Wednesday, May 03, 2023

Citizen scientists help discover a blind catfish species hidden inside Kerala’s aquifers

by Neha Jain on 2 May 2023

A new-to-science catfish species has been described by a team of scientists from India and Germany from the lateritic aquifers of the southern Indian state of Kerala.

The catfish, which is named after the public who helped in the discovery, is tiny, possesses a blood red-coloured body and lacks eyes. It is genetically diverse from other species of its genus but looks similar to the other species.

Public involvement is key to discovering more species in the future. This will involve training the public on the importance of unique species and how to collect the species for research purposes.

Inside the narrow groundwater aquifers of the southern Indian state of Kerala reside a unique group of subterranean catfishes. These fishes live in total darkness with low concentrations of nutrients and oxygen. Catching a glimpse of these fishes is rare but when homestead wells are dug out or cleaned, some of these elusive fishes occasionally emerge.

As part of a long-term project, locally-trained citizen scientists spotted catfish lurking in the dugout wells of various parts of Kerala and handed them over to scientists. The scientists also collected catfish from wells and aboveground tanks. The team used scoop nets in shallow wetlands, water channels, home gardens and plantations and baited traps in dugout wells in homesteads, ponds and caves.

A detailed study by a team of researchers from the Kerala University of Fisheries and Ocean Studies (KUFOS), Shiv Nadar University in New Delhi and Senckenberg Museum in Germany revealed a new-to-science, cryptic species. In a tribute to the citizen scientists who helped provide information and specimens, the tiny fish was named Horaglanis populi, where ‘populi’ is the genitive of the Latin noun ‘populus’ for people.

Scientists collected catfish from wells and aboveground tanks. 
Photo by Arjun C.P.

“This was for the first time that such a study was being undertaken on these enigmatic subterranean catfishes,” says Rajeev Raghavan, assistant professor at KUFOS and lead author of the study. “Horaglanis is a unique and evolutionarily distinct group of catfishes,” Raghavan points out.
Ghosts of the past: Subterranean fishes and the unique case of Horaglanis

Residing in the lateritic aquifer systems of Kerala, fishes of the genus Horaglanis have a unique appearance: They are tiny (less than 35 mm in length), lack eyes and pigments. The pigmentless skin is transparent, exposing the blood of the organism, giving the species a blood-red colour in its live condition.

“Because of a lack of pigment many cavefish are white or pink in colour”, but, “this new species is a bright red as you can see its blood near the surface of its body,” explains Prosanta Chakrabarty, professor of evolutionary biology and ichthyology (the study of fish) at Louisiana State University, who was not involved in the research. “If the name ‘Satan’ wasn’t already taken by a catfish from Texas I would have suggested it for this species,” he adds. “I’m a little jealous and hope to see these alive one day.”

Horaglanis is the only genus that is associated with lateritic aquifers whereas all other aquifer-dwelling fishes inhabit limestone formations. Genetic sequences and locational records revealed that Horaglanis is endemic to the part of Kerala, south of the Palghat Gap, a well-known biogeographic barrier in the Western Ghats Mountain range.

The lateritic landscape in the southern Indian state of Kerala is a global hotspot for subterranean fishes. Laterite refers to both a type of soil and rock that is rich in iron and aluminium that is commonly found in wet tropical regions. Lateritic aquifers are an important source of water for household and agricultural purposes in southwestern India.

“This discovery shows that the diversity of subterranean fish species continues to be underestimated and intensive studies are required to understand their true diversity,” Raghavan says.

Milton Tan, an assistant research scientist at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, who was not connected with the study, agrees. “We still don’t have a good idea of how many different kinds of these subterranean catfishes there are,” says Tan. “The discovery of a new species is another piece of the puzzle for a complete picture of what’s out there.”

Among the 289 known subterranean fish species, which include 53 catfishes, only 10 percent reside in aquifers. “There are a few enigmatic blind catfishes, mostly in the Americas—some of these include the members of the genus Satan, Prietella, Trogloglanis, Phreatobius,” reveals Raghavan.

“Cavefishes from India are perhaps the most intriguing of all because of how poorly studied these fishes have been relative to China, Brazil, the U.S. and Mexico where over 100 species are known,” notes Chakrabarty. “Thanks to local researchers like Rajeev Raghavan and his students and collaborators we are learning so much about what was once hidden, these ghosts of surface-dwelling ancestors are being brought to the light.”

At present, scientists have identified 10 endemic species in five genera (Aenigmachanna, Horaglanis, Kryptoglanis, Pangio and Rakthamichthys). The genus Horaglanis now comprises four species of which three are previously known.

