Saturday, March 12, 2022

HOW DARE YOU!

US congressional hearing questions India’s UN vote on Ukraine issue

Permanent representative and Ambassador of India to United Nations TS Tirumurti 
speaks at the UNSC meet on Ukraine, in New York on Tuesday. (ANI Photo)

By: Pramod Thomas

US lawmakers have questioned India’s UN vote on the Ukraine issue during a Congressional hearing on the Indo-Pacific on Wednesday (9).

India, a non-permanent member of the powerful United Nations Security Council for a two-year term ending December this year, has repeatedly abstained on resolutions against Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

Several lawmakers, including Indian American Ro Khanna, questioned the Pentagon leadership as to why India did not vote along with the US and its allies at the UN.

Responding to the questions, Ely Ratner, assistant secretary of defence for Indo-Pacific security affairs, told the House Armed Services Committee that India has a complicated history and relationship with Russia,

Ratner said that the majority of weapons that India buys are from Russia.

“The good news is that they are in a multi-year process of diversifying their arms purchases away from Russia. That’s going to take some time, but they are clearly committed to doing that, including increasing the indigenous — indigenisation of their own defence industry. That’s something we should support. So, I think in terms of their relationship with Russia, the trend lines are moving in the right direction,” he said.


Congressman Ro Khanna (Photo credit should read SAUL LOEB/AFP via Getty Images)

Khanna asserted that it was the US that supported India in its war against China in 1962 and again when it was engaged in a border conflict with China in 2020.

“Did Russia do anything to protect India when China was violating the Line of Actual Control, to your knowledge?” Khanna asked.

Khanna added: “I’ll just conclude by saying that I think it’s obvious that the US would stand against Chinese aggression on the Line of Actual Control far more than Russia or Putin would, and that we really need to press India to not be as dependent on Russian defence and to be willing to condemn Putin’s aggression in Ukraine, just like we would condemn Chinese aggression beyond the Line of Actual Control.”

Congressman Joe Wilson said that he is shocked that India has abstained on the issues of the mass murder in Ukraine.

“I am concerned a lot of this is because of foreign military sales and the different technicalities and whatever. What’s being done to address issues to make sure that previously brought up by Democrats and Republicans of their fondness for India that were not their main support of the military, which is in the interest of the people of India and the people of the Indo-Pacific,” Wilson said.

“The relationship with prime minister Narendra Modi should be with the US, not in any way associated by way of abstention with a megalomaniac Putin in Putin’s war. I saw our colleagues, Democrats and Republicans appalled that there would be abstention by India.”

Ratner, in response to another question from Congresswoman Lisa McClain,  said: “India, on its own accord as a sovereign decision, has been diversifying its arms purchases and development, including its own indigenisation and making some substantial purchases from the US as well.”

India’s Ambassador to the UN T S Tirumurti has earlier said that India has been deeply concerned over the rapidly deteriorating situation in Ukraine and the ensuing humanitarian crisis.

“We Are Witnessing a New Form of Warfare”
A military-intelligence source explains Ukraine’s chances of victory and how the embattled nation might still get those MiG fighters.

by Paul Glastris
March 11, 2022
The situation near the cities of Irpin and Bucha, west of Kyiv, Ukraine, during the Russian invasion of UKraine, pictured on March 9, 2022.
 Photo/Pavel Nemecek (CTK via AP Images)


On March 9, I had a conversation about the war in Ukraine with a longtime source of mine who has had a decades-long career in the military and in the intelligence community, serving both in and out of government. The source requested anonymity to speak freely. The following Q&A has been edited for brevity.

Q: What do you make of the offer by Poland to provide MiG fighters to the United States that we would then deliver to Ukraine?

A: It was really not smart of the Poles to float this publicly. It was an unforced error on their part. The more visible this discussion is, the less helpful it is.

Q: So how will Ukraine get the fighters it needs?

A: There are countries that have MiGs that are not members of NATO. This is a classic case where the U.S. government gets its checkbook out and quietly goes to one of those countries. The fighters just show up in Ukraine. The Russians wouldn’t even necessarily know where they came from—remember, right now, they don’t even control the airspace over Ukraine. They would obviously know what happened, but the United States and NATO would have deniability. It’s called “foreign material acquisition.” We did this all the time during the Cold War.

Q: How vital is it to get those MIGs to Ukraine?

A: I don’t see it as being decisive. Maybe I’m wrong. The Ukrainians seem to want them badly. I’m sure they want to use them to hit Russian tanks and deny Russia control of the airspace. But they are doing an amazing job of that with the weapons we already gave them. We’ve supplied them with something like 17,000 anti-tank missiles and I don’t know how many [antiaircraft] Stingers. We should be giving them thousands more.

We are witnessing a new form of warfare. To put a tank on a battlefield costs maybe $30 million. A Javelin anti-tank missile costs $175,000. Similarly with fighter jets and antiaircraft missiles. You can defend territory at a tiny fraction of what it costs the aggressor to take it. The drones the Ukrainians bought from the Turks are doing incredible damage. But just the cheap commercial drones you buy at Walmart can give you total tactical awareness of the battlefield. So Ukrainians can see everything the Russians are doing. They don’t even need satellites. But you can buy satellite imagery on the commercial market, too, and that gives you strategic awareness.

