Tuesday, September 01, 2020


New research provides solution for the 'Dust Bowl paradox'

THE NATURAL PHENOMENA MISNAMED AFTER STALIN

Experimental drought shelter near Hays, Kansas Credit: Alan Knapp
Almost 100 years ago, there was a strange, slow-motion takeover of the Great Plains. During the Dust Bowl of the 1930s, as a historic heatwave and drought swept the middle of the United States, there was a dramatic shift in the types of plants occupying the region.
Grasses more common in the cooler north began taking over the unusually hot and dry southern plains states that were usually occupied by other .
At the time, of course, this shift in plant cover was not the top concern during a disaster that displaced some 2.5 million people and caused at least $1.9 billion in agricultural losses alone. And, in fact, it didn't seem all that strange—until scientists started learning more about these types of plants.
"What happened only became a mystery much later, based on our subsequent understanding of the traits of the species that replaced each other," said Alan Knapp, a University Distinguished Professor in Colorado State University's Department of Biology in the College of Natural Sciences and the senior ecologist for CSU's Graduate Degree Program in Ecology.
During the 1960s, researchers found that there was a distinct ecological difference between these two types of what were thought of as warmer- and cooler-climate grasses (one group, known as "C4" use photosynthesis to produce a compound with four carbon atoms, compared to the other, known as "C3," whose first photosynthesis compound is composed of just three carbon atoms). The C4 grasses grow best in warm temperatures and are more efficient at using water. The C3 grasses tend to be most abundant in cooler and wetter climates.
Which raised the question: Why, during an infamous drought and heatwave, would C3 grasses suddenly invade some 135,000 square miles of the south-central U.S. Thus was born the "Dust Bowl paradox."
This is not just a matter of historical curiosity. As  accelerates, grasslands, which cover some 30% to 40% of the globe's land surface, are already seeing rising temperatures and extreme variations in rainfall and are expected to experience even more extreme droughts. And, noted Knapp, "they are a vital part of the local economies wherever they occur." So, understanding what precipitated the Dust Bowl's sudden shift in  species—and their knock-on effects—is an increasingly pressing question.
"Because such extreme droughts are predicted to be more common in the future with climate change, it's important to understand why these grasslands responded the way they did, which was exactly the opposite that one would predict based on their traits," Knapp said.
Now, Knapp and his colleagues have found an answer to this question. In a new paper, published this week in Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, they describe a four-year artificial drought experiment carried out in Kansas and Wyoming grasslands that offers a solution to the mystery of the Dust Bowl paradox.
"This study unlocks a puzzle about why C3 grasses can outcompete C4 grasses in hot, dry conditions," said coauthor Yiqi Luo of the Center for Ecosystem Science and Society at Northern Arizona University. "As the global climate shifts and precipitation patterns change, this new lens is an important tool to predict future vegetation dynamics and carbon storage."
New Research Provides Solution for the 'Dust Bowl Paradox'
Colorado State University researchers record plant species in an experimental plot Credit: Alan Knapp
This gets us back to the mystery. Why would these cool-loving, less-water-efficient C3 grasses have come to dominate the central U.S. during a historic heatwave and drought? Knapp and his colleagues discovered that it had less to do with the amount of precipitation and much more to do with when that precipitation falls.
During a normal growing year in the southern U.S. plains, the bulk of the moisture falls in the summer, during the growing season. But in the northern grasslands, precipitation patterns are more even throughout the year. It turns out that this is also what happens during extreme drought—precipitation is much less tied to the warm months, occurring more evenly through the year.
So, with precipitation falling in patterns more like the northern plains during a drought in the south, C3 grasses found the bounds of their preferred rainfall dynamics extending southward. And they proliferated.
The researchers also found that the encroachment of C3 plants has a sort of self-fueling power. Because they start growing earlier in the year, "they can preemptively use soil water before C4 plants become active, further reducing the growth of C4 species," Knapp said.
These results are not simply a question of counting and tracking species. The different types of grasses also have different characteristics that can lead to changes in the overall ecosystem, climate, and land use.
For example, C3 grasses tend to green up an average of a full month before C4 grasses but die back sooner, shifting the region's soil-air carbon exchange. Being less efficient with water, C3 grasses suck up more moisture from the soil, which has a compounding effect, particularly during years when water is already scarce.
The time of year they grow matters too.
"All plants, when actively growing and green, evaporate substantial amounts of water from their leaves," Knapp explained. "This has a local cooling effect. Because C3 grasses grow when it is cool (in the spring) but not in the middle of the summer, the cooling effect is lost when it is needed most—during the hot summer months. This means that the shift from C4 to C3 growth patterns could result in hotter summers."
The team plans to continue studying the impacts of these seasonal changes—and recovery from them.
"After the decade-long Dust Bowl drought, remnants of the drought's impact on the plant communities were evident for 20 years," Knapp said. So the group is now monitoring how long it will take their experimental plots to recover after their four-year experiment.
"As such a globally extensive system, grasslands play a large role in the global carbon cycle and vegetation-atmospheric interactions," Knapp said, which is why understanding such large-scale historical events will be critical in preparing for climate changes of the future.
The paper, "Resolving the Dust Bowl paradox of grassland responses to extreme drought," appeared Aug. 24 in PNAS, along with a paper by a fellow Department of Biology faculty member, University Distinguished Professor Diana Wall, who coauthored a paper titled, "Genetic diversity of soil invertebrates corroborates timing estimates for past collapses of the West Antarctic Ice Sheet."

