Sunday, December 13, 2020

INDIA

How a researcher found a blind snow trout near Thar desert – and why it’s vital to study it further

This biological puzzle could be the key to deepen our geological understanding of the region.
The blind fish that Raza Tehsin found in Rajasthan in 1987. | Arefa Tehsin


In the summer of 1987, the naturalist Raza H Tehsin was collecting biodiversity data at Matoon Mines near Udaipur city just east of the Thar desert in Rajasthan. Hindustan Zinc Limited was excavating rock phosphate here and had hired Tehsin – my father – to survey the fauna of this region.

Tehsin’s fascination with caves led him to ask the staff about unexplored caverns in that area. The chief engineer took him to a 50-foot shaft, which was said to have been formed because of copper being mined here several centuries before.

On an impulse (and much to the consternation of the three other researchers accompanying him), Tehsin climbed down the shaft without a rope or gas mask – or even a torch.

Little did Tehsin know that his adventure that day would lead him to a discovery that opened questions about the course of evolution and about the possibility that an ancient Himalayan waterway may have run its serpentine path in the Thar before the movement of the tectonic plates changed its course.

The bottom of the shaft, he told me later, was covered with debris and there was a pitch dark passage into the mine. He picked up a stone and threw it inside, trying to determine if the drop was steep. He heard a plop. There was water ahead.

After a tedious ascent clinging to the wall, he informed the engineer about the water source. This was good news for the company. The mill to grind the phosphate had halted operations because it had run out of water. Now it could resume work.

Tehsin made one request, though: could they please tell him if they found any fish?

Abuzz with activity


A month on, when Tehsin visited again, the shaft was transformed. There were ladders, electric fittings and pumps. The chief engineer was pleased. He had been praised by his seniors for restarting work. Though water was being pumped from the underground reservoir for 12 hours every day, it would fill up again during the night.

There were plenty of fish, the staff told him. But to Tehsin’s dismay, he was told that many kilograms of fish had been gathered – and eaten.

He found only one remaining specimen. It was blind. The mine workers had helped him catch it by pumping out the water. At the time the fish was captured, the water in the cave had a temperature of 18°C. The team took photographs of the fish and preserved it in formalin.
Raza Tehsin in 2006.

It was sent to VS Durvey, the head of department of fisheries at Mohan Lal Sukhadia University, Udaipur. He was an expert of limnology or the study of inland waters, both fresh and saline.

Durvey tentatively identified the blind cave fish as belonging to the Schizothoracine family of snow trout, a type of carp that are normally restricted to the cool mountain streams of the Himalayas. The closest members of this family of fish lie several hundred kilometres away on the far side of the Thar Desert.

It was most mysterious. How did a fish swim from the great mountains to the great desert?

As it turned out, that wasn’t the only mystery. Durvey noted that some of the characteristics of the specimen did not coincide with that of the snow trout.

To try to get a firm identification, the specimen was sent to Bombay Natural History Society in January 1988 and they forwarded it to the marine biology expert BF Chhapgar. But the Society, it seemed, did not have adequate literature on the subject. In search of more definite information, the speciment was sent to the British Museum. After that, the specimen went missing. Despite repeated reminders by Bombay Natural History Society, there has not been a response from the British Museum till date.

‘Something unimaginable’


In a video interview in 2006, Durvey said that snow trout is found in Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand and the higher reaches of Himalayas. “It was not something new,” he said. “But to get the fish in the plains, that too in the region of Rajasthan was something unimaginable and absolutely new.”

He had a theory about how Tehsin could have come to find the specimen in the mine outside Udaipur: “The significance of this find to me is that, sometime or the other in the past geological history of the region, a Himalayan river must be flowing through Rajasthan.”

In 1988, Tehsin, Durvey and a student named M Kulshreshtha, who had accompanied Tehsin on his second trip to Matoon Mines, published a research note in the Journal of the Bombay Natural History Society.

“Schizothoracine fishes inhabit hilly streams and lakes in the Himalayan and sub-Himalayan region extending to China,” they wrote. Such fishes had also been observed in Kashmir, Punjab, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Tibet, and Nepal, they said.

As a consequence, “the occurrence of a Schizothoracine fish in the region south of Aravalli hills in Rajasthan is intriguing”, they wrote. “Presently there is no river or seasonal stream in this region connecting the drainage of the sub-Himalayan region of Punjab and Jammu Kashmir. Since the cave does not receive any surface drainage, the presence of Schizothoracine fish in the cave could be a case of geographical isolation.”

They added: “It is almost certain...that the river and streams of western Rajasthan...had Himalayan connections in former days. There could also be an underground drainage of the sub-Himalayan watershed connecting the streams and rivers of the region south of Aravalli ranges. Obviously, the water of this drainage could be cold.”
VS Durvey and Raza Tehsin in 2006.

As for specimen’s unconventional appearance, they explained that the “peculiar assemblage of different generic characters in the specimen studied could be the sequel of interbreeding and long isolation, thereby inducing speciation”.

After the publication of the research note, the acclaimed professor of geology SS Mehr, who worked for 25 years in the Himalayas, contacted Durvey. He told them that their findings confirmed his findings about the course of older rivers.

“He brought certain samples of stones from Rivers Luni and Ghaggar, and he told me that it was almost certain that a few thousand years back Himalayan rivers were flowing through Rajasthan and joining the Arabian Sea,” said Durvey. “While we have the geological evidence to show that these rivers were flowing through Rajasthan, this is a biological evidence. That too of a higher order. To get an evidence at a micro level, bacterial level or algae level is possible. But to get a higher level of animal kingdom is something very important.”