These fishes have a very restricted distribution and little or no legislation to protect them. Extensive and unregulated water extraction from the dugout wells can threaten these fishes. Many of the localities where Horaglanis fishes are found are within 30 km from the coast and seawater intrusion into the aquifers is a concern. Other threats include groundwater pollution and lateritic soil mining for developmental activities.
 
Genetically diverse but similar in appearance

When two or more populations of an ancestral species are isolated for a long time, the resulting populations can become genetically different from each other and this can lead to the formation of a new species, explains Neelesh Dahanukar, co-author of the study and assistant professor at the School of Natural Sciences, Shiv Nadar Institution of Eminence, Delhi-NCR. “Because the isolated populations may inhabit different habitats, they can accumulate morphological changes [changes in external appearance] due to adaptation to the surrounding environmental conditions.”

These differences in outward appearance are often used to distinguish between species. “Our genetic analysis suggested that H. populi was genetically much different from all the other known species, but we were surprised that there were no morphological differences to distinguish it from the different species,” says Dahanukar. “In fact, despite high genetic divergence between all four species, there are no morphological differences that can help in distinguishing them. As a result, the only way to distinguish these species is through genetic barcoding.”
The genus Horaglanis now comprises four species. The differences in outward appearance are often used to distinguish one from the rest. Photo by Arjun CP.

There could be multiple ecological reasons for this stable morphology, says Dahanukar. According to Tan, these findings suggest that the subterranean habitat of Horaglanis “which may be fairly stable and lack predators, may have selected for a stable morphology and limited evolutionary differences between these species.”

Read more: Gollum surfaces in India: Scientists document the first underground snakehead fish
Mobilising citizen scientists

Raghavan’s team conducted a six-year exploratory and citizen science-backed survey across the lateritic landscape of Kerala. The researchers interacted with the communities at several localities in a series of workshops and focal-group discussions where the villagers were asked to share information, photographs or videos if they encountered any species. They were also educated on the importance of the species and how to conserve them. With the help of these citizen scientists, the team logged 47 new locational records for Horaglanis.

The team expects more species in the region to be discovered in the future. Public involvement is key to discovering new enigmatic species, emphasizes Raghavan. “We need to train the common public and citizen scientists on the importance of these unique species, provide more information on where they are likely to occur, how they can be collected and made available for research, and how their habitats can be protected.”

Tan also highlights the importance of engaging citizens in gathering information that may help identify new species. “Commendably, the authors seem like they worked really hard to connect to citizens in the region that would be interested in helping with this project,” he says. “The work would be difficult if not impossible otherwise. There’s definitely lots of opportunity for citizen scientists to help with identifying new species. Even taking pictures of animals and posting them to iNaturalist has been helpful for finding new species!”

Read more: A new species of blind cave-dwelling fish in Meghalaya

Banner image: Horaglanis populi resides in the lateritic aquifer systems of Kerala. It is tiny and lack eyes and pigments. Photo by Arjun C.P.
Syria on way back to Arab fold as isolation crumbles

On May 3, 2023

They look like unlikely allies, but on Wednesday the besuited, secular Syrian President Bashar al-Assad is warmly welcoming the bearded, turban-wearing Islamist cleric-cum-President of Iran, Ebrahim Raisi, to Damascus.

It is the first such visit by an Iranian leader since 2010, before the Arab Spring uprisings.

Since then, Tehran has proved the staunchest of allies, helping – along with Moscow – to save the Assad regime during a particularly bloody civil war.

The trip comes amid dramatic shifts in the region. These have also seen the Syrian president and his entourage – long shunned as pariahs in the Arab world – recently being embraced, quite literally on occasion, by their neighbours.

Despite opposition from the US and Europe, it is becoming the norm for Arab states to take steps to normalise ties with Syria. Syria still hopes to be granted observer status at the Arab League summit in Riyadh on 19 May, ahead of its eventual reinstatement.

“The international community outside of the region – Russia aside – has largely washed its hands of responsibility for Syria,” comments Chris Doyle, director of the Council for Arab-British Understanding (Caabu).

“There is a vacuum and this is where the regional powers have come in. [They see that] if nothing is going to change, if there is not going to be a real political process, then we as a region cannot afford to ignore Syria. It’s too big and significant a country.”

Warming ties

The turnaround is remarkable. Back in late 2011, many Arab states were clearly planning for a post-Assad era when Syria was censured and suspended by the 22-member Arab League.

I watched hundreds of Syrians waving flags and chanting their support of that move, close to the League’s headquarters in Cairo’s Tahrir Square.