Explore further
Warm springs bring early, rapid plant growth, and severe droughts

More information: Alan K. Knapp et al, Resolving the Dust Bowl paradox of grassland responses to extreme drought, Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (2020). DOI: 10.1073/pnas.1922030117
Gemma E. Collins et al. Genetic diversity of soil invertebrates corroborates timing estimates for past collapses of the West Antarctic Ice Sheet, Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (2020). DOI: 10.1073/pnas.2007925117

DUTCH PM TO SIT WITH 

ANTI-BLACKFACE PROTESTERS, 

BLM ORGANIZERS




Thousands in Amsterdam turn out in support of Black Lives Matter after the death of George Floyd in America. June 1, 2020NL Times / Byron MühlbergNL Times
Prime Minister Mark Rutte and Minister Wouter Koolmees of Social Affairs and Employment will be meeting with representatives of the organizations behind anti-racism protests in the Netherlands on Wednesday. They will discuss "the common question of how racism can be tackled in various areas in society and how the discussion about racism can be conducted in a good way", government information service RVD said on Tuesday.
The meeting will be with representatives of Black Lives Matter Nederland, a coalition of activists and organizations against racism in the Netherlands, and Kick Out Zwarte Piet, a group of activists that have been campaigning for the Netherlands to stop using black face in its Sinterklaas celebrations for years. 
During the height of the Black Lives Matter protests in June, the Prime Minister was praised for meeting with people who were at the forefront of the racism debate. Though he was also criticized as none of the people involved in Black Lives Matter Nederland were invited to that meeting. 
Kick Out Zwarte Piet (KOZP) accused Rutte of holding the meeting so that there could be a photo opportunity for the press, rather than actually trying to fight racism in the Netherlands. "The structure of the conversation and the Prime Minister's invitation policy together give the strong impression that this is more about a PR stunt than a sincere conversation to combat institutional ant anti-black racism in concrete terms. The organizers of the Black Lives Matter demonstrations have received no invitation to this conversation," KOZP said at the time.
The activist group, which was prominently involved in organizing the Black Lives Matter protests in the country in June, also took issue with the government's choice in wording - similar wording to what was used in the announcement of Wednesday's meeting. "We regret that Prime Minister Rutte stated that he wants to talk to 'participants in Black Lives Matter demonstrations' about 'how the conversation about racism in society can be properly conducted', and not how policy can be developed to fight racism," KOZP said. "We see this as a diversion from not talking about the calls from the EU and ECRI, among others, to formulate a national approach to fight against racism."
The meeting will take place at Catshuis, the Prime Minister's residence in The Hague, on Wednesday afternoon. 


In October 2018, we reported on Zimbabwean woman who appeared to be guilty of child trafficking in the eyes of the authorities, when all she wanted to do was bring her nine-year-old son to join her in Cape Town. Photo: Bernard Chiguvare
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Moral panic over human trafficking is hurting children, says report

State is using anti-trafficking measures “to justify practices that violate” rights. The moral panic is being used by authorities to discourage migrants.
  • A report has been published that says points to a harmful moral panic about child trafficking.
  • The moral panic is being used by authorities to discourage migrants.
  • The rights of children are being violated by the application of trafficking laws.

A recently published report suggests that incidents of “child trafficking” in South Africa are exaggerated and that migrant children are bearing the brunt of this “myth”.
The study was conducted by Dr Rebecca Walker and Dr Stanford Mahati, both from the African Centre for Migration and Society at the University of the Witwatersrand, along with Centre for Child Law (CCL) researcher Isabel Magaya.
It was commissioned by the Centre “out of a concern that the moral panic around child trafficking in South Africa is used to discourage cross-border migration and impinge on peoples rights”.
Also, the report says, there were concerns that state officials, who deal with undocumented migrant children, are using using child trafficking measures “to justify practices that violate the rights of children”.
The authors looked at legislation, prosecutions, “myths and realities” and oversaw field work in which, amongst others, “children on the move” were interviewed.
Their findings reflected that the discourse of child trafficking did not reflect the realities on the ground and is “based more on speculation and a moral panic shaped by anecdotal evidence”.
While their study was done on a relatively small scale in Cape Town, Gauteng, Ehlanzeni District and Musina, it showed the majority of child migrants had not been trafficked.
And there was limited understanding by key people, including border control officials, as to what legally constitutes child trafficking.
“Most children have either made a decision on their own to come to South Africa or have been influenced by their peers or relatives, including parents, to come here to improve their economic situation and access basic services like education.
“Though the movement of children under these conditions challenges norms about the ideal childhood and exposes children to a number of vulnerabilities, this does not mean that their experiences can, conveniently, be described as trafficking,” the authors said.
“Describing them as such is dangerous and generates a lot of problems in the lives of children on the move.
“Furthermore, the complex, everyday realities of children crossing borders, including the risks they face in encountering corruption amongst border officials, confronting xenophobia, and being denied access to documents, do not fit with an overall focus on children as victims who need to be ‘put back in place’ in their own countries or homes.”
Underlying these challenges was access to documentation which enabled access to education.
Barriers made migrant children more vulnerable and more at risk of being “trafficked”.
Harsh immigration and migration policies, founded on an anti-trafficking stance, “misrepresent and diminish the severity of many of the key vulnerabilities faced by migrant children”.
“They also heighten the risks that children face as their experiences, which do not amount to trafficking, are ignored and sidelined.
“The key to considering the experiences of children on the move is recognising that in reality the migration of children is unlikely to change. “
They said any approach directed at children should focus on facilitating safer movement, ensuring access to support, and making sure children were documented so as to reduce the risk of greater harm.
The authors said a much larger, comprehensive study was needed to formulate a reliable picture of child trafficking in a broader context of child migration.
“This can then inform policy making and, most importantly, challenge claims that are based on myth rather than evidence,” they concluded.
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Chadwick Boseman: In celebration of a life well lived. An embodiment of service, accomplishment, compassion and modesty.


Andrew Chatora

When posterity gets to write the history of Black icons, then Chadwick Boseman’s name will forever be permanently etched in the top echelons of Black people’s hall of fame folklore.