In 2006, two Australian scientists, behavioural biologist Culum Brown and ecological geneticist Felicity Brown, launched an expedition called “Lost in the Desert” with Raza Tehsin to try to collect further specimens of the fish from the cave complex. They were funded by Australian Geographic. But they were unable to find any more fish.
Uncharted territory

“When we came over to search for further specimens there was an incredibly bad drought,” said Brown, who is now Director Higher Degree Research (Biology) at the Macquarie University and assistant editor of the Journal of Fish Biology. “We had trouble finding water, let alone any fish, so this still remains something of a mystery.”

He added:“There is no doubt that historically a Himalayan river once flowed through Rajasthan. That has been noted several times by geologists. Due to slight uplifts in the landscape, the river was diverted east. But there are still substantial subterranean water flows in the region and it is certainly possible that these waterbodies act as refugia for fish that are no longer present on the surface. The surface water that exist today are simply too hot for snow trout, but below ground it is substantially cooler.”

Durvey remarked during the video documentation of the expedition that the underground caves in this part of the Aravallis have not been charted.

“Adivasis have told me that there are underground caves that contain water,” he said. “But then how to do it is a problem. It is a big project which has to be funded by a big organisation. Quite likely in other caves which we have not surveyed so far, they [the fish] must be there. It requires a real scientific investigation of high order with adventurous people getting into it and confirming this.” 
Australian researcher Culum Brown enters the shaft at the Matoon Mine.

Brown was one of those adventurous ones who followed Tehsin’s footsteps and ventured into the underground caves. “I’d say that it remains an intriguing possibility that snow trout exist in these underground systems,” he said. “Having said that, open cut mining in the area is draining the water table so these activities pose a great threat to subterranean water ecosystems.”

In 2015, Tensin gave an interview to PTI recalling his find. “This area lies in the Aravalli hills, one of the oldest ranges of the world,” he said. “There is no geological evidence from the historical era of a glacial river originating in the Aravallis or human memory of a Himalayan river flowing through this region. A major part of the drainage of the Aravalli region today is connected to the Gangetic system and some flows south, towards the Arabian Sea. It is possible that several thousand years back the drainage of Mewar was flowing towards the west and a tributary of a larger Himalayan river could have joined this drainage.”
ADVERTISEMENT


He added: “The fishes of the Himalayan region might have migrated through its tributaries towards Mewar. Due to geological changes, a fish species from the cold streams could have been cut off from their main water body, got trapped and survived in cooler underground water.”

Rain-fed rivers


At the time of its discovery, the prevalent opinion of geologists as well as fish experts was that it was the first live biological evidence that the Saraswati river mentioned in the Vedas once flowed through the Thar desert of Rajasthan. However, a recent research in hydrology published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, the official journal of the National Academy of Sciences in the US, points that no glacial-fed rivers flowed between the Indus and Ganges basins during the Holocene – the epoch that began 11,650 years ago. All these rivers were rain-fed.

The snow trout that my father discovered is a biological indicator of a Himalayan cold-water stream or a river tributary that would have flowed through the Indus-Yamuna region, possibly very close to the Aravalli hill ranges. It may well be closely related to snow trout; however, it is likely to be a new species, specially adapted to life in caves as it lived in apparent isolation for thousands of years.

The spate of debates and research into the myth of the Saraswati has gained ground after the Indian government’s multi-million project to “revive” the river. While the scientific basis of this project is questionable and its political aspect is evident, the discovery of a blind cave fish needs to be pulled out from the distant haze of the 1980s.

This biological puzzle could be the key to deepen our geological understanding of the region and the story of how it came to be.


Arefa Tehsin is the author most recently of Steed of the Jungle God & Amra and the Witch. Visit her website here.


Sikh farmers have been great ambassadors of India's agri skills 

In the last two decades, farming in Punjab has become increasingly unremunerative and with hardly any other industry in the state, there are no jobs for the young, who face a bleak and hopeless future. 

Agricultural reforms, with the right motive and intention, are the crying need of the state.

SUNDEEP KHANNA
DEC 14, 2020 /
The Indian government and protesting farmers were unable to reach common ground in talks held on December 1, with the farmers saying their demonstrations against new agriculture laws will continue as will their blockades of key highways. (Image: AP)

Whatever be the politics of the current farm agitation there’s no denying the high esteem the Indian farmer from Punjab is held in across agricultural hubs of the world. Much like the country’s IT professionals who have carved a niche for themselves in the world of computing, Sikh farmers have used their skills gained from tilling the fields at home to make a mark in various parts of the world ranging from Argentina to Italy.

Their contribution to the dairy industry in Italy, is too recent and too well-known to need recounting. The headlines alone will suffice. ‘In Italian Heartland, Indians Keep the Cheese Coming’, wrote The New York Times (NYT), while Al Jazeera kept it to a simpler: ‘The Indians saving Italy’s traditional cheese industry’, and the BBC gave them a precise name: ‘The Sikhs who saved Parmesan’.

Through the 1980s and 1990s, so many of them made their way to the country’s agricultural zones that the term Sikh Route came into prevalence. Today, their hard work and expertise in dairy farming has made them integral to the Italian cheese industry.

It is a journey they have been taking for over a 100 years now. In his punjabi book ‘Unfole Warke’, Baba Bhagat Singh Bilga, a member of the legendary Gadar Party who passed away in 2009 at the ripe old age of 102, writes about the journey of the Sikhs to Argentina in 1910-11 to work in the sugar mills and railway workshops of Buenos Aires and Rosario.