At that time there had been a brutal crackdown on Syrian pro-democracy protesters and I had reported on waves of refugees fleeing the fighting. But many of the regime’s worst atrocities – the indiscriminate barrel bombing and poison gas attacks – were still to come.

Now, over a decade on, the figures are jaw-dropping: about half of the Syrian population has been displaced or made refugees, and the UN conservatively estimates that more than 300,000 civilians have been killed and more than 100,000 detained or disappeared.

It was Russia’s military involvement in Syria in 2015 that changed the course of the bloody civil war and forced its neighbours to begin thinking of a future that left Mr Assad in place

“That was a game-changer for Jordan,” says Osama al-Sharif, a prominent journalist in Amman, stressing how his country was facing a national security threat and turned to Moscow to apply pressure.

“At the time the war against Daesh [the Islamic State militant group] was also going on… We had [the Lebanese militant group] Hezbollah and other pro-Iranian groups positioned very close to the border.”

President Assad went on to consolidate control over much of Syria, but Arab moves to restore ties accelerated after this February’s massive earthquake in Turkey and Syria – with the rush to bring in aid.

Then came the China-brokered re-establishment of relations between regional powerhouse Saudi Arabia and its rival, Iran, which have supported opposing sides in the Syrian civil war.

In the past few weeks, a beaming Mr Assad has been greeted in Oman and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). In Abu Dhabi, his wife, Asma, joined him for her first known official trip abroad in a decade, and was hugged on the tarmac by the wife of the UAE president.

Meanwhile, Syria’s foreign minister has been off to Egypt, Algeria, Saudi Arabia, Tunisia and Jordan. The Saudis stressed that they were discussing “the return of Syria to its Arab fold”.

‘The wrong message’

However, there are deep divisions between the Arab states on how and when to rehabilitate Syria. Qatar, Kuwait, Egypt and Jordan have apparently pushed back against plans by Saudi Arabia and the UAE for its rapid reinstallation at the Arab League.

“There seems to be a rush to restore relations with Syria but when asked, no-one could say what guarantees were being sought in return for normalisation,” says an official from the region with knowledge of recent talks, speaking on condition of anonymity.

“It’s a pity. It sends the wrong message. It says there are no consequences,” the official continues, adding that the Syrians are acting “in a very arrogant way, like everyone else is lucky to have them”.

The US is clear that it does not support restoring ties nor lifting tough economic sanctions on an unapologetic, unreformed Damascus. In March, Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs Barbara Leaf said: “This regime deserves to be treated as the rogue that it is.”

However, she also urged Arab allies opting to end Mr Assad’s isolation to “make sure that you get something”. She suggested trying to end the trade in Captagon, an illegal drug which is produced in Syria and smuggled out.

As I have seen at a hospital treating young addicts from Jordan and the Arab Gulf, this amphetamine – known as “poor man’s cocaine” – is fast turning Syria into a narco-state and sowing seeds of misery across the Arab world.

Other demands could be a reduction in Iran’s military presence in Syria and setting conditions that would allow more refugees to return home or safeguard people living in parts of Syria still under opposition control.

After years with little progress in talks with the fragmented Syrian opposition, many Arab states would also like to see at least a token effort by Damascus to re-engage.

The UN Special Envoy for Syria, Geir Pedersen, is pushing for this. “This renewed attention to Syria is very important if it can act as a circuit breaker and unlock long-stalled efforts to move the political process forward,” he told the UN Security Council on 27 April.

Fear and dismay

Many Syrians will feel let down by the new Arab overtures. Millions living in the remaining opposition-held pockets once viewed Saudi Arabia and other Arab states as allies in their struggle against Mr Assad’s rule. They now find themselves more isolated.

Refugees, particularly in Lebanon and Turkey – where acceptance has dwindled in the light of economic crises – are increasingly worried about the risk of forced returns.

Turkey – which has been a main backer of Syrian armed opposition groups – has also been talking to Damascus. Almost all parties campaigning for its 14 May elections say they want to send Syrians home.

“We’re extremely afraid about the election results. They clearly state that they want to deport us,” says a Syrian refugee, Muhammad, in his Istanbul coffee shop.

Human rights activists express huge disappointment that there is little reference to past atrocities in conversations about Syria’s rehabilitation.

“It’s shocking,” says Diana Semaan, Syria researcher for Amnesty International. “What we’re seeing now is a complete disregard to the human rights records of the Syrian government and a message being sent that it doesn’t matter what’s happened.”

Amnesty urges Arab countries to use their influence with the regime to try to prevent further attacks on civilians and arbitrary detentions and torture. There are calls for co-operation as the UN tries to set up an international body to help families of those missing to find out the fate and whereabouts of their loved ones.