I woke up to the sad news of his passing on in the early hours of Saturday morning 29th August 2020. For one so unassuming, none would have ever known Boseman was privately battling colon cancer for four years, since 2016. Yet in recent months, I saw pictures of him visiting young children with cancer at St Jude’s Research Hospital in Tennessee where he distributed toys, joy, courage and inspiration, yet he never gave anything away, as he constantly flashed his trademark Wakanda grin and wide smile, accentuated by the dazzling white teeth which melted hearts of global fans of Black Panther.

At 43, it is a life cut tragically short, yet we have to celebrate Boseman’s remarkable filmography and his acting prowess. He certainly cemented his place and legacy amongst Black Pride, Black History, Black Culture and Black Consciousness inter-alia. Who can forget his mesmerising performance as fictional T’Challa, charismatic leader of utopian nation of Wakanda in Marvel films which earned a legion of global fans?

My 12-year-old son, Ethyn texted me visibly dejected at learning of the passing of an icon, he so venerated and idolised;

‘‘That’s so unfortunate Dad, I was looking forward to Black Panther 2. I couldn’t even tell he had cancer, yet he still made films for us, that’s sad.’’


Parents all over the world shared photos of their kids paying tribute to actor Chadwick Boseman, with many posing alongside Marvel Universe action figures and doing the 'Wakanda Forever' salute. https://t.co/hCD4j5QPK8 pic.twitter.com/ZjnubhpdvV

— ABC News (@ABC) August 31, 2020



Such apt, poignant remarks from a 12-year old lad in themselves microcosmic of a global consciousness and loss serves to underscore Boseman’s cultural capital and lofty stature with all and sundry. As testament to his enduring appeal to youngsters, there’s a beautiful poem written, so soon after news of his death filtered; reflecting his role in inspiring young black children. I quote verbatim, the opening lines of the poem;

How do we say thank you?

For the Kings and Queens, you created

The superheroes you inspired

The Black Children who will dream bigger

Because of You

Your Representation

Your Beautiful Black Skin

As the poem attests; Boseman was a hero to fans, young and old who needed to see their own potential represented on screen. This is more in tandem with Erykah Badu’s observation; ‘‘we as Black people have to tell our own stories. We have to document our History. When we allow someone else to document our History, the History becomes twisted and we get written out.’’ I find a lasting resonance with this statement, even though Black Panther was fictional but there is a certain consolation in seeing one of our own on screen; and that was what Boseman represented. Black Panther was eulogised as a cultural milestone for having a predominantly black cast.


We as Black people have to tell our own stories. We have to document our History. When we allow someone else to document our History, the History becomes twisted and we get written out.

Boseman contributed immensely to Black Pride through his powerful, dignified and humanising portrayals of African American leaders such as baseball great Jackie Robinson in 42 (2013), future Supreme Court Justice Thurgold Marshall in the eponymous 2017 legal drama, and soul star James Brown in the musical biography Get on Up (2014), among other stellar performances. It is testament to his remarkable fortitude and resilience Boseman continued working despite his diagnosis; including his work on Black Panther shot in 2017; a befitting acknowledgment made earlier by my 12-year-old son Ethyn, himself an ardent Boseman fan.


Chadwick came to the White House to work with kids when he was playing Jackie Robinson. You could tell right away that he was blessed. To be young, gifted, and Black; to use that power to give them heroes to look up to; to do it all while in pain – what a use of his years. https://t.co/KazXV1e7l7

— Barack Obama (@BarackObama) August 29, 2020
In a career spanning over two decades, Boseman rose through the ranks working himself up the proverbial rungs starring in shows such as; Law & Order (2004), CSI: New York (2006) and Lincoln Heights (2008-9) among others. But it was in 42, a sports film where he made his breakthrough reprising his role as Robinson the American professional baseball player. That breakthrough performance catapulted him to instant stardom; replicated in subsequent productions such as Get on Up and Draft Day (2014). 2014 marked a significant milestone which saw his transformation from superstar to superhero. Marvel Studios unveiled him as the persona who would front Black Panther, the historic first Black superhero on the big screen. From then on, Boseman’s superhero legend status was sealed even in real life where the film went on to gross herculean success snapping up galore awards and breaking cinematic historical boundaries. It became the first superhero film nominated for best picture at the Oscars.

Black Panther, a film which heralded the Afro futurist Wakanda nation and establishing T’Challa as its new ruler following the assassination of his father. This was more than a film or merely another gratuitous popular culture spectacle. It was a cultural magna carta moment, not lost on the fans, some of whom went to cinemas in traditional African clothing to celebrate its depiction of black heritage and the fictional kingdom of Wakanda. In fact Director Ryan Coogler’s Black Panther film was charting new territory in cinematic history. This was huge and a seminal moment in the making – a breakthrough in media representations for Black audiences who hitherto had been subjected to tokenism representations in the Sci-Fi genre. The validation for this film’s success is all too palpable in the array of awards it bagged, not least being the first superhero film to earn a Best Picture nomination at the Academy Awards. Unsurprisingly, its success also had lucrative returns for the Marvel cinematic franchise whose global audience share skyrocketed. The film destroyed racist stereotypes not least that Hollywood couldn’t make big money from films dominated by black talent. ‘‘Rather than dodge complicated themes about race and identity, the film grapples head on with the issues affecting modern day black life,’’ said journalist Jamil Smith in Time magazine.Chadwick Boseman and Danai Gurira speaking at the 2016 San Diego Comic Con International, for “Black Panther”, at the San Diego Convention Center in San Diego, California. Photo credit: Gage Skidmore/Flickr/ Attribution-ShareAlike 2.0 Generic (CC BY-SA 2.0)

The New York Times dubbed the film a ‘‘a defining moment for black America.’’ Two years on, it says it remains a ‘‘cultural touchstone – the first major superhero movie with an African protagonist; the first to star a majority black cast; and in Ryan Coogler, the first to employ a black writer and director.’’ As well as Boseman’s powerhouse performance, it showcased the likes of exciting young actors such as Lupita Nyong’o, Danai Gurira, Daniel Kaluuya and Letitia Wright among others.