Q: How worried are you that the Russians will be able to cut off the supply of weapons and other key material from the West to the Ukrainians?

A: The Russians are said to be able to interdict supplies. But if you have Ukrainian convoys equipped with Stingers and also teams equipped with Stingers on fixed sites along the routes, all they need to do is shoot down a few Russian aircraft and the Russians are going to be saying, “Forget it, I don’t want to go there.” Will it be harder to get supplies into Kyiv if the Russians manage to blockade the city? Yes. But the Ukrainians can then attack the Russians from behind.

Q: How much of the military resistance we are seeing in Ukraine is the result of citizens rising up themselves and how much of it is being directed by the Ukrainian military?

A: Yeah, you see the photos in the media of the handmade Molotov cocktails. No question: The will of the Ukrainian people is incredible. You saw a taste of that determination in 2014. I saw it when I was in Ukraine right after the 2014 revolution. If Putin had been paying attention, they would’ve seen that, too. But also, we’ve had Green Berets going into Ukraine for years training Ukrainian special forces for just this kind of moment. This resistance was very well planned out.

Q: How does this end?

A: It’s a race against time. The Ukrainians are killing hundreds of 19-year-old Russian conscripts. The Russians are killing hundreds of Ukranian civilians. Thousands are going to die. But the Ukrainian people have had a taste of the West, a taste of freedom, and they don’t want anything to do with Russia. The Russian people, on the other hand, have had a tacit understanding with Putin: They don’t get involved in politics, and he gives them some semblance of economic stability. But now, with the war and the sanctions, Putin has broken the deal. Average middle-class Russians can’t go to Greece for vacation anymore. They can’t watch soccer. They can’t even go to McDonald’s. That tacit understanding has been broken. It’s really a case of this being one man’s war: Putin’s.

PAUL GLASTRIS
 is the editor in chief of the Washington Monthly. A former speechwriter for President Bill Clinton, he is writing a book on America’s involvement in the Greek War of Independence.
Altercation: How Did So Many People Quickly Become Experts on Ukraine and Russia?

The media (both mass and social) are full of freshly minted authorities on Eastern Europe and the complexities of warfare.


BY ERIC ALTERMAN
MARCH 11, 2022


ALEXEY MAISHEV/SPUTNIK VIA AP
Russian President Vladimir Putin is seen on a screen as he delivers a speech at the plenary session during the Saint Petersburg International Economic Forum, June 4, 2021, in St. Petersburg, Russia.

Sometimes, albeit rarely, 280 characters is exactly the right amount of space to make a crucially necessary intervention on America’s political discourse. Case in point, from comic Robby Slowick: “Bittersweet announcement but after an amazing 2 years as an infectious disease expert I am moving on. I am now an expert in no-fly zones and Eastern European affairs. Excited to make the most of this new opportunity.”

Yes, of course, journalists have always acted as if it required an hour or two for them to “get up to speed” on whatever issue interested them: nuclear fission, the internal politics of Moldova, or the infield fly rule. And yes, that is intensely annoying. But academics, many of whom devote their entire lives to trying to understand a single topic—and often complain about just this tendency in journalists—should know better. They should understand, based on their own professional experience, that various complexities that are invisible to all but those who have immersed themselves in their subjects are bound to interfere with the kind of dime-store, simplistic analysis that rules the day in our punditocracy’s discourse. The proper reaction, therefore, ought to be to stay at least in the vicinity of one’s lane when mouthing off on social media.

Read more Altercation

But it turns out the opposite is true. I can’t tell you how many people in my various networks whose subspecialties have nothing whatsoever to do with anything related to Russia, Ukraine, or war are mouthing off like Nate Silver on the intricacies of epidemiology. They need to take a chill pill and listen to people who’ve put in sufficient work to know what they are talking about. It’s bad enough that our cable networks don’t care, but the members of our scholarly and professional networks certainly should. Respect for expertise is, after all, what they’ve devoted their entire professional lives to.

Listen people, it’s time to get out more. Your Twitter followers, Facebook “friends,” and members of your listservs are not really your friends, and no one on any social media network cares how you “feel” about Putin, Biden, or Trump. Why not make some real friends, or maybe go to the movies? (I recommend Parallel Mothers, Licorice Pizza, and Drive My Car.) But however you decide to spend your time, please stop pontificating on Twitter et al. about things you know as much about as Donald Trump knew about drinking cleaning products. It’s just another form of pollution and minimizes our already minuscule possibility of having an intelligent public conversation about the extremely difficult and dangerous problems our country faces. In The Atlantic, we find a fuller account of a similarly annoying phenomenon, here.