Meanwhile, in Geneva, a team of lawyers continues busily working to support the prosecutions of those accused of war crimes and crimes against humanity in Syria.

The UN’s International, Impartial and Independent Mechanism (IIIM) for Syria has already helped in 267 cases, including 28 so far this year. Its head, Catherine Marchi-Uhel says: “The fight against impunity is ongoing and will continue to be pursued.”

Some Syrians hope that normalisation in the region could mark the start of a return to normal life.

Residents of government-held Syria are grappling with rocketing inflation and crippling power shortages. According to the UN, even before February’s devastating earthquake hit Syria, 15.3 million people – 70% of the population – were in need of humanitarian assistance.

However, Heiko Wimmen, who oversees International Crisis Group’s work on Syria, stresses that, at this stage, Arab Gulf states are unlikely to contribute much to the billions of dollars needed to rebuild Syria’s ruined cities.

“American sanctions are only one part of that problem. It’s a very forbidding environment economically. You need some trappings of a functioning state and functioning governance, some basic level of accountability,” he says.

In order to survive, over the years the cash-strapped Syrian regime has raided and seized dozens of businesses. It stands accused of diverting tens of millions of dollars in humanitarian aid meant for impoverished Syrians, as well as alleged drug trafficking.

It is an irony that the problems caused by the Syrian government ensure that it can no longer be ignored by its neighbours – even if Syria’s war and its fallout have largely fallen off world news bulletins.

Source: BBC

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of the Observatory.
Brazil's ex president Bolsonaro's home raided in false Covid data probe

Issued on: 03/05/2023 - 















A federal police officer stands guard near the house of former Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro, during a search operation at his home in Brasilia, Brazil on May 3, 2023.
 © Adriano Machado, Reuters

Text by:NEWS WIRES

Police in Brazil searched ex-president Jair Bolsonaro's home Wednesday as part of an investigation into allegations of falsifying Covid-19 vaccination certificates, media reports said.

The far-right ex-president (2019-2022), who faced widespread criticism for his unorthodox handling of the pandemic, has repeatedly said he is not vaccinated against Covid-19.

Federal police confirmed they were investigating "the insertion of falsified Covid-19 vaccination data" into the health ministry's electronic vaccination records system, but did not mention Bolsonaro by name.

"The falsified entries, which occurred between November 2021 and December 2022, resulted in the alteration of the true Covid-19 vaccination status of the individuals in question," police said in a statement.

"As a result, the individuals were able to emit vaccination certificates and use them to evade health restrictions put in place by authorities in Brazil and the United States."

Bolsonaro left Brazil for the United States in December, after losing his re-election bid to veteran leftist Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva -- a bitterly divisive election fought largely over the far-right incumbent's widely criticized management of Covid-19, which has claimed more than 700,000 lives in Brazil.

The US requires international air travelers to present proof of vaccination against Covid-19, a requirement the White House announced Monday would end on May 11.

Bolsonaro, who defied expert advice on managing the pandemic and joked the vaccine could "turn you into an alligator," remained in Orlando, Florida until March 30, when he returned to Brazil.

Police said they were carrying out 16 search and seizure orders and executing six arrest warrants as part of the operation.

An AFP photographer said federal police could be seen outside Bolsonaro's home in Brasilia.

Media reports said police had arrested a top Bolsonaro aide, army officer Mauro Cid.

(AFP)


Bolsonaro home searched as Brazil probes fake vaccine cards

BY CARLA BRIDI AND DAVID BILLER, ASSOCIATED PRESS - 05/03/23 

Former Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro speaks to the press outside his home before getting into a car after Federal Police agents carried out a search and seizure warrant in Brasilia, Brazil, Wednesday, May 3, 2023. When asked about the search of Bolsonaro’s home in Brasilia, the Federal Police press office gave a statement saying officers were carrying out searches and arrests related to the introduction of fraudulent data related to the COVID-19 vaccine into the nation’s health system. (AP Photo/Eraldo Peres)

BRASILIA, Brazil (AP) — Brazil’s Federal Police searched former President Jair Bolsonaro’s home and seized his phone Wednesday in what they said was an investigation into alleged falsification of COVID-19 vaccine cards. Several other locations also were searched and a half-dozen people faced arrest, police said.

The president confirmed the search on his residence while speaking with reporters, as did his wife Michelle on her Instagram account. She said her phone wasn’t seized, contrary to media reports.

A federal police official, who spoke on condition of anonymity because the person wasn’t authorized to speak publicly, said that Bolsonaro will be deposed at Federal Police headquarters and confirmed that one of his closest allies, Mauro Cid, was arrested.