Through his sterling portrayal of T’Challa, Boseman is credited as an epitome of Black excellence, strength, intelligence, compassion and respect. As Breznican and Busis (2020) observed; ‘‘the joy of the Wakanda story was that it was a nation that had never been conquered; it was able to harness its people’s ingenuity and its cache of the cosmic element Vibranium to create a peaceful, futuristic society untouched by colonialism or oppression. It was a better world, led by powerful, noble-hearted rulers. T’Challa was its embodiment.’’ Our post-independence African leaders have a lot to learn from this Wakanda self-sufficiency model and use of their resources unlike what currently obtains where a nation’s resources are at the behest of personal aggrandisement of rulers and their clansmen.

T’Challa’s journey continued in subsequent films; he lived to fight another day in Avengers: Infinity War (2018), in which Wakanda was the central background in the struggle to protect the universe, and Avengers: Endgame(2019), in which T’Challa returned triumphantly to defeat the all powerful warlord who had threatened all existence.
Chadwick Boseman is Black Panther Photo Credit Lupita Nyong’o Facebook Page

Sadly, for many, not least my son Ethyn, a Boseman super-fan; it must have eluded them Boseman would return for Black Panther 2 given the tragic ending of Infinity War film in which T’Challa was amongst some of the characters who faded away into oblivion. There is however the stoic optimism endowed in lifelong faithfuls who in the world of make believe popular culture anything is pretty much possible and perhaps, but just, they had hoped the fading of T’Challa in the tragic ending of Infinity War would be reversed; – but then the events of 29th of August have robbed us and them the chance to witness our superhero Boseman reprising his awe inspiring role onscreen again. The dilemma for the future remains on how to proceed with Black Panther 2, without its charismatic lead. Calling a halt to the series with so much money at stake appears a long shot; however, things pan out Marvel studios will have a real decision to make.

As one fellow fan of Chadwick aptly put it; Boseman was a beacon of light to people across the globe. His role in Black Panther was ground-breaking and iconic. For many black children, he was the first major superhero they could identify with. Rest in power to a genuine, virtuous hero. Wakanda forever and always.

I couldn’t agree with you more mate, I feel the numbing, gnawing pain at the untimely loss of a life so young, but snuffed out in it’s prime, one who had so much boundless potential, kindness and compassion to give to humanity. Thank you for rising, for lifting, for elevating Black Pride. Rest in Peace my brother. Till We Meet Again. Wakanda forever.

Author’s Bio:
Andrew Chatora teaches English, Media and Sociology at The Bicester School in Oxfordshire, England, where he manages The Media Department. He writes here in his personal capacity.


Made by History
Perspective

The history of racist colonial violence can help us understand police violence

Colonialism defined Blackness as inferiority
Oxford college backs removal of Cecil Rhodes statue | University of Oxford  | The Guardian
A likeness of Cecil Rhodes, the Victorian imperialist who supported apartheid-style measures in southern Africa, is seen mounted on the facade of Oriel College in Oxford, England, on June 9. (Matt Dunham/AP)Oxford college recommends removal of Cecil Rhodes statue

The recent police killings of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor and others have reignited a global movement against police violence and brutality. Black Lives Matter activists of various racial backgrounds have united to call attention to the devaluation of Black life in the United States and across the globe. As these activists have made clear, the problem of police violence is rooted in anti-Black racism

Even more, police violence in Black communities is rooted in the history of colonialism. This history, which dates to the 15th century, set in place a system of subjugation and control through conquest of the Americas and the enslavement of Africans. By remapping the world through colonial violence, European powers did more than brutalize non-White races — they carved out the very framework of racial categories as a way to justify their domination.

These racial categories remain firmly intact, shaping interactions between Black people and police forces. Present-day policing practices continue to mirror the colonialism that shaped the history of Africa since the 19th century.
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The German annihilation of the Herero people in South West Africa — what is now Namibia — stands out as a tragic example of how racism fueled violence. It is considered the first genocide of the 20th century. In the late 19th century, Germans had established several colonies in Africa, including South West Africa, which they saw as suitable for German settlement. The peoples living in the region — including the Herero, Nama and Khoikhoi — attempted to accommodate and resist German power. As German settlers came in greater numbers, they appropriated the land and cattle of the native Herero population and relied on their coerced and enslaved labor.

Although the Herero resisted, the Germans fought them. Gen. Lothar von Trotha and members of his military decided not merely to triumph over the local population but to annihilate them. Those who survived were separated from their cattle, denied access to water and forced to cross the desert near Botswana — a death march where many met their end. In 1904 alone, over 80 percent of the Herero population was wiped out. By then, Von Trotha had already honed his methods of colonial violence and even took pride in his tactics: “I destroy the African tribes with streams of blood and streams of money. Only following this cleansing can something new emerge, which will remain.”

Survivors were sent to Shark Island, a narrow peninsula jutting out into the Atlantic Ocean where Germany built one of its first concentration camps. Concentration camps were a technology created and refined in colonial settings, and many were produced during the same time period: by Germany in South West Africa, by Spain in Cuba, by Britain in South Africa, by the United States in the Philippines and so on.
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On Shark Island, the Herero and Nama peoples were beaten and starved, forced into physical and sexual slavery. Furthermore, as theorist Mahmood Mamdani points out, German geneticist Eugen Fischer ran medical breeding experiments on the Herero in concentration camps to study their physical and mental attributes. The scientific ideas developed in the colony were brought back to German institutions, where Fischer’s studies were later read by Adolf Hitler. One of Fischer’s students, Josef Mengele, later conducted human experimentation and sent people to their death in the Auschwitz gas chambers.

