest to conduct himself in a manner befitting an anthropologist. The crowd engulfed and carried me as it swayed back and forth to the spiritual rhythms of an ancient religion. The clapping, singing, joy, and enthusiasm were...


TWO Religion, Postmodernism, and Methodology (pp. 17-24)

Perhaps the most problematicand troubling theoretical issue in sociocultural anthropology today is the postmodernist controversy and its ramifications for theory, fieldwork technique, and ethnographic writing. One problem is the lack of a clear statement regarding just what postmodernism is. A few works — such as George Marcus and Michael Fischer’sAnthropology as Cultural Critique(1986) and James Clifford and George Marcus’sWriting Culture(1986) — are generally recognized for their postmodernist critique of traditional ethnography, but, as Ernest Gellner (1992, 23) writes, we have “no 39 postmodernist articles of faith, no postmodernist Manifesto.”

THREE The Setting (pp. 25-44)

Trinidad lies at the southernmosttip of the Lesser Antilles and is only eleven kilometers (about seven miles) from the northern coast of Venezuela at its closest point (Annual Statistical Digest1988, 1). In fact, Venezuela is often visible from the west coast of the island if viewing conditions are good. Geologically, Trinidad lies on the South American continental shelf and is actually an extension of the South American mainland.

There are three mountainous or hilly ranges on the island, the northern, central, and southern ranges. The northern range, running roughly east to west across the entire island, is the...

PART II
FOUR African Roots of the Orisha ReligionOUR African Roots of the Orisha Religion (pp. 47-60)

The Orisha religion in Trinidad, like the other African-derived religions of the New World, originated during the colonial period when European colonizers brought in millions of Africans to work on sugar, cotton, and tobacco plantations. From the mid-fifteenth century, when the Portuguese began to colonize certain eastern Atlantic islands (the Azores, Cape Verde, the Madeiras), until 1888, when Brazil abolished slavery, the slave trade greatly affected virtually the entire Western Hemisphere, both socially and culturally.

The colonial economies were based on a variety of crops, including cacao, cotton, tobacco, and sugar. It was sugar, however, that would have the biggest...


FIVE Catholicism and the Orisha Religion (pp. 61-70)

On Easter Sunday, March 26, 1989, I attended a prayer session in an Orisha shrine north of Chaguanas in the west-central part of Trinidad. The focus of activity was a small church at the rear of the compound. In the center of the church was a large table set elaborately with candles, cakes, liquor, milk, honey, crystal, candies, and other items. In some ways the table appeared to be ready for a Spiritual Baptist “thanksgiving” (an annual prayer ceremony), yet it also resembled the Kabbalah table that serves as the focal point for Kabbalah “banquets.”


SIX The Spiritual Baptists (pp. 71-85)

The Spiritual Baptist religion is found throughout the Western Hemisphere with churches in many areas, including St. Vincent, Grenada, St. Croix, Venezuela, Guyana, and large urban areas of North America such as Toronto, Miami, New Orleans, and New York City. Many of these churches appear to have been established as the result of movement to and from as well as inside the Caribbean.

The relationship between the Spiritual Baptist and Orisha religions is much more pervasive and marked than that involving Orisha and Catholicism, Hinduism, or the Kabbalah. For one thing, the Baptist and Orisha religions often share members. Spiritual...

SEVEN Hinduism and the Kabbalah (pp. 86-104)

By 1950 or so, various Catholic elements had long been part of the Orisha religion, and the interrelationship between Spiritual Baptists andorishaworshipers was no doubt quite advanced. Sometime during the 1950s, for reasons explored below, Hinduism began to make its presence felt in the already highly eclectic Orisha religious system. About twenty years later, manyorishaworshipers began to practice the Kabbalah as well. These are the two latest additions to the Afro-American religious complex.

Hinduism has been present in Trinidad ever since Indians began arriving about 150 years ago, and it has become one of the island’s...

EIGHT Spirits and Spirit Possession (pp. 107-124)

The most significant eventin the Orisha religion is the manifestation of anorisha. The onset of anorishapossession is a startling event: the worshiper who is being manifested upon screams loudly and falls about as if being pushed and pulled by some invisible force. After this initial “settling” period, however, the “horse” dances to the beat of the drums with a beauty that has to be seen to be appreciated.

Although most possessions are somewhat predictable, there is always the possibility that something will happen to disturb the manifesting orisha. This sometimes leads to a confrontation between the...