Soon enough their labours took them to the farms and eventually led to owning many of them. A delightful article quoted by the Sikh Global Village, talks about Jiwa Singh and Tara Singh of village Boparai Khurd in Jalandhar district, who migrated to Argentina in 1958 and became one of the leading farm owners of Rosario de la Frontera.

In Canada too, Sikhs who first migrated to the country in the first few decades of the 20th century have proven themselves as ace farmers adept at picking up newer and more lucrative crops to cultivate. In fact, in Richmond, Vancouver, they were responsible for a revolution in cranberries. A few years ago Peter Dhillon, a Canadian Sikh farmer, who is the country’s biggest cranberry grower, was inducted into the country’s prestigious Agricultural Hall of Fame.


According to The Tribune, ‘Dhillon is also the current chairman of Ocean Spray — a marketing cooperative of cranberry farmers in the US and Canada. Ocean Spray sells its products in over 90 countries, with annual sales of over $2.5 billion.’


In their endeavours to leave their shores for better prospects abroad, they have had institutional help at home. When 10 years ago the Canadian government, facing a shortage of farmers following the retirement of many locals, started recruiting trained farmers from around the world to migrate to the country, the Ludhiana-based Punjab Agricultural University (PAU) devised special courses which included training in Canadian agri practices.

When states like Manitoba launched special schemes such as the ‘Young Farmer Nominee Programme’ (YFNP) for those below the age of 40, many Sikh farmers were well placed to take advantage of the opportunities.


Overseas success has come on the back of advances at home. For almost 20 years following the green revolution, Punjab was India’s most prosperous state and a beacon for others looking to increase the productivity of its land and people. In 1982, some 15 years after the Green Revolution, a report in The New York Times hailed the efforts of the which saw the state being held up by the World Bank as an outstanding example of how agricultural transformation might occur in the developing world.

For its achievements, the NYT pointed to the ‘Punjabi character’ and quoted MS Sra, the director of Punjab Department of Agriculture, who attributed the success to the Sikh farmers, ‘renowned for their enterprise, mechanical skill, appreciation of profit and willingness to experiment.’In the last two decades, farming in Punjab has become increasingly unremunerative and with hardly any other industry in the state, there are no jobs for the young, who face a bleak and hopeless future. Agricultural reforms, with the right motive and intention, are the crying need of the state. But none of this can deflect from the sterling reputation of the Sikh farmers.

SUNDEEP KHANNA is a senior journalist. Views are personal.

FIRST PUBLISHED: DEC 13, 2020 11:0
Farmers’ Protest Live Updates: 
Farmer leaders to observe 9-hour hunger strike tomorrow

Farmers' Protest Today Live News Updates: 
Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal said he will be holding a one-day fast Monday in support of the protesting farmers.

By: Express Web Desk | New Delhi |Updated: December 13, 2020 9:46:58 pm


Farmer leaders at Singhu border on Sunday. (Express photo)

Farmers’ Protest Live Updates: The heads of all farmer unions protesting against the Centre’s new agri laws for over two weeks now will observe a one-day hunger strike on Monday, farmer leader Gurnam Singh Chaduni said on Sunday. The hunger strike between 8 am to 5 pm on Monday is part of the farmers’ plan to intensify their agitation from December 14. Addressing a press conference at the Singhu border, where the farmers have been camping in agitation, Chaduni said the leaders will observe the hunger strike at their respective places. “Also dharnas will be staged at all district headquarters across the country. The protest will go on as usual,” he told PTI.

Earlier in the day, Union ministers Narendra Singh Tomar and Som Parkash met Home Minister Amit Shah on Sunday amidst farmers’ protests against the Centre’s three agriculture laws, news agency PTI reported. The ministers were accompanied by BJP leaders from Punjab. Tomar and Parkash, along with their ministerial colleague Piyush Goyal, had led the government’s negotiations with the protesting farmers.

Meanwhile, Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal today said he will be holding a one-day fast Monday in support of the protesting farmers. He also urged all Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) workers and supporters to observe one-day fast in solidarity with the farmers. Addressing a virtual press briefing, the chief minister said the Centre should immediately accept all demands of the farmers who have been protesting on Delhi’s borders for the past two weeks. He also asked the BJP-ruled Centre to shun “arrogance” and scrap three farm laws as demanded by agitating farmers, and bring a Bill to guarantee minimum support price (MSP) for agricultural produce.

Farmers from Rajasthan and some other places gathered in large numbers on the Haryana-Rajasthan border near Rewari on Sunday for their march towards Delhi and sat in protest on side of the Delhi-Jaipur national highway as the Haryana police put up barricades to stop them. The farmers were sitting in protest at Jaisinghpur Kheda area in Rewari along Rajasthan-Haryana border (NH-48). Gurgaon is over 70 km from the site while Delhi is nearly 80 km away. Swaraj India chief Yogendra Yadav, who was at the site, said since the barricades have been put, the farmers had no option but to stage a sit-in.

Farmers’ stir: 19-year-old NRI*** from Australia protests at Singhu border, says here to join ‘patriotic movement’

Moose Jattana, who has her roots in Punjab, is known on social media for being outspoken on social issues especially related to women.


Written by Kamaldeep Singh Brar | Amritsar | Updated: December 13, 2020 1:34:32 pm
Moose Jattana at the protest site on Singhu border. (Express Photo)

Among the protesters who have joined the farmers’ fight against Centre’s farm laws at Delhi borders is an Australian girl of Indian origin, Moose Jattana. For the last four days, the 19-year-old from Melbourne has been protesting at the Singhu border, doing volunteer service and assisting photographers on ground to record the ongoing agitation.