Asked about the search of Bolsonaro’s home, the Federal Police’s press office provided a statement saying officers were carrying out 16 searches and six arrests in Rio de Janeiro related to the introduction of fraudulent data related to the COVID-19 vaccine into the nation’s health system. The statement didn’t name Bolsonaro or Cid.

Local media reported that the vaccine cards of Bolsonaro, his advisors and his family members were altered. During the pandemic, Bolsonaro spent months sowing doubt about the efficacy of the vaccine and defiantly refusing to get a shot. In Sept. 2021, that prompted doubt about whether he would be able to attend the U.N.’s General Assembly in New York.

“There was no adulteration on my part, it didn’t happen,” Bolsonaro told reporters on Wednesday after the search. “I didn’t take the vaccine, period. I never denied that.”

The search adds to Bolsonaro’s mounting legal headaches. Federal Police have questioned him at their Brasilia headquarters twice in the past month related to separate investigations — first, about three sets of diamond jewlery he received from Saudi Arabia and, second, regarding his potential role in sparking the Jan. 8 uprising by his supporters in the capital.

Bolsonaro is also the subject of several investigations by Brazil’s electoral court into his actions during the presidential election campaign, particularly his unsubstantiated claims that the nation’s electronic voting system is susceptible to fraud. Those threaten to strip him of his political rights and render him unable to run for office in upcoming elections.

Separately, Bolsonaro and his allies are also facing a sprawling Supreme Court-led investigation regarding the spread of alleged falsehoods and disinformation in Brazil, and a federal police investigation for the alleged genocide of the Indigenous Yanomami people in the Amazon rainforest by encouraging illegal miners to invade their territory and thereby endangering their lives.

The former president has denied any wrongdoing in all of the various cases under investigation.

The police statement said that the insertion of false COVID-19 data occurred between November 2021 and December 2022, and enabled the people whose vaccine cards were altered to comply with the U.S. vaccine requirement to enter the country.

The investigation indicates the objective was related to “ideological agendas” and meant to “sustain the discourse aimed at attacking the vaccine against COVID-19,” the statement said.

For months, Bolsonaro insisted that the anti-malarial hydroxychloroquine was a treatment for COVID-19, despite a lack of robust medical evidence. At one point, the former president warned Brazilians that there would be no legal recourse against Pfizer for anyone suffering irreversiable side effects. He also linked the vaccine to AIDS — an assertion rejected by doctors and scientists — prompting a justice of Brazil’s top court to order his comments be investigated.

Brazil’s pandemic death toll was the second-highest in the world. A congressional investigation determined Bolsonaro should be indicted for bungling the nation’s COVID-19 responde, including him insispushing unproven treatments.

Bolsonaro recently returned to Brazil after several months outside Orlando, where he mostly kept a low profile aside from a few speaking engagements. This weekend, as he seeks to reclaim his position of influence in Brazil, he traveled to the interior of Sao Paulo state and appeared at a massive agriculture show.

___

Biller reported from Rio de Janeiro.
GOOD NEWS
Shipping Giant Maersk Drops Deep Sea Mining Investment

Maersk is selling its stake in The Metals Company, the latest big name to divest itself of its seabed mining interests


Maersk said it now holds less than 2.3% of TMC and is in the process of selling all of its shares.
PHOTO: A.P. MOLLER-MAERSK


ByYusuf KhanMay 3, 2023 | WSJ 

Shipping company A.P. Moller-Maersk is selling its stake in deep-sea mining firm The Metals Company, even as the legal process to allow seabed mining approaches its final stages.

Maersk told The Wall Street Journal that it now holds an interest of less than 2.3% in TMC and is in the process of selling all of its shares. The shipping company held more than 9% of TMC in 2021, according to data from FactSet and has been an investor in the company since 2017.

TMC is one of the biggest proponents of deep-sea mining and is the most active company within the space, being the first to complete pilot testing. In June 2021, the company along with the Republic of Nauru set in motion talks for deep sea mining to be legalized when it applied to the UN-backed International Seabed Authority to mine in the Pacific Ocean. It triggered a rule that required the ISA to establish a code that would allow mining of deep-sea resources by July 2023, even if, as is expected, no code will have been agreed upon.

The practice has garnered attention because of the potential to harvest battery metals such as cobalt and nickel from rocks on the seafloor. Seabed mining raises the prospect of additional supplies to alleviate expected shortfalls while proponents also argue it could mitigate concerns from other sources, such as humanitarian issues with cobalt mining in the Congo and environmental issues with nickel mining in Indonesia.