Before informing Nazi Nuremberg laws, Fischer’s experiments had an immediate effect on German colonies. After forcibly “breeding” Indigenous women with White Germans to study their offspring, he argued that people of different races should not be permitted to reproduce. His studies were used to validate racist conceptions of Black inferiority. The interplay of legal, scientific and cultural discourse within the colonies worked together to produce and maintain racial hierarchies.

Between 1904 and 1914, German officials debated and produced legislation based upon assumptions of race prohibiting interracial marriages in many territories. The May 1912 Reichstag debate on interracial marriages in the colonies brought racialized sexual politics to a national stage. Deputy Gov. Hans Tecklenburg considered mixed children “a cause of great concern and … highly dangerous in view of the situation in German South-West Africa.” He argued that “they not only have a negative effect on the purity of the German race and German civilization but also endanger the position of power of the white man in general.”

The United States legally banned interracial marriage for similar reasons. American laws devised from the 1600s, for example, defined the status of the children between Black enslaved people and White enslavers according to the “condition of the mother.” If the mother was Black, her children were legally designated as Black and thus considered enslaved people and property — or inheritable real estate of the enslaver, according to a 1705 Virginia legislative act. Categorizing the children of White fathers and Black mothers as Black largely kept those children from inheriting the land of the White enslaver as they were inheritable pieces of property. These German and U.S. legislative examples show that legal and state structures arbitrarily produced racial groups in a way that benefited Whiteness — and those considered Black were left with the ideological baggage that came with it.


1: Open-shaft diamond mining in Kimberly, South Africa, ppt download

Europeans justified the colonial project by framing it as a civilizing mission, a sentiment symbolically encapsulated in Rudyard Kipling’s phrase “white man’s burden.” The phrase conveyed an effort to civilize through the introduction of Western norms and to do so through the imposition of Western law. The colonial state set the colonizer apart from the colonized. It legally distinguished between a “civilized” political minority and a “not-yet-civilized” majority. It also helped make discrimination against the majority who were shut out of the state’s system of rights seem like the natural state of things. Race became the defining concept that marked the difference between these groups.

The production of Blackness as a racial and ideological category was evident in other ways. During the 19th and 20th centuries, the public display of Black people in Europe reinforced the idea of Blackness as inferior. This was made clear in the example of Saartjie Baartman, the South African woman taken to Europe and placed on display in a human zoo. When Baartman died, she was dissected and studied by French scientist Georges Cuvier. Her body parts were then put on display in a Paris museum.

Human zoos flourished between the 1870s and World War I, though many continued up until the 1940s. In the United States, many flocked to see Africans and other people of color on display in exhibitions, for example, in St. Louis in 1904 and Chicago in 1933. In 1906, owners of the Bronx Zoo encaged Ota Benga, a young Congolese man, comparing him to apes. These exhibitions thrived — along with the ideas about race produced within them.

Oppressive ideas about Blackness forged through European colonial violence and spread through science and culture help to contextualize the current public conversation surrounding violent policing in Black communities. They also explain why the uprisings sparked by George Floyd’s killing resulted in the toppling of colonial statues abroad. These recent events follow many years of protests and statue removals abroad.

In Africa, anti-colonial activists have been taking down statues celebrating colonial European figures for decades. In 1964, Kenyans took down a monument to King George VI and, in 2015, tore down a statue of Queen Victoria. That same year, a South African student threw excrement at a statue of British mining magnate Cecil Rhodes. A month later, his statue was removed with a crane, though in Zimbabwe, a monument of Rhodes was toppled back in 1980. There have been similar anti-colonial statue removals in other parts of the world, for example in Chile, where activists decapitated monuments to their Spanish conquerors late last year.
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Floyd’s death at the hands of anti-Black police brutality reignited the spirit of anti-colonial activism and dissent. This year, in Bristol, a statue of slave trader Edward Colston was dumped into the harbor that once trafficked Africans. Meanwhile in the Africa Museum in Brussels, a statue of Belgium’s colonial king, Leopold II, responsible for the genocide of Congolese, has been defaced. These incidents capture the unmistakable connections between the problem of police violence and the history of colonial violence. Understanding these connections is a vital step toward seeking justice and redress in the United States and abroad.


Sarah OlutolaSarah Olutola is a graduate of McMaster University and she was the 2018-2019 Gordon F. Henderson postdoctoral fellow at The University of Ottawa's Human Rights Research and Education Centre. Her current academic research concerns postcolonialism, youth culture and representations of race in popular media culture.
Column: California could soon end its dumb policy on inmate firefighters. What took so long?

Joshua McKinney, 26, left, and Eric Hunt, 41, at Joshua’s grandmother’s home in Los Angeles. The two are former inmate firefighters who want to go back to fighting fires, but can’t because of legal barriers.

(Christina House / Los Angeles Times)

By ERIKA D. SMITH COLUMNIST 

AUG. 31, 2020

All it would take is one phone call from a fire department. Any fire department.

Joshua McKinney assured me of this one recent morning, standing in the shade in his grandmother’s driveway in South Los Angeles as an LAPD helicopter circled overhead.

For weeks now, ever since the 26-year-old got out of prison in June, he has been trying to earn a paycheck in an economy that’s in shambles and dreaming of returning to the fire lines, where he worked to get months off his sentence, earning a pittance.

“I went in mainly to get out early, but as I was there, I actually fell in love with it,” McKinney explained. “I was like, ‘Dang, I never knew how much I loved hard work.’”

He and thousands of other Californians are barred from suiting up again because of their criminal records, and that is just stupid for a state that is woefully short on resources to fight fires. In recent weeks, firefighters have been overrun in Northern California, slammed from all sides by wildfires that have killed at least seven and scorched what’s already topped 1.4 million acres.

Thankfully, this could soon change.