NINE Social Organization of the Orisha Religion (pp. 125-139)

The Orisha religionis highly variable when viewed in cross section and dynamic when viewed longitudinally or across time. Whether because of opportunism, desire, or sheer necessity, it is a complex synthesis of a variety of religious traditions. Thus, those who practice the religion must be at least somewhat adept at manipulating an assortment of symbols and ideologies; this is especially true for the elders, shrine heads,mongba, andiyawho construct and maintain the shrines and actively direct the annual feasts and other important rituals.

The shrines of many of the most popular and successful heads in the religion...

TEN The Orisha and Their Abodes (pp. 140-155)

Orisha shrines vary greatlyin layout, size, and complexity, but all share certain characteristics. First, they are “earthy.” Virtually the entire shrine has a dirt floor, especially the more sacred areas; when individuals enter the sacred areas, they are expected to remove their shoes. There are various implements, utensils, candles, and so on stuck here and there in the ground; medicinal and religious plants growing in the compound; and pens holding chickens, goats, and other animals. Second, Orisha shrines are active. Candles burn constantly, and spiritual work is done almost daily in some compounds. Finally, shrines are historical. The remnants...


ELEVEN The Ebo, Feast for the Gods (pp. 156-166)

Worshipers learn muchof what they know about theorishaat the manyebothat are held during the feast season. Anywhere from a handful to dozens oforishawill manifest themselves in the course of a week-long feast. The primary functions of thepalais, chapelle, andperogunbecome clear during theebo, as does much about the liturgy, ritual behavior, and Orisha beliefs.

Theebois without question the most important ceremony in the Orisha religion. It is basically a celebration of food, dance, and song during which theorishamanifest themselves and interact with worshipers in a variety...

PART IV

TWELVE The Orisha Religion as an Open System (pp. 169-179)

Ihave focused considerable attentionthus far on the highly eclectic nature of the Orisha religion. The question naturally arises, what are the transformative processes at work in the religion — that is, those mechanisms of change that have transformed the religious system from a body of knowledge initially drawn from a single cultural tradition to one drawn from a variety of cultural traditions? Several sociocultural processes can act to shift society and culture from one state to another, ranging from nativism on the one hand to assimilation on the other. The ethnocentrism of nativism initially serves to temper any...

THIRTEEN Syncretism and Eclecticism versus Africanization (pp. 180-190)

The syncretism of Catholic saints and African gods —orisha, vodoun, or others — is one of the more salient and prevalent characteristics of African-derived religions in the New World. It was Melville J. Herskovits, in his research of the highly eclectic and multicultural Afro-American religions, who first popularized the term “syncretism” in the social sciences. Scholars have given syncretism little theoretical treatment, the more notable exceptions being Munro Edmonson (1960), Jay Edwards (1980b), and Herskovits (1948, 1955). The process itself has been investigated in the field by Bastide (1972, 1978), Edwards (1980a, 1980b), Herskovits (1937, 1943), Peter Kloss (1985),...

FOURTEEN The Transmission of Religious Knowledge in the Orisha Religion (pp. 191-198)

The structure of the Grisha religion, as we have seen, facilitates and even encourages variation. Its loose organizational structure, its oral liturgy, its multiethnic membership, and its open system make the religion a complex and dynamic system of beliefs and practices that is highly susceptible to change. Not surprisingly, then, the enculturation of Orisha religious knowledge is characterized by mechanisms that permit a fairly high degree of change from one generation to the next.

Cultural inheritance and evolution, though somewhat analogous to genetic inheritance and Darwinian evolution, are guided by different processes and motivations. Cultural inheritance and the transmission of...

FIFTEEN The Transformation of the Orisha Religious System (pp. 199-208)

The development of the Orisha religion, or at least that complex of religious activities of which it is the focus, has involved the incorporation of selected elements from four additional sources over the course of roughly 150 years. Therefore, any model of such a process needs to consider not only the components being borrowed but also the way in which these components were incorporated into the existing religious system, plus an examination of those factors — ethnicity, historical context, the nature of the borrowed traits, and so on — that influence the borrowing and incorporation process. Let us begin by...
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Appendix A A Demographic Estimate of Spiritual Baptists (pp. 211-212)


Appendix B A Demographic Estimate of Orisha Worshipers (pp. 213-214)