She said, “I am protesting here for most of the time of the day. I also do volunteer service here. I am studying filmmaking. Here I have been assisting photographers like Akshay Kapoor, Naveen Macro, who are capturing the farm agitation. I am going to stay put here till the victory is achieved.”

Talking about her Punjab connect, Moose added: “I was born and brought up in Australia. My mother is from Sangrur. I spent some time in Mohali as a child. I used to come to Punjab every year but now I have come after two years to be part of this protest.”

Moose said that she is “surprised the way government is dealing with the protesters”. “Government should be for the people. But here government is not ready to listen. It didn’t consult with farmers before passing bills and now when farmers are asking for their rights, government wants to paint them as traitors. I think it is the patriotic moment and this is why I am here,” she said.

Moose is known on social media for being outspoken on social issues especially related to women.

“I feel connected with Punjab for many reasons though I also see the limitations of Punjabi society when it comes to women and Dalits. Women and Dalits don’t have that space in Punjab that is enjoyed by upper caste men. I point out such discrimination in my videos on social media,” she said.

Asked why NRI Punjabis were concerned about the protest despite leaving the country, she said: “People go out of Punjab because there are less opportunities here and less stability. So they have to go to western countries and send money back home. Sometimes you can’t change the country and so you have to change your country. Because bringing change to country is not that easy. As we are seeing that how badly farmers have been treated when they want to change the country for good.”

*** NON RESIDENT INDIAN
Sunday Lounge | Meet the faces behind farmers' protest
The farmers’ protest is like no other. People are reaching Delhi with clothes, a few thousand rupees, and the confidence that their fellow protesters will take care of the rest


Women farmers during a march in Greater Noida, Uttar Pradesh, on 27 November, the first day of protests. (HT)

By Pooja Singh
LAST UPDATED 12.12.2020 

"We might not be there but our voices are reaching Dilli,” Pratibha Shinde shouts over the phone from Maharashtra’s Jalgaon city. It’s the afternoon of 8 December and slogans of “Bharat zindabad”, “Kisan zindabad” and “Humara bhaichara zindabad” behind her drown out our conversation. It’s the day farmer unions across the country have called for a Bharat Bandh, following protests that started late November in Delhi over three farm laws rushed through Parliament in September.

Shinde, like her 2,000-odd fellow farmers, had been at the Jalgaon protest site since 9am. “How much longer will the farmer stay quiet? Bas ho gaya ab (enough is enough),” she says, after finding a quiet corner. Her voice sounds hoarse. She blames sleepless nights. “I was making arrangements for the protest, finishing housework and getting ready for Dilli,” explains the president of the Lok Sangharsh Morcha, which represents farmers from Maharashtra and Gujarat. That evening, she was leaving for Delhi to join hundreds of thousands of protesting farmers, with a bag containing eight saris and no return train ticket. “God knows till when Modiji (Narendra Modi) will ignore our demands. Till then, I am not coming back.” Over 1,000 farmers from the two western states were set to join her.

On 27 November, when the Centre allowed farmers to enter Delhi and protest over a set of laws ushering in market-oriented “reforms” they see as inimical to their interests, nobody thought the agitation would take the shape it has. Some commentators argued the protests were limited to farmers from states like Punjab, where over 90% of them depend on government purchase of crops. Within two weeks, however, the protests have taken the form of a national movement.

Thousands of farmers from states like Himachal Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Assam, Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh and Gujarat are trickling in every day to join those already stationed at several points of entry to Delhi, with no intention of returning till their demands—officially, the repeal of the three laws—are met. Those who can’t visit Delhi are holding protests in their villages and cities. The fear is the same: The “kala kanoon (black laws)”, as farmers describe them, will effectively eliminate the safety net of minimum support price, do away with mandis and leave farmers at the mercy of big companies.

“It’s a farmer’s fight. Not a state’s. And it has an all-India character,” says Avik Saha, secretary of the All India Kisan Sangharsh Coordination Committee, an umbrella body of over 200 farm organisations. “There’s a deep distrust within the farmers, and it’s out in the open. They are tired of authorities not listening to them.”

BREAKING BARRIERS

Farmers from Haryana with their 'hookah' at the Singhu border. (Pooja Singh)

Jasmeet “Vicky” Singh, 20, is ready to wait six months, if that’s what it takes to get a decision in favour of farmers. At the Singhu border, the 30km stretch between north-west Delhi and Haryana that has been occupied by protesters, the lanky Singh is famous as the “barricade breaker”. “Not three. Eight,” the Ambala resident corrects me when I ask about the number of police barricades he has run over with his blue tractor since the protests started.

Are you a farmer? I ask. “No. We have land but we don’t farm. But after completing my studies this year, I have decided to become a farmer. Friends tell me to move to Delhi and find a job but I want to be a farmer. It’s my way of serving India.”

Singh then asks me if I have had langar. A beggar who has been overhearing our conversation interjects: “Madamji kha lo. Humne ek hafte se bheek hi nahi mangi hai. Yeh log kabhi hatne hi nahi chahiye (Do eat. We haven’t had to beg for the past one week; food is available in abundance. These people should never leave).”

That’s the other reason this farmers’ protest is like no other in recent times. People are reaching Delhi via trains, buses or trucks, with a bag of clothes, a few thousand rupees, and confidence that their fellow protesters will take care of the rest.