Assemblywoman Eloise Gomez Reyes (D-Grand Terrace) during a hearing at the California state Capitol in 2017.
(Rich Pedroncelli / Associated Press)

After years of pushing, mostly by Assemblywoman Eloise Gomez Reyes (D-Grand Terrace), the Legislature on Sunday night sent a bill to the governor’s desk that would help former prisoners — most of them Black and Latino — to earn the emergency medical technician license necessary to become full-time, year-round firefighters with the state, and numerous counties and cities.

Under AB 2147, former prisoners who have successfully worked in one of the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation’s fire camps will be able to petition a judge to quickly expunge their records and waive parole time. They then would be able to apply not only for an EMT license but a host of other licenses required by other professions.

Logical, right?

All it took was a bit of creative policymaking to please the firefighters’ union, a pandemic that has emptied prisons and fire camps alike, an early wildfire season that has already destroyed scores of homes in Northern California, an eye-popping unemployment rate, and nonstop protests over the long-standing racial inequities of the criminal justice system.

That said, it shouldn’t have taken all of these compounding catastrophes to summon the political will to right one of California’s most notorious wrongs.

We use thousands of prisoners to do the grunt work of fighting fires, pay them a slave wage to do it and then, when they get out, we refuse to offer them a job doing the same thing for an actual living wage with benefits. And then we have the nerve to crow about our progressive values on criminal justice reform. Meanwhile, the state’s recidivism rate remains “stubbornly high,” averaging 50% in the last decade, according to a recent state audit.

Even the Los Angeles Lakers took California to task over this hypocrisy last week, issuing a rare tweet in support of then-pending legislation from Reyes.

Thank you to all of our firefighters and first responders, including our incarcerated men and women fighting the current California wildfires.

Human rights are everyone’s rights.
Create a pathway for former inmates who successfully completed fire camp while incarcerated. pic.twitter.com/U0j6TsfKBL— Los Angeles Lakers (@Lakers) August 28, 2020

“We know that these incarcerated firefighters have already demonstrated a commitment and desire to turn their life around,” Reyes said, noting that corrections officials preemptively weed out prisoners who have committed serious offenses, such as rape, or have a history of escape with violence. “I would hope that most of us would agree that an individual willing to face down a fire and smoke is much more than the sum of their previous mistakes.

“I don’t want a sentence that has been completed to become a life sentence. And unfortunately, our criminal justice system has done just that. Even after somebody has completed their sentence, they’re living a life sentence, because so many doors are shut to them.”

This is something McKinney is quickly coming to understand. Now that he’s out of prison and on parole, he has applied for one of the few spots in the California Department of Forestry and Fire Protection’s Firefighter Training and Certification Program, run out of the Ventura Conservation Camp. Launched a couple of years ago, it helps people with criminal records compete for entry-level firefighting jobs with state, federal and local agencies.




CALIFORNIA
Inmates are part of an army of firefighters battling a ‘monster’ that just keeps growing
Dec. 15, 2017

In the meantime, though, McKinney is at a bit of a loss about what to do with himself.

“I’m just, I don’t know,” he said with a shrug. “Well, I’m not gonna say I don’t know. I know what I want to do. But I don’t have the proper certifications.”

McKinney’s friend, Eric Hunt, went through a similar experience when he was released from prison after a stint in a fire camp.

At first, Hunt tried to get a job at fire departments, only to find out that he couldn’t, he said. Then he landed a job doing recruitment for a jobs program for at-risk youth and veterans. Then one of his bosses found out he was on parole and Hunt, who grew up in Pomona and now lives in Altadena, said he was let go.

So now Hunt has joined the ranks of Californians looking for steady employment in an economy turned upside down by the COVID-19 pandemic. Nearly 4.8 million people in the state are collecting unemployment benefits. The most recent figures, according to the U.S. Labor Department, showed 209,500 initial claims during the week ending Aug. 22 — a number that is going up, not down.

To make ends meet now, Hunt does a little of this and a little of that, he said. A natural salesman with a quick wit and a tendency to talk in inspirational koans — “Like my uncle told me, you ain’t had a best friend ‘til you been one” — he sells fruit cobblers at farmers markets and wants to teach paint-and-sip classes once he finds the right outdoor location.

But what he loves to do is talk about wildfires and about fighting them, usually with full-on reenactments and sound effects.

Like the time Hunt was ordered to help set a controlled burn. It was the first real wildfire he had experienced.

“I didn’t know fire grew so fast and could get so hot. And I’m like, man, back of my neck is hot. And I look and there’s just this wall of fire there — 200 feet in the air, just fire. All of this air starts to whip these trees around and I’m like, oh my God.”

He just started running.

“I’m swinging my arms, and I’m flinging fuel all behind me on the bushes. I finally burst through the other side. And there’s everybody, and they all start falling out laughing because I look panicked. My hard hat is on sideways, my goggles are down around my neck.”



Joshua McKinney, 26, left, and Eric Hunt, 41, worked as firefighters while in prison.
(Christina House / Los Angeles Times)

Or the time during the Woolsey fire that he had to help a member of the crew down Boney Mountain in Malibu.

“He’s tired, his legs are wobbly. I take his tool from him, which was a shovel. And he grabs the top of my backpack, and I slowly start to descend.”

McKinney has plenty of stories, too. Like the time he and his crew had been working for hours in the heat, hacking away at brush and trees with packs of heavy gear on their backs, when another wind-whipped blaze suddenly erupted in the distance.

“I’m just standing and I’m looking at it. You can kind of see the smoke start to rise and rise. I felt the wind start to pick up because,” he said pausing for emphasis, “you’ve got to be aware of the wind directions on you at any moment.”

Soon, McKinney said he was bent over once again, clearing brush with a chain saw — only this time, in the face of 30-foot flames.

“I never sweated that much in my life,” he said.