One thing I will venture to say about Russia’s invasion of Ukraine—staying in my lane as I do so—is that it should give us cause to rethink the Cold War. Sure, the Bolshevik Revolution looked awfully frightening to American elites in 1917, given its take-no-prisoners, anti-democratic embrace of mass violence (and especially when they started murdering the members of the Romanov family). But by 1924–1925, when Stalin had consolidated his power and declared his dedication to “Socialism in One Country,” it ceased to be a significant threat to anyone in the United States. All of the “Red Scare” hysteria could have been avoided if we had just accepted the fact that the Soviet Union was still just the Russian Empire, and that its post-Lenin/Trotsky ideology was just a gloss to justify what any Russian autocrat would have wanted to do anyway. We would be a far healthier democracy today and millions of people would not have died in unnecessary, counterproductive wars if the U.S. had shown more self-confidence in its own values and beliefs rather than feeling that we had to counter the Soviets everywhere of their choosing.

SEE LA REVUE GAUCHE - Left Comment: The Tragedy of American Diplomacy 


I say all of the above because, while I know we would all love to see Putin gone, either in defeat or in retreat, no one can really be sure how that might be accomplished without setting off World War III. The Ukrainians can likely wage a spirited guerrilla war against a Russian occupation and drive up its cost over time, but it’s hard to imagine they can defeat an army eight times the size of their own in conventional warfare should Putin decide to go all out. In the hopes of avoiding that—or worse, of somehow inspiring Putin to respond to his army’s failure so far to capture the country by setting off a few tactical nuclear weapons—well, all I can say is I hope nobody in a position in power is taking seriously all the dumbass suggestions I keep seeing on social media. (It hardly needs saying that by far the stupidest of these have come from this man, though if you check the media coverage of his remarks, you will find it typically respectful, in the manner one treats the words of infants who have just learned to talk.)

The fact is that no one seems to know whether Putin is politically vulnerable inside Russia, or what he might do should he turn out to be. We don’t know if he can be overthrown from within or even if the Russian people would want that. Our intelligence agencies appear to be guessing on the basis of their own ideological predilections, rather than reliable data. Putin is a one-man show and were I to play poker with him, I’d have no choice but to play the cards and not the man. And our cards are all lousy.

Perhaps it is true that the Russian people would wish to get rid of him if they properly understood the crimes he has committed and the irreversible damage he has done to their country. We don’t know that either. What we do know is that such information won’t be available to them, because in Russia, just as in the United States and much of the world, democracy is in rapid retreat.

I know this because I’ve been reading the new detailed report by Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem), “Democracy Report 2022: Autocratization Changing Nature?,” based on over 30 million data points for 202 countries from 1789 to 2021. It enlisted over 3,700 scholars to measure hundreds of different attributes of democracy and found that “the level of democracy enjoyed by the average global citizen in 2021 is down to 1989 levels,” and “the last 30 years of democratic advances are now eradicated.” Dictatorships now govern 70 percent of the world population—5.4 billion people. The number of liberal democracies, which were rising up until 2012, have since fallen to their lowest level in more than 25 years and now account for just 13 percent of the world population. (And I think they are still counting the United States.) The democratic decline, the authors note, is especially evident in Asia Pacific, Eastern Europe, and Central Asia, as well as in parts of Latin America and the Caribbean.

Odds and Ends

Cancel culture is dumb and destructive and should always be opposed, but:

(a) It happens far more on the right than on the left.

(b) The people who complain about it the most are often the people who practice it the most. (Of a million examples I could choose, I’m going with Bari Weiss.)

(c) No matter how bad it may be in elite universities, it is nowhere near as important a problem as the editors of the New York Times op-ed page seem to think it is. And once again, I repeat, it’s a scandal how much journalistic attention is given to schools like UVA and Yale, etc., when the vast number of students in American colleges attend non-elite, usually public universities that are criminally underfunded. I like to think I teach at one of the best.

(d) Ms. Weiss should watch her back. (I borrowed that one from someone on Twitter, but I forget who.)

(e) P.S.: It’s just as dumb when you’re canceling Russians.

I’m a little late in mentioning this, but has anyone in the world had a better year than Paul McCartney? Just a few months ago, he was thought to be the guy who broke up the Beatles with his bossiness and refusal to go along with the business plans the other three had agreed to, and hence being the first to announce publicly that “the dream was over.”

Thanks to the release of Get Back, we now know that it was Paul who actually held the Beatles together as long as it was possible to do so. By the time of the 1970 breakup announcement, John had already informed the rest of the band that he was leaving to pursue projects with Yoko. (What’s more, George’s blossoming songwriting talent had become uncontainable in the band any longer.) But Paul’s a hero now, thanks to the charm and intelligence on display in the documentary in keeping things together, but also the way we got to see him write “Get Back” in front of our eyes like the insanely handsome genius he still clearly was. In the past few months, the 80-year-old mop top has enjoyed elder-statesman treatment from David Remnick, Terry Gross, and Rick Rubin and can be seen in superhuman size (and charm) with the rest of the boys in the terrific IMAX version of the Rooftop Concert currently traveling the country. Here’s 20 minutes of the show. Paul is also touring this summer. Maybe I’ll see you in the cheap seat


ERIC ALTERMAN is a CUNY Distinguished Professor of English at Brooklyn College, an award-winning journalist, and the author of 11 books, most recently ‘Lying in State: Why Presidents Lie—and Why Trump Is Worse.’ Follow him on Twitter @eric_alterman
“They Want War”: An Open Letter to Visual Artists and Critics

BY STEPHEN F. EISENMAN
COUNTERPUNCH
MARCH 11, 2022
Facebook
A picture containing textDescription automatically generated

Sue Coe, “What a Golden Beak (They Want War)”, Tragedy of War, 1999-2000. Photo: The artist.