Orisha Trinidad: Drums and Colours

Orisha, an African-rooted religion practised in Trinidad and Tobago, has survived for generations despite much misunderstanding. David Tindall learns
It is time for the invisible to reveal themselves. The drums are speaking to the ancient ancestors of Africa. Tonight in a rural garden in central Trinidad, tradition dictates that it will be Shango, the Yoruba god of fire, thunder and lightning who will manifest himself in one of his flock, twisting and twirling in the candle shadows of the shrine. They are oblivious to the stormy accompaniment outdoors as Mother Nature plays fireworks in the midnight sky.
To the outsider this surreal scene seems like a wonderful piece of theatre, sound effects as if made to order, the dancing brilliantly choreographed by people just doing what comes naturally. To the devotee, the ebo, or feast, is much more. It is the most spiritually important ceremony in the Orisha religion; the season of sacrifice and thanksgiving, an almost week-long celebration of food, dance and song from midnight till dawn, during which time there will be many manifestations as the spirits interact in different ways with those possessed.
For anyone not brought up in the faith, the concept of being controlled by some cosmic force is hard to grasp. In fact today, as down the ages, there are those who, in their ignorance, still demonise this religion. Yet there is nothing demonic about Orisha, nothing sinister. It is a non-Christian religion, but as with other belief systems there is the notion of one supreme God — Oludumare.
Orisha spirits, many of them equated with Christian saints, are messengers between humankind and His divine Kingdom. Oya, Shango’s wife, mistress of speed and tempestuous wind, is paired with St Catherine; Oshun, goddess of water and beauty, with St Philomena; Osain, Yoruba god of herbal medicine, healing and prophecy, with St Francis; Shakpana, also a healer particularly of children’s illnesses, with St Jerome; Ogun, the warrior god of iron and steel, with St Michael.
Historically, Orisha worshippers have shown a preference for aspects of the Catholic faith, though the dogma of the Church is virtually ignored. In the early 19th century West African slaves in Trinidad were sometimes baptised into Catholicism en masse; it seems likely that many Orishas used the paraphernalia of the Catholic church as camouflage behind which they hid their African beliefs and practices. Their faith was not to be diminished by oppression. And yet, as we draw towards the end of another millennium the religion is still unrecognised by the census-takers of multi-cultural, multi-religious Trinidad and Tobago. There is still in place an outdated law which forbids the rites and rituals of the religion, though the status of Orisha worship in Trinidad is on the rise and its open appeal to the middle classes is apparently increasing. There is also an Orisha Marriage Bill presently undergoing final revision by the religion’s Council of Elders.
Some people have come to this African-based faith as an act of political and ideological self-expression, a way of reclaiming their identity within the cultural “callaloo” that is Trinidad today. As I see it, the grassroots devotee derives a sense of well-being and self-worth from practising a religion which is essentially community-based and in such close touch with Nature. The saints or gods are there to help the faithful cope with the stresses and strains of life, to protect the water, the soil, food, the roadways. Since there is no written liturgy in the Orisha faith, no sacred book, the continuity and uniformity of the religion depends on oral traditions maintained through the generations.
The structure of each shrine is basically the same, and so are the various objects or symbols inside. In the palais, the open-sided part of the building where the singing, dancing and drumming takes place, there are candles burning in all four corners, into which sweet olive oil or water will be poured from time to time as offerings to the gods, and at one end of the room, in front of the three drummers, there is Ogun’s sword embedded in the earthen floor. Around the blade are candles, bottles of olive oil, water or rum. An adjoining room, the chapelle, houses any statues or lithographs of the saints, crucifixes, candles, pots of water, bottles of olive oil and “tools” associated with the deities: swords, a double-bladed wooden axe, Shango’s principal icon, cutlasses, ceremonial brooms, chac-chacs and the shepherd’s crook. Every chapelle has its collection of thunderstones taken from some sacred place and usually kept in white dishes so they can be fed periodically with olive oil.
In a corner of the garden or compound of the shrine is the perogun, an area where a number of flags on 20-foot bamboo poles have been planted, flying the individual colours of those gods expected to “enter” on any particular night. Worshippers consider flags a conduit through which spirits may visit the shrine. It is here in this corner that the slaying of any sacrificial animals takes place. Candles and stools are also placed at various points in the garden for the convenience of powerful deities, and there is always a water trough or pond, because many spirits are also water gods. Water and blood are reckoned, as well, to be powerful matrices of spirit force. It seems that spirits, like people, demand a lot of attention and respect.