The Singhu border, especially, has turned into a village. After crossing barricades and barbed wire spread over half a kilometre under the watchful eyes of the police, you reach a crowded space where people seem to have forgotten all about the pandemic. They are milling about without masks or physical distancing. The aroma of kada prasad (halwa, a gurdwara offering, is served through the day) wafts across. Truckloads of vegetables and rice, contributions by relatives and friends of farmers, are lining up in the service lane. When I reached Singhu at 11am on 6 December, two tankers of milk had just rolled in. One of the drivers said they were offerings from a gurdwara nearby.

Every 100m, a farmer invites you with folded hands to have langar. If you decline, they insist on offering tea. Some are distributing food to the police. Many are cutting vegetables for the 24x7 community kitchen, while others are giving away biscuits, sanitary pads, blankets or Odomos, for free. The elderly, lying on beds of mattresses and hay inside their tractor trolleys-turned-mini caravans, are talking about revolution and singing songs of freedom. Youngsters are shouting slogans. You are surrounded by at least 100 people, mostly men, at any point but there’s a sense of security.

“People are saying it’s only Punjab and Haryana farmers who are protesting. They should come and see, it’s Little India here,” says Shariq Husain, 29, who has put his construction business on hold for the protest. Every morning, he, along with 10-15 friends from Old Delhi, Nizamuddin and Okhla, reaches the border with 1,000-2,000 packets of mutton pulao and vegetable pulao. “We offer our namaz there only. Often, we end up staying at night also. This is what India is all about—looking after guests, feeding people with love, making room for every religion.”

In many ways, the farmers’ movement is a reminder of the Citizenship (Amendment) Act protests a year ago, when millions came together to show their support for a cause that may not have affected them directly. Yashwant Singh, 47, a sugar-cane farmer from Uttar Pradesh, has been sitting at north-west Delhi’s Tikri border protest site even though he personally may not be hit as badly as others by the laws. He says: “I’m here for the farmers. We’ve been suppressed for too long.”

Protestors at Delhi's borders have turned their trucks into temporary homes. (Reuters)

Even non-farmers are volunteering. Dianne N., a Delhi University student, has been distributing medicines for the past week at Tikri, where the number of protesters is growing. “We thought there are so many older people here and it’s cold…. So we offer some balms and over-the-counter medicines,” says Dianne, who returned from her Bengaluru home two weeks ago so she could volunteer.

Unlike young Vicky Singh, Ramesh Antil, a Sonipat farmer in her 50s, is praying for the protests to end quickly. “My old bones are troubling me in this cold,” she says, who was sitting in the women’s tent at Singhu. “Media talks about how rich Punjab and Haryana farmers are, that there’s constant supply of food, but they forget how hard we work. Are we enjoying sitting under the open sky in such cold weather? Corona won’t kill us but these laws will. Modiji is like our baap (father figure) but he should understand, how will we survive if he exposes us to the corporates?” she says, in Hindi.

NEAR, YET TOO FAR

Santosh Sharma, 37, wanted to join his 1,000-plus farming community from Madhya Pradesh at Tikri but couldn’t because of his elderly parents. “They have not been keeping well; corona is everywhere. We are regularly holding protests here,” says Sharma over the phone from his home in Harda, on 7 December. Two days later, he calls to say he has taken the train to Delhi. “We will anyway die of debt if the government won’t listen. I will have to be there to fight for my rights.”

Not everyone who wanted to has been able to reach the Capital. Maheriya Laxmiben Ranchhodbhai, a Dalit farmer from Gujarat’s Saroda village in Dholka taluk, was supposed to leave for Delhi on 8 December but the police detained her that morning. “They said I would have protested (since it was Bharat Bandh) and caused nuisance,” she tells me from the police station. The police inspector at the Dholka station, A.B. Ansari, said, “She would have caused destruction of public property.” By 6pm, Ranchhodbhai had been released.


About 1,300km away, in Tamil Nadu’s Erode, Kannaiyan Subramaniam is content with protesting within the state. “You don’t have to be in Delhi to show your support. It will be too cold for me there,” he laughs. He believes farmers from other states were delayed in reaching Delhi owing to lack of transportation and resources.

Over the past two weeks, Prashant Jha, a small farmer from Chhattisgarh, has been walking 14km every day to a chowk in Korba where protests are being held. “11am-3pm, we are here,” he says. “We have only two options if these laws are not repealed, die under the burden of debt or kill ourselves. When we are the ones who bring food to everyone’s table, why are we being tortured like this? It’s the same fight my grandfather was fighting, then my father was fighting, and now I am fighting. I don’t want my son to fight it.”

A farmer in Assam, who doesn’t wish to be named, wants to come to Delhi but can’t since train services haven’t restarted. “We also have to look after our crops because elephants will eat them,” says the 30-year-old, who has been participating in protests against the laws and land pattas for three months in Dibrugarh. “I will leave (for Delhi) as soon as the train starts. Till then, we are strengthening our front here.”

I speak again with Pratibha Shinde after she has reached Delhi. Her first task? “Meet the farmers at the borders,” she says. “We are at a crucial time in history. This is the first time people are seeing farmers’ issues as a national issue and not just a farmer issue. We are finally being seen as what we really are, ann daata (god of food).”
Indian farmers intensify protests amid govt attempts to crush movement
Reuters-December 13, 2020

A farmer (right) gets his head tonsured as a mark of protest against new farm laws, near the Delhi-Uttar Pradesh state border yesterday. (AP pic)

MUMBAI: Tens of thousands of Indian farmers on Sunday intensified their protests against three new agricultural laws aimed at overhauling food grain procurement and pricing rules by allowing private companies direct access to the vast agrarian sector.