Dear Comrades,

Before I say anything else, let me to extend to Ukrainians my fervent hope for your safety. If you are sheltering with family, friends, or neighbors, please find comfort in companionship, and solace in dreams of better times. If you are a refugee, I hope you have been welcomed with generosity – no one should have to experience what you have. If you are fighting, I wish you success! But please remember that retreat in the face of overwhelming odds is not timidity; it’s tactics.

To Russian artists and writers: I salute your courage in protesting this war. If police repression has made that impossible, please know that others around the world are speaking out on your behalf in opposition to invasion and violence. We understand that many ordinary Russians, perhaps a majority, oppose the war, and want to remove Putin from power. We know just how they feel. How often have we said out loud, under successive U.S. presidents, “Not my war!” or “Not in my name!”

To progressive artists and critics in the U.S., I admire your engagement in issues of war and peace at a time when most creative people and institutions prefer to cultivate their gardens and harvest what rewards they can. I especially applaud you for pondering how best to support Ukraine under siege, while at the same time denying comfort to the cold warriors and arms manufacturers at home that created the conditions for the current conflict and expect to profit from them.

During wartime, aesthetics is often set aside in favor of sheer survival. That’s understandable. But wars are waged with ideas and images almost as much as bombs and bullets, which is why Putin has shut down all independent media, banned public protest, and propagated the naked lie that Russia is not fighting a war at all! And it’s why the Ukrainian president has used every possible image and anecdote – and American public relations firms — to paint a picture of heroic resistance against a much larger and more powerful invading force.

Since the invasion on Feb. 24, many of you – my friends and colleagues in Ukraine, Russia, the U.S. and elsewhere — have been meeting to talk about how to use art to help stop the Russian onslaught and secure peace. Discussions have been spirited. Because I live in rural Florida, safely distant from the combat zone, (not withstanding Governor DeSantis), I have mostly abstained from these conversations. But the truth is, I’m deeply implicated in this war; so is every American. Putin would not have invaded Ukraine but for the specter of U.S. and NATO expansionism. We are the enemy; Ukraine is the proxy. The U.S. is far away and armed to the teeth; Ukraine is close and comparatively weak. That’s why Russia attacked. This fact is obvious but rarely said. We are responsible for Ukraine’s suffering, almost as much as Russia.

So, my friends, here are the two questions I most want us to address in our next meeting:

1) How can we best deploy art to challenge Russian violence and irredentism, while at the same time attacking U.S. and NATO imperialism?

2) How can artists and critics challenge the madness of exterminism: the grotesque illogic of nuclear war and the equally mad rush toward climate catastrophe?

We can begin to consider these questions by examining some specific works of art from the past.

Art Against War

I have long admired the work of the British-born, American artist, Sue Coe, so let’s look at her anti-war etching “What a Golden Beak (They Want War), part of a series of 23 prints titled The Tragedy of War (1999-2000). As you well know, serious artists don’t invent ex-nihlio; they build upon what has come before. Coe fits that model to a t. She is very conversant in the long history of art against war. Her suite recalls Jacques Callot’s similarly titled set of 18 etchings called The Great Miseries of War (1633), and Francisco Goya’s collection of 80 etchings and aquatints titled The Disasters of War (c. 1810-15).

In these prints, Coe represents violence abroad and at home. She alluded in the series to the U.S. and NATO bombing of Yugoslavia in Spring 1999, the scourge of American gun crime, the targeting of innocent children, and many other tragedies of war. She also indicted American and European war mongers in a pair of prints titled “War Street” which shows a Wall Street bear and bull watching Death on a pale, carousel horse; and “What a Golden Beak (They Want War), which depicts a dead bird-fetus hoisted like a puppet above a teeming mass of leering faces. Behind the carcass are two more marionettes: a bat with mouth wide open, and the effigy of a man. The bird’s beak is gilt, as if to suggest that for a war profiteer, death is pure gold.

Coe’s “What a Golden Beak” recalls Callot’s etching from the Miseries titled “L’Estrapade” (“Strappado”), which shows in the middle ground a man hoisted in the air by his wrists, and in the right foreground, another man trussed up, preparing to suffer the same fate. Three centuries later, strappado was deployed by the Nazis for purposes of torture and interrogation, and still later, by the CIA at Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq. In that instance, the prisoner, Iraqi national Manadel al-Jamadi, was killed.

A group of soldiers marchingDescription automatically generated with low confidence

Jacques Callot, “L’Estrapade,” Les Misères et les Malheurs de la Guerre, 1633. Photo: The author.