Tonight a red flag flies for Shango. Inside the building the drums are pounding in a call-and-response pattern. The worshippers swaying and chanting are somehow insulated from the thunder and lightning playing havoc beyond their enclave. No-one who experiences the exhausting drama of spirit possession will have any memory of what happened. Nor will they feel any pain should they take a bad fall. Feet that have walked through flame will show no scars. These people will feel only an inner strength, by divine grace, a kind of rebirth.
Shango is expected to manifest himself within one of those dancing inside the palais, but tonight is different and no-one within seems to notice that a middle-aged man who had been talking with friends on a verandah outside the shrine is now flat on his back in the mud and rain, stretched out like a corpse. I was talking to him a few hours ago — a quiet, avuncular man who had travelled to the Ebo every night during the week from his home 20 miles away in Port of Spain. Here he is now, entrenched in the garden, but suddenly starting to move, feet first, in seemingly uncontrollable spasms. The sheer effort of moving forward, inch by inch, towards the candle flame in the doorway of the palais, seems almost too much for him, judging by his facial contortions. It is as though the Earth’s magnetism is reluctant to let him go. He is like a prisoner trying to free himself from invisible shackles.
Now the chanting, dancing throng inside become aware that the manifestation they are awaiting indoors is slowly emerging from the storm. A single candle in the doorway shows the way, and olive oil is poured along the route. As if lifting some enormous weight, he heaves himself out of the quagmire and crashes awkwardly into the door frame, one leg twisted beneath him. The atmosphere is electric, the air filled with incense offered to the four corners of the building (no different from the Catholic high mass). The drums and chanting reach a crescendo; women in white make the way clear for the man being “ridden” by the spirit. Gradually he stands, and moves into the light as though dragging chains.
He is divested of the sharp-edged jewellery around his neck and anything else that might cause injury to himself or anyone else, and his trousers are rolled up to the knee. Finally, as he tries to hold his balance, he is tied around the waist and shoulder with a length of red cloth. Then he staggers through the worshippers and into the chapelle which is said to be his earthly domain. In a matter of minutes he re-emerges, straight as a ramrod now, clutching the shepherd’s crook.
Shango surveys his flock slowly with the care and concern of a father checking that all is well. His eyes, his face, speak volumes as the drums roll.
From the chapelle the head of the shrine, Mother Joan, brings in the candle-lit dish containing sweet olive oil and the sacred thunderstone (this one from Mount St Benedict). She stands before Shango as devotees come in turn to kneel and receive his blessings. It is a powerful scene in which there is obvious respect for the shepherd in their midst guiding their every move.
And Shango himself, it seems, is not without a guardian. His wife, Oya, has now manifested herself in one of the white-robed ladies and is twirling around the floor brandishing an axe, as if to ward off unwanted spirits or visitors. She is a human tempest, one second in the centre of the floor and the next spinning outside into the storm to check the compound for anything amiss. She stops, axe in hand, in front of people standing in the garden. She gestures that she wants them inside the palais; her face carries that simple message. One woman runs off into the night, shrieking.
The blessings, the singing, chanting and drumming go on until a cock crowing signals the thin light of dawn. Only then does the torrential rain stop and worshippers begin to step out into the warm promise of sunshine. Everyone is smiling and you’d think they were just arriving, fresh as paint, for a garden party.
It had been the same all week: a gathering of 60 or 70 people, young and elderly, from far and near, who came to Mother Joan’s ebo around 10 p.m. every evening in a head-tie and dress of a different colour to please the spirits.
During this week of marathons, Wednesday was yellow for the god Osain, he who protects the forest, who can help people in distress, who can find jobs for them, and food. He has another attribute I would like to have known about sooner, as a long-time sufferer with back pain: Osain is also said to be a very good chiropractor.
Shango’s night had so appropriately coincided with thunder and lightning; Osain’s evening is dry — and yet wet with moonlight, palms pointing silver fingers into the shrine. Typically the celebration begins with Christian prayers, the drums rolling quietly behind the Hail Marys. Then all sound ceases briefly, and when the drums start again they are speaking a different language, and so are the worshippers. Instantly we are in West Africa, and the song leader guides us through the musical offerings to different gods. There will be invitation songs, all sung in Yoruba, asking the orishas, or saints, to visit the shrine and possess one of the devotees. There will be acceptance songs as an expression of gratitude after manifestations, and work songs sung while a spirit is attending to or consulting with someone. There are also pleasure songs to entertain the gods after they have completed their work.