Angry farmers staged demonstrations near New Delhi after rejecting Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s assurances that the laws would double farmers’ income.

Six rounds of talks between government officials and farmer union leaders have failed to resolve the challenge faced by Modi’s government.

“Hundreds of farmers will launch a tractor trolley march to New Delhi to voice our grievances against the new laws,” said Kamal Preet Singh Pannu, a leader of Sanyukta Kisan Andolan (United Farmers’ Protest), one of 30 groups against the laws.

“Government wants to discredit and crush our movement, but we will continue to protest peacefully,” Pannu said.

Local authorities increased security measures, deploying police and putting up barricades to prevent farmers from entering New Delhi in large numbers. Opposition parties and some senior economists have lent support to the protests.

“I’ve now studied India’s new farm bills & realize they are flawed and will be detrimental to farmers,” Kaushik Basu, a former chief economic adviser to the federal government, wrote on Twitter.

“Our agriculture regulation needs change, but the new laws will end up serving corporate interests more than farmers. Hats off to the sensibility & moral strength of India’s farmers,” Basu said.

The farmers are protesting the three laws that the government says are meant to overhaul procurement procedures and grant them more options to sell their produce.

Ministers from Modi’s government at an industry event on Saturday in New Delhi appealed to leading industrialists and businesses to explain the benefits of the new laws to farmers.
Kerala farmers start indefinite protest in solidarity with farmers agitating in Delhi

The joint farmers council will also hold similar protests across various Kerala districts in the coming days in support of the farmers protesting at Singhu border.
SCREENSHOT / FB - CPI(M) KERALA
NEWS PROTEST SUNDAY, DECEMBER 13, 2020 - 12:2


TNM Editorial Follow @@thenewsminut

Farmers under the joint farmers council in Kerala started an indefinite protest in the state capital Thiruvananthapuram on Saturday in solidarity with the farmers agitating at the Delhi-Haryana Singhu border against the contentious farm laws passed by the Union government. The indefinite strike, launched in front of the Palayam Martyr’s column, was inaugurated by S Ramachandran Pillai, CPI(M) Polit Bureau member and national vice-president of the All India Kisan Sabha.

Members of the joint council will stage a protest every day in front of the Martyr’s column from 10 am to 7 pm, reported the Times of India. The council will also reportedly hold similar protests across various Kerala districts in the coming days in support of the farmers protesting at Singhu border.

The farmers have been protesting indefinitely at Singhu against the three recently passed laws – Farmer’s Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act, 2020, the Farmer (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement of Price Assurance and Farm Services Act, 2020 and the Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act, 2020 – raising concerns that these laws would suppress the Minimum Support Price (MSP) and procurement system.

00:0304:00




Extending solidarity to the farmers in Singhu, Ramachandran Pillai said that the Union government will have to accede to the demands of the hardworking farmers of the country. This fight by farmers is for the right of life, he said. He added that hundreds of farmers will everyday join the lakhs of farmers already gathered in Delhi.

Ramachandran also added that the laws passed by the Union government will not only affect farmers but also adversely affect all those who utilise agricultural products. All the three laws ultimately aim to hand over farm products into the hands of corporates, Ramachandran says as per Malayala Manorama report.

CPI Assistant Secretary K Prakash Babu said that about 600 farmer unions have joined the protests so far. This shows how deep-rooted the farmers’ concerns are, he added. The joint council members also urged all farmers in the state to come out and extend their support to the ongoing protests.

Read:

Why Telugu farmers have not joined the protests against farm laws in a big way

Kerala will not implement new farm laws, to approach SC against it

Watch video from the farmers protest in Delhi


As farmers pitch in at Delhi borders, families take charge of farming back home. 


Farmers from different parts of the country, including Haryana and Punjab, have been camping at various border points of Delhi for two weeks now, demanding the repeal of three recent farm laws of the Centre. (PTI)

Updated: 12 Dec 2020

Farmers from different parts of the country, including Haryana and Punjab, have been camping at various border points of Delhi for two weeks now, demanding the repeal of three recent farm laws of the Centre.

CHANDIGARH : With a majority of Punjab farmers pitching in at Delhi borders in protest against the new central farm laws, their family members have been left taking care of standing wheat crop and other allied activities back home.

In absence of adult males, women have taken the charge of irrigating fields, sprinkling fertilizers in them, tending cattle, milking cows and chopping fodder for them with their children’s help, while keeping their spouses and adult sons assured all the while not to worry about the chores back home and focus on their protests.

“With children’s help, we are taking care of wheat crop, cattle and other jobs," said 44-year-old Paramjit Kaur, a resident of Jhita Kalan village in Amritsar district. Kaur's husband, Harjit Singh, is a farmer leader, currently engaged in farmers' stir at Delhi border. The couple’s two children, Manmeet Kaur and Yuvraj Singh, having nothing to do with farming earlier, are now enthusiastically helping their mother in agricultural and allied activities. Both have cleared their IELTS (International English Language Testing System) exams and aspire to study abroad, Kaur told PTI over the phone.

Yuvraj is now irrigating wheat fields and taking care of cattle. “I have sown wheat for the first time," said Yuvraj who has cleared his 12th standard. Yuvraj's 20-year-old Manmeet Kaur who wishes to study in Canada, said, “We never did these jobs. We were involved in our studies. My job was limited to the kitchen but now we are doing agricultural work as well. I am taking care of vegetable fields and other errands now."