A more obvious source for Coe was three prints by Goya: “¡Que pico de oro!” (What a Golden Beak!”) from Los Caprichos (1799), “El sueño de la razón produce monstruos,” (“The sleep of reason produces monsters”) also from Los Caprichos, and “Que se rompe la cuerda!” (“The rope

is breaking”) from The Disasters of War (c. 1810-15). From each print, Sue selected a single motif – a parrot, a bat, and a tightrope walker – to convey a complex, new idea: that a

multitude of war profiteers have constructed a political zombie that can ventriloquize their greed.

An official writes a report into a notebook as a woman in a white nightgown nearly swoons with her head in her hands; a man next to her holds his head in his hands expressing both fear and grief and a dog at his feet growls and threatens.

Francisco Goya, “Que se rompe la cuerda!” (“The rope is breaking”), The Disasters of War, c. 1810-15. Photo: The author

Of course, the meaning of Coe’s work is not so literal. It’s also about the divide between performance and spectatorship; the relationship between individuals and mobs; and

the conflict of innocence and experience. No artwork of value can be reduced to a single, articulable “message;” if it could, its very existence would be unnecessary. You know this well. But Coe’s print series is concerned to warn us about the risks posed by weapons manufacturers, the aerospace industry, fossil fuel companies, security consultants, investment bankers, pipeline developers and the rest of the vampires who “want war” and live off death. And her cautionary remains salient today. The war in Ukraine is a tragedy for the many, but a bonanza for a few.

War Profiteers

The war against Ukraine and the economic sanctions against Russia have disrupted the global market for oil and natural gas, raising the price for both to record levels. The war has also greatly increased demand for advanced weapons and aircraft. Fossil fuel companies and arms manufacturers are practically chortling. Any losses BP and Shell may incur from their withdrawal of stakes in Russian oil and gas giants Rosneft and Gazprom, will be more than made up for by increased profits from rising fuel and share prices. Even before the war, the oil and gas companies were doing very, very well. Shell earned $6.4 billion in profits in the last quarter of 2021. Shell’s CEO, Ben van Beurden had a total compensation last year of about $10 million. In February 2022, he collected a cool $5 million from the sale of Shell stock. ExxonMobil made almost $9 billion in the fourth quarter, and its CEO, Darren Woods made about $15 million, $8 million or so from stock options.

Not content with record profits and executive profiteering, the oil industry trade group, the American Petroleum Institute, which represents Exxon, Shell and Chevron, wants more. In the wake of the war and possible shortages, they are asking the Biden administration to relax extraction regulations and open up drilling on federal lands and off-shore to “ensure energy security at home and abroad.” They have not proposed rapidly expanding the use of renewable energy, though this would accomplish the same thing cheaper and faster and at much less cost to the environment and climate.

Here’s another example of an energy company profiting from war: Cheniere Energy, the largest U.S. exporter of Liquified Natural Gas, which reported record profits in 2021, saw its share price last week rise almost 8%. Eager to allay any anxiety about gas supplies, Cheniere’s vice president, Anatol Feygin, said his company’s tankers would be “a key part of the solution going forward.” He added: “The human toll and tragedy [of war], obviously has our thoughts and prayers.” Coincidentally, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change reported last week that global temperatures are rising faster than expected and that record droughts and rising seas will cause catastrophe – hunger and malnutrition, displacement and early death – for millions in the next few decades unless immediate action is taken to reduce the emission of global greenhouse gasses. Feygin and Cheniere did not publicly address the IPCC report. War, fossil fuels and climate catastrophe are evil triplets.

As the world’s leading producer or fossil fuels, the U.S. is the chief culprit in the climate crisis. It is also the world leading producer (37% share) of armaments, followed by Russia (20%), France (8%), Germany (5%) and China (5%). It’s home to the planet’s five biggest arms manufacturers, led by Lockheed-Martin, which logged $67 billion in sales in 2021. Lockheed makes Stinger and Javelin missiles, currently in great demand by Ukraine and all other nations in the region. The looping trajectory of Javelins allows them to hit tanks from above, making them very effective at penetrating the commander’s hatch and incinerating the crew. U.S. defense contractors donated almost $50 million to both Democratic and Republican campaigns in 2020, led by Lockheed-Martin with about $6 million, followed closely by Raytheon and Northrop Grumman with more than $5 million each.

Coe’s etching, “They Want War,” we have seen, is a highly mediated work of art that is part of a long tradition of anti-war images stretching back at least 400 years. But it effectively evokes the current drive for profit of some of the nation’s largest and most powerful corporations. Radical art today isn’t primarily about reporting the facts – that’s the essential work of journalists. It’s about making militarism and capitalism emotionally and intellectually vivid, the better to be resisted. “The weapon of criticism,” Marx wrote in 1843, “cannot, of course, replace criticism of the weapon; material force must be overthrown by material force; but theory also becomes a material force as soon as it has gripped the masses.” Replace the word “theory” in Marx’s famous quote, with “art” and you have a pretty good idea of the potential power of art in the context of a mass movement against war and empire.