Maersk said it entered into a contract with TMC five years ago, under which it would provide shipping services to the company. Maersk said direct payment from TMC wasn’t possible at the time and so payment for the contract was provided in the form of shares that it is in the process of selling.

TMC said in 2022 that Maersk didn’t have a vessel suitable for TMC’s mining operations, so the miner instead signed a contract with engineering firm Allseas Group. “We remain good friends [with Maersk] and grateful for their important contribution in getting this industry moving in the right direction,” TMC Chief Executive Gerard Barron said.

In March, Lockheed Martin sold U.K. Seabed Resources, which holds the licenses for two seabed exploration contracts in the Pacific Ocean. Norway’s Loke Marine Minerals purchased UKSR for an undisclosed fee.

TMC and other deep-sea mining firms have come under fire over worries that the practice will harm the seabed environment. TMC had previously said it aimed to start seabed mining in the second half of this year but is now willing to wait until a mining code has been finalized, which is also the Republic of Nauru’s official position.

TMC’s stock, listed through a SPAC on the Nasdaq exchange, has lost more than 90% of its value since going public in 2021. It currently trades at roughly 82 cents. In December of last year, the company received a delisting notice from Nasdaq after it had traded below $1 for more than 30 days. The notice was removed in February after the stock traded above $1 for 10 days, but a fresh one was issued in April for the same reason as in December.

The ISA and member states previously met in March of this year and failed to come to an agreement as to what the terms of seabed mining should be and how it should be regulated, with worries over royalty-payment splits and environmental harm of key concern. The next meeting has been set for late July with another scheduled for October.
Can Green FinTech Build Climate Justice?

By Laura Quinteros and Nick Bernards - 03 May 2023
CLIMATE CHANGE, ENERGY AND SUSTAINABILITY


Laura Quinteros and Nick Bernards review the landscape of green FinTech and offer some critical discussion of its limits and possibilities. This is the fourth post in a new EGG commentary series exploring how AI’s development is affecting economic, social and political decision-making around the world.

Meaningfully addressing the challenges posed by climate breakdown requires massive investments both in reducing emissions and in adapting to a changing climate. So far, despite considerable global efforts, the actual mobilization of climate finance has fallen far short of expectations, particularly in poor countries. These failures raise important questions as to the allocation of finance, as well as subsequent distributional and procedural questions with respect to climate justice -- who should pay for climate mitigation and adaptation, and who should decide how mitigation and adaptation take place?

One increasingly common response to these failures has been to turn to new financial technologies with environmental functions -- or, 'green FinTech’. The label ‘FinTech’ bundles together an array of different mobile and digital technologies applied to the delivery of financial services. Common examples range from mobile payment systems, crowdfunding and peer lending platforms, and alternative forms of credit data through to cryptocurrencies, automated investment advisory services (‘robo-advisers’), and online stock trading platforms.

‘Green FinTech’, by extension, is a loose term for the subset of these applications with expressly environmental aims. The Green Digital Finance Alliance (GDFA, 2022)-- a Geneva-based think tank launched by the UN Environmental Programme and Ant Group, gives the following definition: ‘Green fintech solutions are defined as technology-enabled innovations applied to any kind of financial processes and products all while intentionally supporting Sustainable Development Goals or reducing sustainability risks’. Notable examples include pay-as-you-go (PAYGO) electricity systems combining mobile money applications with off-grid solar photovoltaic (SPV) power generation, various efforts to apply blockchain or crypto-token systems to carbon credits and other emissions offsets, crowdfunding for clean energy projects, the deployment of satellite data and artificial intelligence to screen and verify carbon offsets, and automated investment screening. In recent years, green FinTech has gained growing attention from both financial regulators and environmental agencies as a potential means of responding to shortfalls of climate finance.

Our aim in this commentary is to review the landscape of green FinTech and offer some critical discussion of its limits and possibilities. We see a core tension with green FinTech projects: The basic promise of green FinTech applications is that they will enable the screening and financing of ‘green’ projects ‘at a distance’. They offer bundles of metrics, data, analytical tools, and payment infrastructures aimed at empowering investors to screen and verify ‘green’ projects quickly, cheaply, and remotely. Yet, these projects succeed or fail on their own terms (to say nothing of wider questions of climate justice) depending on how they are embedded with localized patterns of ownership, labour relations, and livelihoods -- precisely the complexities that, say, an AI programme scraping through satellite data is designed to remove. Moreover, they black-box vital and contested questions about how to reduce emissions or adapt to intensifying climate risks, and ultimately delegate decisions on those questions to software developers, investors, and automated programmes.