Jaspreet Kaur, 35, the wife of another farmer camping at Delhi border, said she was taking care of the cattle at her village Jethuke in Bathinda district. “I am now milking cows and buffaloes in absence of my husband," said Kaur, whose family sell milk for their livelihood. She said they have roped in some labourers for watering fields and sprinkling urea. “The problems are there but we have to face them," said Kaur, a mother of three.

Bhartiya Kisan Union (Ekta Ugrahan) general secretary Sukhdev Singh said in several areas, villagers and labourers have come forward to irrigate fields of farmers pitching in at Delhi borders in protests of farm laws. Committees have also been formed in several villages where fellow villagers irrigate crops of those who are at the protest site.

Farmers from different parts of the country, including Haryana and Punjab, have been camping at various border points of Delhi for two weeks now, demanding the repeal of three recent farm laws of the Centre. Farmers are protesting against the farm laws, which they fear will dismantle the minimum support price system, leaving them at the "mercy" of big corporates. They have rejected the government offer to amend the farm laws.



CITIZENSHIP TANGLE
‘We were here’: What the anti-CAA protests meant to this law student
At what point do you stop trying to be a good cog in a hostile machine?
Demonstrators attend a protest against a new citizenship law, outside the Jamia Millia Islamia university in New Delhi on December 22, 2019. | Danish Siddiqui/Reuters

On December 11, 2019, Parliament passed amendments to the Citizenship Act that sparked an unprecedented nationwide protest movement against the legislation and other government policies that discriminate against Muslims and violate Constitutional norms. One year later, after riots in Delhi and the Covid-19 pandemic put a halt to public sit-ins, Scroll.in considers the impact of this remarkable moment in Indian history.

For me, winter mornings before dystopia meant the ritual performance of magpie robins staged on the br?>anches of the backyard moringa. But winter mornings changed on December 10, 2019. The fears we had carried since the general elections of 2014 had materialised.

India tipped over into authoritarianism as the Parliament passed the Citizenship Amendment Act, which made non-Muslim undocumented migrants from Bangladesh, Afghanistan and Pakistan eligible for Indian citizenship. Together with the proposed nationwide National Register of Citizens, the Act seemed to be a step towards stripping thousands of Indian Muslims of citizenship.

As a starry-eyed law student, I had been hopeful that the proposed citizenship laws were mere rhetoric and even if legitimised by Parliament, they would not stand in a court of law. I was destined to be disappointed.


One Year After CAA

What has happened since the controversial law was passed?
READ HERE

For some years, Indian Muslims had lived in a collective nostalgia which contrasted with the humiliations of the present. This was now blended with a sense of imminent doom. Months before the bill was passed, I was combing the streets of Old Delhi, looking for the poet, Zauq, in his neglected shrine, and for Ghalib in his achkan and cap and beard, paired with his trademark air of rebellion. I wondered whether they, too, could be pulled by their beards or made to pull their pants down in their Dilli in “New India”.

My longings for the past do not feature sultanates and caliphates but something far more scarce to my kin: dignity. Struggling for this scarce resource, and bearing a colonially dictated version of identity, India’s Muslims have always simmered in its margins. That was until last year, when the mundane streets of Okhla became boundless, celestial spaces of reclamation. Spaces like this soon sprung up across the country.

To the streets

As the nation erupted in protest and we all discovered courage, the police wreaked vengeance on students of Jamia Millia Islamia demonstrating peacefully in Delhi on the night of December 14, 2019. What was evident, and this was perhaps more frightening than the violence itself, was that this establishment did not seem to care about disguising its cruel excesses. It did not bother to build a plausible premise for injustice, and the country did not seek one. That is when an apathetic government graduates into an authoritarian one. Majoritarianism and the carefully calibrated indifference of the judiciary made one thing quite clear: the solution did not lie within the establishment, but without.

This realisation was where the personal met the political for me. I had been a civil services aspirant, the way most Indian middle-class students are enchanted into being. But this realisation proved to be the fork in the road for me: being a good cog in a hostile machinery was not an alternative. I wondered if this would be my slide into anarchism.

I was surrounded by upper-class ideas of revolution; people who truly believed that listening to Pink Floyd and cheering for Jane Fonda getting herself arrested was resistance. But the turmoil that replaced the collective sense of disbelief could only unravel in the streets, and many were soon to discover that revolution did not resemble its romanticised image.

The public fury in response to the police action at Jamia Millia Islamia in Delhi and the Aligarh Muslim University was driven by the spontaneous sentiment: “you will never touch our children again”. But on December 19, a more synchronised protest was held across the country.

It was a cloudy day and the apocalyptic Delhi haze hung over the slowly kindling streets. At Kashmere Gate, a horde of khaki burst out of the haze and descended downhill towards the protesters. The bulk detentions had begun. As metros stations shut down one after the other, young and old alike left on foot to join the crowds at various sites. The detained returned from where they were dropped off and others set out from their homes to join the ranks. The hopelessness that had nearly settled in the face of repression was thwarted by the assemblies of protestors who gathered over and over again, until the authorities were left with no choice but to let it happen. It felt almost miraculous.The elderly women who became the face of the Shaheen Bagh protests. Picture credit: Rakhi Bose via Instagram.

Shaheen Bagh miracles

But Shaheen Bagh, the locality near Jamia Millia where women first set up a sit-in protest, was not a miracle. Shaheen Bagh was a survival instinct, the only possible alternative in the face of impending disenfranchisement. However, Shaheen Bagh was not devoid of its many miracles.