Both McKinney and Hunt credit their time in fire camp with teaching them to be better human beings. They speak with pride — and a bit of surprise — about the residents who have offered thanks and food and water for saving their mansions. They brag about how they moved up the ranks of their respective fire crews.

For Hunt, in particular, who has been in and out of police custody for a variety of crimes since he was a teenager, the fire camp experience was life changing. He said he became a person whom his mother could once again be proud of.

“You become an entirely different person from who you were,” he said. “So it’s difficult. I’d love it if they just said, ‘Hey, come on down and report.’”

All it would take is one phone call — and the promise of a salary that actually befits a firefighter. Not even the risk of contracting COVID-19 is a deterrent.

“Just give us two radios,” McKinney said, as Hunt nodded. “We’ll make it happen.”

First Gov. Gavin Newsom has to make it happen and sign AB 2147.




Erika D. Smith
 is a columnist for the Los Angeles Times writing about the diversity of people and places across California. She joined The Times in 2018 as an assistant editor and helped expand coverage of the state’s housing and homelessness crisis. She previously worked at the Sacramento Bee, where she was a columnist and editorial board member covering housing, homelessness and social justice issues. Before the Bee, Smith wrote for the Indianapolis Star and Akron Beacon Journal. She is a recipient of the Sigma Delta Chi award for column writing, a graduate of Ohio University and a native of the long-suffering sports town of Cleveland.
A Beautiful Yet Grim Map Shows How Wildfire Smoke Spreads

California’s blazes have sent a haze across the United States. An experimental model shows where that cloud ends up.


PHOTOGRAPH: DAVID MCNEW/GETTY IMAGES

WE IN THE San Francisco Bay Area have been choking on smoke from dozens of huge blazes—which have burned over 1.4 million acres, or 2,200 square miles, so far—sparked by a freak system of thunderstorms two weeks ago. But we’re not alone: California’s firestorm is spewing so much smoke, it’s drifting clear across the country, falling out in small quantities on the East Coast and accumulating above the Atlantic Ocean.

Scientists have been forecasting where this smoke will end up 48 hours ahead of time with an experimental model called HRRR-Smoke (pronounced her), from the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration. It spits out a beautiful yet troubling map of a country positively awash in wildfire haze. Open up the smoke map here, and I’ll walk you through the clever science behind it.

HRRR-Smoke begins by parsing a stream of infrared satellite data, which looks for heat anomalies in the United States—fires that have erupted across the landscape. (On the menu on the left side of the map, click “Fire Detections” to see where blazes are burning in California.) The neat bit about HRRR is that it’s not relying on satellites to see exactly where the smoke is, just where these fires are. Instead, it relies on sophisticated weather models—changes in temperature, wind, water vapor, and precipitation—to project where the smoke will eventually end up.


Think about a weather model as being like 100 overlapping window screens, like the kind that keep bugs out of your house, stacked into the sky. All of those overlaps create thousands of crossover points at different levels throughout the stack. “At each one of those little intersections of those wires, we're solving these equations: How much change is there?” says Stan Benjamin, senior weather modeling scientist at NOAA Global Systems Laboratory and branch leader for development of HRRR. “It's lots of computations to be able to put all that together and see how all these different aspects of the atmosphere—and actually parts of the earth system—are affecting each other.”


A visualization of vertically integrated smoke spreading across the US. Red is high levels of smoke, blue is low levels.COURTESY OF NOAA

So if you’re looking at the HRRR-Smoke map, on that same left-hand menu, click on “Near Surface Smoke.” This gives you smoke concentrations at about 8 meters off the ground, which are indicated on a light-blue-to-purple color scale at top right on the map. As you might expect, California is currently covered in a smoky haze—purple and red is scary-bad, while light blue indicates fairly low concentrations, measured in micrograms per cubic meter of air. But if you zoom out to the entire US, you’ll see that smoke has traveled clear across the country, landing in New York. These are tiny amounts, to be sure, but they’re there.

Now, in the map menu, click on “Vertically Integrated Smoke.” Instead of measuring smoke around 8 meters off the ground, it’s modeling what a 25-kilometer-high column of air looks like in a given place in the US. (Think of it as the smoke that you can see in the sky, versus the near surface smoke being the stuff you're actually breathing.) As you can see, on this scale, smoke now covers most of the country.


To map this out, HRRR considers the infrared intensity of those fires and projects how much smoke a fire is producing. That smoke starts off in the eddies of what atmospheric scientists call the boundary layer. “It's the layer through which you feel the bumps when you land in an airplane in the late afternoon anywhere in the country,” says Benjamin. “But then some of that air gets mixed further up above the boundary layer, and then it encounters stronger horizontal winds.” This transports the smoke from west to east.

And as that smokey air moves across the nation, Benjamin adds, “it gets mixed down from that turbulent mixing that takes place in the daytime. And that's how you get some of that to show back up now near the surface.”

Click back to the “Near Surface Smoke” option, and you can see that only a small fraction of those smoke particles are actually falling out of the atmosphere and reaching the ground on the Eastern Seaboard. So unlike Bay Area residents, you’ve got nothing to worry about if you’re in New York or Philadelphia. “It's orders of magnitude difference,” Benjamin tells me, the unfortunate Californian. “You're getting creamed.”


But even though HRRR is still experimental, it’s quickly become a critical tool for meteorologists and atmospheric scientists because no one’s been able to forecast smoke clouds like this before. Previously, researchers have just been able to look at satellite images to see where smoke currently is. “This is really the first resource that was out there that tells you something about where the smoke you see comes from, really, and what the forecast is,” says atmospheric scientist Joost de Gouw of the Cooperative Institute for Research in Environmental Sciences at the University of Colorado, Boulder.