‘Green FinTech’: Merging climate finance and FinTech governance

Green FinTech bridges the landscapes of climate finance on one hand and the emerging governance of FinTech on the other. Both initiatives have come with some well-documented pathologies in practice.

Sarah Bracking and Benjamin Leffel point to the emergence of a regulatory architecture governing global climate finance which is increasingly polycentric, but also increasingly beholden to neoliberal logics privileging the interests of market actors. So far, the mobilization of climate finance through these arrangements has fallen well short of promises. As Table 1 shows, based on OECD data, the Paris Agreement pledge of USD 100 billion in climate aid annually has never come close to being met. Private finance was intended to provide a third of that 100 billion, but has only once reached half of that target.

Table 1: Climate finance provided or mobilized by donor countries, 2013-2019

2013

2014

2015

2016

2017

2018

2019

Public bilateral (in USD billion)

22.5

23.1

25.9

28.0

27.0

32.0

28.8

Public multilateral (in USD billion)

15.5

20.4

16.2

18.9

27.5

29.6

34.1

Climate related export credits

1.6

1.6

2.5

1.5

2.1

2.1

2.6

Private finance (in USD billion)

12.8

16.7

N/A

10.1

14.5

14.6

14.9

Total

52.2

61.8

N/A

58.6

71.2

78.3

79.6

Private finance as percent of total

24.5

27.0

N/A

17.1

20.4

18.6

18.7

Source: adapted from OECD (2021).


Notes: no private sector data for 2015, as OECD implemented new measurement criteria, private finance figures from 2013-14 are not directly comparable to 2016-19


Notes: no private sector data for 2015, as OECD implemented new measurement criteria, private finance figures from 2013-14 are not directly comparable to 2016-19

FinTech, meanwhile, has emerged as a key focus of financial regulators in recent years, particularly with respect to the promotion of ‘financial inclusion’ and poverty reduction. The World Bank and G20, together with a number of central banks and financial regulators in both Global North and South, have also increasingly promoted and coordinated targeted regulatory frameworks for FinTech applications aimed at promoting ‘access’ to finance for the ‘unbanked’. A loose network of central bankers in particular have promoted ‘regulatory sandboxes’ -- time-limited, product specific licenses for particular companies to conduct ‘experiments’ with ‘innovative’ practices and technologies.

There are important parallels to the promotion of private climate finance visible here. The turn to promoting FinTech betrays a similar emphasis on market-based solutions to social problems, and on mobilizing private investment. In practice, this has meant that many of the same problems have appeared with FinTech applications as with private climate finance. The actual rollout of FinTech applications has been uneven, with heavy investment driven by readily available venture capital concentrated on a few key markets, notably Kenya and India, and on more profitable services, notably high-interest lending predominantly to urban-dwelling, ‘less poor’ borrowers.

The promotion of green FinTech brings many of the same regulatory tools to bear on the problem of climate finance. For instance, the Financial Conduct Authority in the UK has run two iterations of the ‘Green Fintech Challenge’ in 2018 and 2021 -- rolling out a ‘regulatory sandbox’ exercise specifically targeted to FinTech start-ups ‘that will aid the transition to a net-zero economy’. The focus here, as with FinTech more broadly, is on creating an ‘enabling environment’ for FinTech experiments, in hopes of attracting private capital.

In sum, merging climate finance and FinTech regimes holds out the promise of breaking through some of the barriers to greater mobilization of climate finance. As we show in the next section using the example of PAYGO solar systems, this promise comes laden with significant tensions. The very features of green FinTech projects that make them potentially appealing to investors make them blind to important local dynamics which will determine their success or failure on their own terms, and threaten to undercut their viability as vehicles for climate justice.

Green FinTech in practice: Antinomies of PAYGO SPV electricity


In the context of the Global South, rural areas depict one of the main challenges for both public and private policies focused on universal energy access. Many rural households are scattered, have low and unpredictable incomes, and hence low energy demand. Central grid supply is thus often unprofitable for private suppliers and expensive for public ones facing fiscal constraints. Solar decentralized solutions are a key potential alternative for rural energy access, but the high upfront technology costs associated with both mini grid and stand-alone solar solutions remain a major challenge.

Against this backdrop, cutting-edge financial products relying on digital innovations are emerging and being deployed across different jurisdictions. For instance, PAYGO models coupled with mobile money for small-scale solar solutions are widely adopted energy access solutions in Southern countries. A digitally enabled PAYGO model allows users to pay for electricity in weekly, monthly instalments or when financially liquid using mobile payment platforms and enabled by machine-to-machine (M2M) technology incorporated in the solar solutions.