Art of the Meme

By now you are probably asking yourselves who are the Sue Coes (apart from Coe herself) of the current anti-war, anti-imperialist struggle? The answer for the moment is unclear. Serious art takes time, and it is only in the next few weeks and months that we’ll begin to see what the world’s best artists have to say about the current crisis, and how they will forge links with emerging protest movements. So far however, the most arresting art consists of memes supporting Ukraine and condemning Russia. For example, the unsigned, unattributed, widely distributed internet montage of Putin using a dart to burst a Ukraine-flag balloon but exploding himself. The image is a clever inversion of the scene from Charlie Chaplin’s The Great  Dictator (1940) in which Adenoid Hynkel (the Hitler character played by Charlie) toys with a balloon-earth, only to have it blow up in his face.

A picture containing balloon, aircraft Description automatically generated
A picture containing person, indoorDescription automatically generated

Charlie Chaplin in The Great Dictator, written, directed, and produced by Charlie Chaplin, 1940.

Other memes, especially by Ukrainian artists, are still more tendentious. The ones posted online by Katerina Korolevtseva and the Projector Creative & Tech Online Institute were made to be freely downloaded and distributed. Their most frequent demand is for NATO to

A picture containing diagram Description automatically generated

Artem Gusev, Close the Skies, 2022 Elina Tslk, The Ghost of Kyiv, 2022

“close the sky,” meaning establish a no-fly zone over Ukraine. That request was rejected last week by U.S. Secretary of State Anthony Blinken and NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg for the very sensible reason that do so could trigger a U.S. war against Russia and possible nuclear holocaust.

Other designs show Putin as Hitler, Russia as Nazi Germany, and the “Ghost of Kyiv” who single-handedly shot down between six and 21 Russian fighters – the numbers vary according to the teller. Like the widely reported deaths of the 13 border guards on Snake Island who rather than surrender to the Russian navy shouted “Go fuck yourself”, the Ghost figure is fictional. (The guards were not killed; they were captured alive.) Truth, as the expression goes, is the first casualty of war.

Another effective, but less partisan meme is one by Brett Stiles simply titled Peace, which recalls Picasso’s iconic lithograph from 1949. Stiles updated the image by turning the curves of Picasso’s bird into an angular origami made from a New York Times front page reporting the Russian invasion. Picasso’s bird is notable because it was intended to be an anti-nationalist symbol, condemning all war and violence, but particularly that perpetrated by the U.S.

A picture containing text Description automatically generated

Bret Stiles, Peace, 2022, courtesy brettstilesdesign.com. Pablo Picasso, Peace, 1949.

Stiles’s meme too rejects nationalism in favor of global peace. (Another dove by Picasso was used on the poster for the second World Congress of Partisans for Peace in Paris in 1949.)

Precisely such images, however, have been criticized by Ukrainian designer Korolevsteva. She writes:

“I think the most useful messages from the international community and from our designers in English are not with doves and calls for peace, but calls to make donations, for example. Or calls to cut Russia off from the international payment network Swift, or to close the sky. When these messages are shared, they lead to action and designers can make a difference in the name of truth and our freedom.”

Whether such memes can in fact “lead to action”, or as Marx wrote, become a “material force,” depends upon conditions of their reception. But the massages of some of them – especially “close the sky” — are historically and politically irresponsible. They invite war between the U.S. and Russia.

The shape of things to come

The memes illustrated here, and many others, fail to effectively characterize the individuals, institutions, and practices responsible for the current conflagration. The fires of war were not lit in a flash by a single, evil genius; they have been long smoldering. NATO expansionism and U.S. impunity infuriated and emboldened Putin and his military. As horrific and inexcusable as is the Russian attack upon Ukraine, the U.S. invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan, bombings of Serbia and Libya, and support for the Saudis in their war against the Houthi in Yemen led to vastly more casualties than are likely be suffered in Ukraine. And yet there were no sanctions against the U.S., no war crimes tribunals in The Hague, and no confiscation of the wealth of American oligarchs. To say that is not to excuse Putin’s malignity; only to say that it was a disease that spread from west to east.

What’s needed now, my dear friends, is a global, mass mobilization against this war, U.S. imperialism, NATO expansionism and the fossil fuel and arms industries. Protesters on every continent must condemn the current drive toward self-destruction whether in the form of nuclear war or global warming. Their mantra must be, as it was for the historian E.P. Thompson in 1980, “protest and survive.” A leader of the global Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, Thompson understood the nuclear standoff of his day not simply as the head-to-head battle of a few, international leaders, but as the product, as C. Wright Mills first argued, of the “oligarchic and military ruling classes.” That remains true today, as does the illogic of exterminism:

“Exterminism designates those characteristics of a society — expressed, in differing degrees, within its economy, its polity and its ideology — which thrust it in a direction whose outcome must be the extermination of multitudes. The outcome will be extermination, but this will not happen accidentally (even if the final trigger is “accidental”) but as the direct consequence of prior acts of policy, of the accumulation and perfection of the means of extermination, and of the structuring of whole societies so that these are directed towards that end.”