That’s helped de Gouw plan his experiments, in which he takes atmospheric measurements from aircraft to study how smoke changes chemically as it makes its way through the air. If he knows where the smoke is heading, he knows where to take samples. “Most people, when they think about smoke, they think about smoke particles,” de Gouw says. “But also a lot of gases come along with the smoke, and a lot of those gases are highly reactive—they change on a timescale of hours


The smoke we get in California is chemically distinct from what might fall out on the East Coast. “That chemistry is important because it can form ground-level ozone,” says de Gouw. This is a pollutant that also forms when it’s hot out—it’s part of what makes heat waves hazardous for those with respiratory issues, as it makes your airways constrict. “And also, those reactions can form even more particles and change the composition of the existing particles,” he continues. “So we're trying to understand that chemistry.”

But there’s no need to panic on the East Coast: The minuscule amount of smoke these states are getting has changed significantly on a chemical level, and is less likely to create air quality problems. “These smoke plumes can travel over long distances,” says de Gouw. “I think there are documented cases where they circumnavigate the globe. But while doing that, they are chemically altered, so you see all these reactive gases going away. And as a result those emissions become less reactive, less efficient at affecting air quality down low.”

Meteorologists, too, have been using HRRR to forecast where smoke from a wildfire might end up, so residents can plan accordingly. But there's a limit to what they can predict. "With air pollution, it's really—I don't want to say hopelessly complex—but you can think of all the micro-scale circulations and eddies that occur not just with topology, but even around buildings and other things, that constantly make it probably the most difficult thing to track," says NBC Bay Area meteorologist Rob Mayeda, who uses HRRR. "If you're taking a continental global model, and then trying to zoom in on your street, it's probably not going to be helpful. But it'll show you the overall pattern, like a big sea breeze or a trough is going to come towards the West Coast or something. That's going to show up pretty well."


With more data collected more locally, scientists can begin to model smoke pollution on a more granular scale. For now, though, this much is abundantly clear: The Bay Area is in the grips of an unprecedented crisis, with two weeks of near-constant smoke inundation in the middle of the Covid-19 pandemic, a disease that attacks the lungs. That public health forecast is looking grim.


Film Review: Made in Bangladesh: A Union Story

 
If you’re gathering evidence of the victimization of Muslim women, this is not your film. Yes, Made in Bangladesh highlights exploitation in a country, most of whose citizens are Muslim. But this film’s focus is women workers: people working to support their families, as most women do, and fighting for parity, as most of us do.
Some film reviews underscore the 2013 collapse of a garment factory in Dhaka where many women perished. Made in Bangladesh is not an account of that catastrophe.
While the venue of this film is a clothing factory and the main characters are women laborers, its inspiration is union organizer Daliya Akter who, fleeing her village home, found work in a Dhaka garment factory, one probably not unlike the setting of this film. She eventually realized that the only way out of untenable working conditions she experienced was to build worker solidarity and gain legal protection, and so began organizing a union of fellow garment workers. Made in Bangladesh is based on her struggle and ultimate success, a story so compelling that film director Rabaiyat Hossain, herself Bangladeshi, reached out to Akter to collaborate in the writing and production of her tough but heartwarming career.
This is director Rubaiyat Hossain’s third feature film, and since its 2019 release through Indie film festivals, she has won recognition as an outstanding young filmmaker. She is unapologetically committed to women’s empowerment both in the themes of her films and also by employing professional women in her production teams, assembling a crew of talented Bangladeshi women to handle the cameras, the sound, editing, casting, and other production work that go into serious filmmaking. In a 2019 interview at the Toronto International Film Festival, Hossain explains her determination to bring women into all levels of production.
Hossain is forthright about the political motive behind her themes too.
She emphasizes that the women she portrays are not victims. Her aim is to direct attention to women’s search for political solutions to injustices they experience. She rejects boycotts announced by sympathetic foreign consumers of those garment sweat shops after the 2013 tragedy, explaining:
“These (factory) jobs have the potential to redefine life for young women in Bangladesh; the struggle of garment workers to be able to collectively work towards realizing their rights must be supported by everyone who wears the clothes they make. Only a tiny percentage of Bangladeshi factories are unionized; the answer (to exploitative factory management) is that these women are respected and that bad (working) conditions are not tolerated.”
The film has deservedly won Hossain’s team international acclaim. Made in Bangladesh is laboriously and skillfully filmed in situ (in contrast with those lavishly staged Bollywood productions and made-for-America Indian features). Director Hossain swamps us in the deafening noise of a factory floor where rows of undistinguishable workers bend over machines. She maneuvers us along dusty, clamorous Dhaka streets. She leads us through unlit corridors of the labor ministry where our heroine repeatedly returns, petition in hand. She holds our gaze behind mosquito netting to overhear a forlorn couple review their bleak options. She draws us into a cluster of coworkers gathering to strategize their campaign. Anyone who has walked through urban neighborhoods in Nepal, Pakistan, India or Bangladesh will appreciate the authenticity that Hossain and her crew achieve in Made in Bangladesh. (It’s evident that her aim is not to exhibit Dhaka’s poverty. It is what it is—the daily routine of laborers, many of them rural migrants to the city.)
And the actors: Made in Bangladesh’s main character is Shimu, beautifully rendered by Rikita Nandini Shimu. Our heroine emerges from silent humility to step on a risky path, facing one obstacle after another, yet refusing to retreat. Two other noteworthy figures are an NGO worker who recruits Shimu to gather signatures for her campaign but offers no real political support, and another unsympathetic character, a secretary to the ministry of labor official who reviewers union applications. Both these women could facilitate Shimu’s agenda, and their portrayal as passive characters emphasizes the courage and determination needed by our heroine.
This Bangladeshi production also propels the country’s film talent onto the global stage, adding to the growing body of work that is countering established stereotypes and white-hero-focused films that have hitherto shaped and dominated our perceptions of the world’s people.
For information about access to the film on its August 28th USA release: Made-in-Bangladesh.