Usually the song leader sings for the saints in a particular order but since there is no written liturgy the order may differ from shrine to shrine. Generally the sequence starts with songs for Eshu, the gateman, opening the way to the spiritual experience, then Ogun, the protector, followed by Osain, Shakpana, Emanje (St Anne), Oshun and Erele (equated with Jonah, not as a saint, but as more of a prophet, which I suppose is reasonable, given his adventures at sea). Osain who is said to take special care of children is very popular at Mother Joan’s shrine. She’s had 10 of her own, six of them still at home, and there are grandchildren. Tonight, the palais is jumping with manifestations, at one point half a dozen at a time. There is an explosion of drums and colour.
Several men, at the height of spirit possession, walk on burning coals without a hint of pain. Osain, I’m told, sometimes feels uncomfortable unless there is fire and the sight of men treading the glowing embers is proof, apparently, that he is there. One of Mother Joan’s daughters glides gracefully towards the drummers with a live morocoy perfectly balanced upon her head, the top of its shell lit by four candles. The morocoy is one of the favoured offerings to Osain. So is the white goat which is also brought into the throng to be washed and anointed with oil. There it stands, chewing, blissfully unconcerned. Finally it is led to all four candle-lit corners along with other live offerings — a pair of ducks, a pair of hens, a pair of chickens. A man picks up the goat and dances with it draped around his neck Then, amid the song and dance of celebration, and a puff of incense, a pair of hands holds aloft a baby, only one month old, while prayers are sung for Osain to bestow his blessings upon the child.
And so the night’s spiritual activity moves on relentlessly towards its finale in the moonlit garden, the drummers having re-assembled beneath the flags to welcome those bringing their animals to the sacrificial altar. Prayers are chanted and the first in line, the white goat, no longer chewing, finds himself being danced around again — this time on Mother Joan’s shoulders. A final fling. Then, it is quickly over. The cutlass falls.
Osain was well served this night. In the days to come, all the food, when prepared, will be given to the needy in the district, and beneath the flags in Mother Joan’s shrine will lie some evidence to commemorate her Ebo. In this case it will be the morocoy.
There will be many such ebos in the months of the feast season, and some worshippers, along with drummers, will travel around from one to another. I should mention that not all the shrines sacrifice animals. Some prefer to offer fruit instead, either on moral or financial grounds, or perhaps a combination of both.
According to the most recent count there are now 70 Orisha shrines in Trinidad. But invitations to visit any one of them do not come easily, and that is understandable. The Orisha religion is often misinterpreted even among those who profess religious tolerance, and devotees are cautious about outsiders. In fact until fairly recently in the minds of many Trinidadians the name Shango, and the wild images that it might conjure, had come to epitomise Orisha worship. Way back in history the label stuck because Shango was King of the Oyo people (hence his wife’s name Oya) who were prominent among the enslaved Yoruba. In African theology, Shango is one of the gods who originally walked the earth.
It is interesting that Mother Joan’s shrine is in the middle of a Hindu community who fly different flags for different spirits in their gardens. Some of the Hindus happily come to Orisha ceremonies and vice versa: religious tolerance in practice. History is important to all religious communities, including the Orishas, which might explain the tendency these days towards Africanisation. After all, it is said that a people without a history is like a tree without roots.
Maybe one day the census-takers will visit an Ebo, and amid the drums and colours of an African rainbow, what is officially invisible will be revealed.
David Tindall is a former BBC correspondent who was their man in West Africa during Nigeria’s Biafra War


© MEP Publishers | Orisha Trinidad: Drums and Colours | Caribbean Beat Magazine https://www.caribbean-beat.com/issue-34/drums-and-colours#ixzz6MT5VYE7g
What is Global Environmental History? 
Conversation with Piero Bevilacqua, Guillermo Castro, Ranjan Chakrabarti, Kobus du Pisani, John R. McNeill, Donald Worster 

The following telematic debate has provided historians from different historiographic traditions and distant countries with an opportunity to compare views on the diff erent interpretive paradigms. A wide range of subjects was covered: the definition of the discipline’s fi eld of research, themes, and chronological scope; the relationship between global and local; the role of the West in history and historiography; the perspective of the dominated; the discipline’s role in policy making; and its relationship with the natural sciences. 

http://www.environmentandsociety.org/sites/default/files/key_docs/Forum-GE-2-2008_0.pdf