That “accumulation and perfection of the means of extermination” is the reason why anti-war art that today must be similarly broad, international, and inclusive in its messaging and scope. Patriotic memes simply won’t do, no matter how much they may bolster the morale of heroic partisans in Ukraine. It’s necessary to recall, once again, that the citizens of that country aren’t the prime targets of the current war, even if they are so far, its only victims. The U.S. and NATO are Russia’s main targets, which also makes them – along with Putin and his oligarchs — the war’s instigators.

The new, anti-war art I’m calling for must demand peace negotiations now, based upon concessions from all sides. The terms of a resolution are obvious: a phased Russian withdrawal in exchange for the slow lifting of sanctions; political neutrality for Ukraine, including an agreement not to join NATO for the foreseeable future; a deal between the U.S. and Russia to pull back missiles from each side of the Russia/NATO borderland; nuclear arms reduction talks; and immediate, joint action to reduce the emission of greenhouse gasses. (There is no use stopping one catastrophe while continuing to accelerate another.) Ukrainians may not like some of these terms. But to forestall further suffering and death, a negotiated settlement is required — what Noam Chomsky calls “an escape hatch with a grimace.”

As we begin to come together in protests, we also need to gather our creative energies in support of a few basic ideas that will inform a veritable flood of memes, signs, posters, banners, screen prints, etchings, woodcuts, paintings, sculptures, performances, aesthetic practices, essays and works of criticism.

No to the Russian invasion of Ukraine!

No to Russia’s attack on dissidents!

No to war!

No to U.S. militarism!

No to U.S. imperialism!

No to global fascism!

No to NATO!

No to exterminism!

Yes, to peace, yes to negotiation, yes to compromise!

Protest and survive!

Many great artists have preceded us in protesting war, imperialism and fascism in the 20th Century, including Otto Dix, George GroszJohn HeartfieldNorman LewisLeon GolubNancy SperoMartha RoslerRudolf BaranikPablo PicassoDavid Alfaro Siqueros, and Kathe Kollwitz. Now is our time to make art that will help stop the gathering momentum of violence, catastrophic climate change, and exterminism.

Stephen F. Eisenman is Professor Emeritus of Art History at Northwestern University and the author of Gauguin’s Skirt (Thames and Hudson, 1997), The Abu Ghraib Effect (Reaktion, 2007), The Cry of Nature: Art and the Making of Animal Rights (Reaktion, 2015) and many other books. He is also co-founder of the environmental justice non-profit,  Anthropocene Alliance. He and the artist Sue Coe and now preparing for publication part two of their series for Rotland Press, American Fascism Now.

PUTIN'S PUPPET
Why Belarus is so involved in Russia's invasion of Ukraine


By Becky Sullivan
NPR
Published March 11, 2022 

Maxim Gucheck/BELTA/AFP Via Getty Images
Belarus' President Alexander Lukashenko (center) attends his country's joint military exercises with Russia at a firing range outside Minsk on Feb. 17.

As the U.S. and its European allies move to cinch Russia off from global trade and international funds over its ongoing invasion of Ukraine, one country has landed alongside it in the Western crosshairs: Belarus.

The landlocked country of 9 million people borders northern Ukraine and served as a staging ground for Russian troops in the months preceding the invasion. It has also hosted diplomatic talks between Russia and Ukraine.

On Wednesday, the European Union announced it would ban Belarusian banks from the SWIFT global financial messaging system and freeze ties with Belarus' central bank, adding to sanctions levied last week that effectively block billions of euros' worth of annual exports to the EU.

And the White House announced its own sanctions last week to limit imports and target Belarusian military officials, as it criticized Belarus for "enabling Putin's invasion of Ukraine."

"You have stabbed your neighbor in the back. You are a co-aggressor, your territory has been used as a launch pad for a vicious, barbaric attack on a neighboring state, and you bear responsibility for that," Michael Carpenter, a U.S. diplomat, said this week at a meeting of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe.

Here's what to know about the role Belarus is playing in the conflict.

How does Belarus fit into Russia's invasion of Ukraine?

Belarus was part of the Soviet Union and became an independent country in 1991, after the USSR collapsed. Since then, it has maintained close economic and political ties with Russia.

The country borders three NATO member states that were once communist states: Latvia, Lithuania and Poland. While those countries and others that were part of the Soviet bloc have joined Western alliances NATO and the EU, Belarus has remained tightly under Moscow's influence.

Strategically, Belarus is important to the Russian military effort. It shares nearly 700 miles of border with Ukraine, and Kyiv is closer to Belarus than it is to Russia. Over the winter, more than 30,000 Russian troops gathered in Belarus under the guise of joint training exercises. Russia had claimed those forces would return home after the exercises ended in late February.

Instead, they invaded Ukraine on Feb. 24. Since then, Russian forces coming from Belarus have approached the capital Kyiv along the west side of the Dnieper River and attacked Chernihiv, a smaller city to Kyiv's northeast. Some injured Russian soldiers have been evacuated to hospitals in Belarus, The Wall Street Journal reported. Russian missiles have also been launched from Belarus, the Pentagon said.