Gender roles were no longer being challenged in doctoral dissertations. As women from the locality stepped out to protest, men took care of the household. The movement mobilised women in Delhi’s Shaheen Bagh, Lucknow’s Ghantaghar and Mumbai Baug but also spilled into the smallest towns. The loudest and the clearest were women in the most conservative pockets of Vidarbha, some of whom told me they had never spent so much time outside their homes before.

As women claimed political spaces, personal spaces were also reshaped. By the end of the protests, I knew women who were putting off the idea of marriage to chase newfound pursuits, a woman who finally found in her comrades the support system that she needed to quit an unhappy marriage; all of them claiming azadi in its most wholesome form.

Shaheen Bagh itself, a gathering of eclectic creatures, changed. A friend told me how, on the first day, young women lighting cigarettes near a tea stall raised eyebrows. When I went to Shaheen Bagh 40 days later, a group of men in beards, flaming red and majestic white, carelessly passed a lighter to a huddle of young women. Cultural and generational divides had gone up in smoke.

Other prejudices evaporated in other Shaheen Baghs across India. In Ahmedabad, a young boy, tutored by some of the older boys, chanted a slogan using a transphobic slur. His sister, no older than 12, knew instantly that that was no insult. She had met and befriended plenty of trans people at the protests that month. She came running to me to protest and I could not have been prouder of this 12-year-old “madrassa” girl from a poor locality on the fringes of the city, far from the politically correct halls of academia.

Revolution, traditionally imagined in masculine metaphors and pronouns, was reimagined in “mother tongues”. The gendered structures of language were dismantled to radically rewrite cultural scripts. As poet Nabiya Khan wrote – “Aayega Inquilab, pehen ke bindi, choodiyan, burqa, hijab.” Revolution will arrive, wearing bindi, bangles, burqa and hijab.
The poetry of protest

Shaheen Bagh and its sister sit-ins in other cities also became known for the incredible elderly women who came out to protest in the biting cold night after night. As proud as I am of them, I wish they did not have to.

I remember a woman over 80 in Ahmedabad watching the sun sink into the boom of the Maghreb azaan, the call for evening prayers. With glistening eyes and a dry smile, she told me how she had always thought that 1947, when she left her hometown in Uttar Pradesh and moved to Gujarat, would be the worst moment of her life. But the riots of 1969 lit up Gujarat like never before. And in 1992, the country erupted. After Godhra 2002, she truly believed that she had seen her share of despair for a lifetime. Then she turned to the mic to sing in a cracking voice, “Meri aankhon ne yeh manzar na dekha hota toh kitna achchha hota – How good it would have been if my eyes had not witnessed this scene”. I could sense how disappointed they were in the country they call home.

But I shall draw strength from them. It has been a year since the protests but they are not dead. To those losing hope and to myself, I shall repeat: Revolution is not a two-hour movie. It takes decades of pushes, pulls, bruises, amputations, bandages and healing. I no longer know if the poetry of resistance has any value beyond soothing and strengthening ourselves. Yet, we write a collective message of defiance, to document for the world and for the last of the world: We were here.

Iqra Khan is a recent law graduate and bilingual poet.



Deputy Inspector General (Prisons) Lakhminder Singh Jakhar said ‘I am a farmer first and a police officer later’.
A file photo of Punjab Deputy Inspector General (Prisons) Lakhminder Singh Jakhar. | Lakhminder Singh/Facebook

Punjab Deputy Inspector General (Prisons) Lakhminder Singh Jakhar resigned from his position on Saturday to show support for the farmers protesting against the Centre’s agricultural laws, ANI reported.

Jakhar wrote a letter to Punjab’s principal secretary (home), asking to be considered for premature retirement from service. “I’d like to inform you of my considered decision to stand with my farmer brothers who’re peacefully protesting against farm laws,” he said.

Jakhar added that he was a farmer first and a police officer later, The Indian Express reported. “Whatever position I have got today, it is because my father worked as a farmer in the fields and he made me study,” he was quoted as saying by the newspaper. “Hence, I owe my everything to farming.”

The top police officer said that his 81-year-old mother, who looks after farming activities in her village, encouraged him to resign and join the farmers’ protest near Delhi. “I am likely to visit Delhi soon,” he told The Indian Express.

Jakhar was suspended in May over corruption allegations, but was reinstated to his position in October.

The farmers’ agitation against the Centre’s agricultural laws entered its 18th day. They started a tractor march from Shahjahanpur on the Rajasthan-Haryana border, causing the Delhi-Jaipur highway to shut down.

Also read: Farm laws: Former Punjab CM Parkash Singh Badal returns Padma award to protest ‘betrayal’ of farmers

Several eminent personalities have also returned their awards over the last few days to register their solidarity with the farmers. On Monday, Punjab agriculturalist Dr Varinder Pal Singh refused to accept an award from the Centre at an event as a gesture of support for the farmers.

Last week, former Punjab Chief Minister and Shiromani Akali Dal leader Parkash Singh Badal returned his Padma Vibhushan, the second-highest civilian award in India. A group of top sportspersons and coaches from Punjab also said they will return their awards.

Olympic medalist boxer Vijender Singh had said on December 5 that he would return the Rajiv Gandhi Khel Ratna Award, the country’s highest sporting honour.

Tens of thousands of farmers, mostly from Punjab and Haryana, have been protesting at key entry points to Delhi for 18 days against the laws. The farmers fear the agricultural reforms will weaken the minimum support price mechanism under which the government buys agricultural produce, will lead to the deregulation of crop-pricing, deny them fair remuneration for their produce and leave them at the mercy of corporations.

The government, on the other hand, maintains that the new laws will give farmers more options in selling their produce, lead to better pricing, and free them from unfair monopolies.