U.S. defense officials have repeatedly said they have seen no evidence that Belarusian troops have joined Putin's invasion.

Why is Belarus aiding the Russian invasion?

In short, Russia has helped Belarus — and specifically its authoritarian leader, Alexander Lukashenko — and now, Russian President Vladimir Putin has called in the favor.

For decades, Lukashenko had played Belarus as something of a neutral state, shifting his overtures from Russia to Western nations and back as his needs suited.

But a key turning point came in 2020, after Lukashenko declared victory in a controversial, disputed presidential election.


Arturas Morozovas /Getty Images
Svetlana Tikhanovskaya, an opposition presidential candidate in Belarus who was exiled after a disputed election in 2020, is pictured in Lithuania later that year.

Lukashenko's claim of a landslide victory — 80% for Lukashenko versus 10% for his popular opponent, Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya — was instantly disputed, both by the opposition and by the U.S. and its allies in Europe.

In Belarus, protests erupted on an unprecedented scale. They lasted for weeks, with security forces arresting thousands but still failing to suppress the huge numbers of demonstrators in the capital Minsk.

Facing the biggest popular challenge in his 26 years of power, Lukashenko turned to Putin for help. And Putin delivered, announcing that the Russian military stood ready to intervene "if necessary."

An emboldened Lukashenko embarked on a vicious crackdown, with mass arrests and torture of detainees. His government jailed political opponents and journalists, shut down human rights organizations and criminalized displays of what it called "extremism."

More than 37,000 people were detained in the year ending May 2021, according to a new report by the United Nations.

"These arrests and detentions, accompanied by the unlawful use of force that caused serious bodily injury and harm, and followed by torture and ill-treatment, including rape, were on a large scale and had the effect of exerting pressure on the population, to stifle dissent and public displays of opposition to the incumbent President," the report states.


TUT.BY/AFP Via Getty Images
A September 2020 photo of demonstrators in Minsk protesting Belarus's disputed presidential election.

Lukashenko's actions came at a cost, says Tatsiana Kulakevich, a political scientist at the University of South Florida who is originally from Belarus.

"The door was closed towards the West, and he had only one option: Russia," Kulakevich said. "He needs support, he needs money. And Putin provided that to him."
How has the West responded?

The U.S., the United Kingdom and the EU have all announced sanctions against Belarus over the past two weeks, nearly as severe as those placed on Russia itself.

It's important to note that Belarus was already under major sanctions enacted following Lukashenko's 2020 crackdown on pro-democracy protesters. Last year, more sanctions came after the diversion of a Ryanair flight to Minsk to arrest an anti-Lukashenko journalist, and for stranding Middle Eastern migrants on Belarus' border with Poland.

As a result, diplomatic ties between Belarus and the U.S. have been strained. The Belarusian government denied a visa to U.S. Ambassador Julie Fisher in 2020 and ordered the drawdown of U.S. Embassy staff in Minsk in 2021. Belarus does not currently have an ambassador in Washington.


Siarhei Leskiec / AFP Via Getty Images
Riot police detain a protester after polls closed in the presidential election, in Minsk in Aug. 2020.

Western officials are wary of making deals with Lukashenko, whose commitments have proved unreliable in the past — such as when the EU welcomed a seemingly liberalizing Belarus into the union's democracy-focused Eastern Partnership in 2009, only to watch in 2010 as Lukashenko ordered the arrests of political opponents and the violent dispersal of tens of thousands of protesters.

"I think it's incredibly important to recognize the patterns that Lukashenko has built over decades — the question of whether or not it is possible to make arrangements to try to resolve one discrete issue, whether he can be trusted to live up to any such agreements," said Fisher in an interview with NPR last November.

What is next for Belarus?

While Lukashenko says that Belarusian forces will not take part in the conflict, Belarus has little power to influence Russia's Ukraine war. Russian troops are still present in Belarus.

Opinion polling in Belarus is limited, but recent studies by foreign think tanks have found growing discontent with Lukashenko's regime and ambivalence among Belarusians about their country's deepening relationship with Russia. But there is nothing that everyday Belarusians can do to change Lukashenko's dependence on Putin.

More broadly, Putin's decision to invade Ukraine shows a determination to bolster Moscow's sphere of influence — and Belarus is part of that, experts say.

Putin "wants Ukraine because it's part of his version of a Russian empire. He wants Belarus to be part of that empire," Daniel Fried, a former assistant secretary of state for Europe, told NPR last month.

Putin has written and spoken extensively about his belief that Ukrainians and Russians are one people, and that Ukraine is not a legitimate nation separate from Russia.

In those comments, he often includes Belarus, too, Kulakevich points out.

"When we hear that Ukraine is in his sphere of influence, that he wants it to be — Belarus is as well. He cannot let it go," Kulakevich says. "They also don't have a right to exist, essentially, according to Putin. And it's a very unfortunate situation, because the Belarusian people cannot do anything."

Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.