Many enthusiasts of digitally-enabled PAYGOs have been documenting the model’s benefits to users. These include success in delivering affordable solar power and fair repayment performance according to a number of evaluations of projects in different parts of in Sub-Saharan Africa. Yet other authors have noted that the overall picture is mixed. In many cases, PAYGO solar systems appear to be profit-led and guided by market logics rather than guided by companies’ supposed social vision. Measures of ‘success’ based on narrow measures of repayment rates and energy use risk missing out on key dynamics of power and exploitation. Lucy Baker describes the process as converting rural energy use into a set of financial assets grounded in new forms of consumer indebtedness.

Cross and Neumark document one such example: East Africa’s digitally-enabled, off-grid solar power diffusion, an adverse ‘infrastructure of inclusion’ in which final users are governed by new circles of data, capital and debt. Data generates inputs for modelling and optimizing PAYGO business alternatives that enable new connections. But it also sets the grounds for disconnecting those defaulting on agreed payments. This is because the digital infrastructure can remotely lock out or shut down systems. The possibility of remote disconnection is significant for users and businesses alike given high rates of default on one hand and the notable material and social costs associated with repossessing SPV systems on the other. The costs of disconnection could also be immense for vulnerable populations. This is particularly true in COVID-19 and post-COVID 19 scenarios, whereby the loss of radio, TV or mobile phone to stay informed, or the loss of light in tandem with falling ill could be excruciating.

Moreover, the dynamics of indebtedness and distancing implicit in PAYGO solar systems may also create new ecological costs. Disconnection without repossession risks exacerbating the existing hazards from solar e-waste. Previous studies have illustrated how toxic materials contained in PV films and batteries threaten local ecosystems. And in fact, there are limited incentives for operators to reclaim or recycle disconnected SPV kits. Additionally, the intensification of indebtedness in agrarian settings has often been associated with intensified exploitation and depletion of water and soil resources, for instance, in Cambodia and India.

Conclusion

In short, digital solutions to the need for clean energy risk creating or exacerbating localized social and ecological risks. Moreover, they create these problems precisely because they are designed around the priorities of investors, with limited input from targeted communities and indifferent to localized dynamics of power and exploitation. These concerns ultimately challenge the operationalization of widely adopted frames in the climate finance discourse, including ‘transformative change’ and ‘paradigm shift’ according to which climate finance delivers regime-altering, new and transformative socio-ecological interactions in addition to inflows of capital.


Laura Quinteros is a Bolivian energy scientist and a PhD Candidate in Global Sustainable Development at Warwick University. She is investigating governance structures, rationalities and power relations that emerge in solar projects funded via crowdfunding platforms in the Global South.

Nick Bernards is Associate Professor of Global Sustainable Development at the University of Warwick. He is author of A Critical History of Poverty Finance (Pluto, 2022) and The Global Governance of Precarity (Routledge, 2018).


Photo by RODNAE Productions
French unions plan June 6 protests against Macron and his pension law

2023/05/02


By Elizabeth Pineau

PARIS (Reuters) -French trade unions announced on Tuesday a new nationwide day of protests on June 6 against President Emmanuel Macron's decision to increase the retirement age by two years to 64.

The reform, which Macron signed into law last month despite weeks of protests and strikes, has crystallised discontent against a president perceived by many in France as being aloof and indifferent to their daily hardships.

With lawmakers poised to discuss on June 8 a draft bill proposed by the opposition Liot party to cancel the retirement age reform, the unions said in a joint statement that the day of industrial action on June 6 was meant to "allow all workers to make themselves heard by the MPs."

Aware that the government is closely monitoring whether they can maintain a rare unified stance, the unions headlined their statement: "Still united, numerous and determined to get the (pension law's) withdrawal and social progress."

The government wants to move on to other issues and has said it will send invitations to the unions for talks by the end of the week.

The unions said they would use the upcoming talks to reaffirm their opposition to the pension reform and would work on joint proposals to improve workers' conditions.

But some could possibly still decide not to go to the meetings with Borne, a source who took part in the morning's union discussions said, adding that the phrasing of the lines referring to these meetings was bitterly discussed.

"There is a deep distrust, and dialogue can only be reestablished if the government proves its willingness to finally take into account the proposals of the trade unions", the joint union statement said.

Opinion polls show a substantial majority of French people oppose the higher retirement age.

Police clashed on Monday with hundreds of black-clad anarchists in Paris and other cities during May Day union-led protests against the pension reform.

On Wednesday France's Constitutional Council will review a new bid by the opposition to organise a citizens' referendum on the pension reform.

It rejected a previous request last month, clearing the way for approval of the bill.

Bertrand Pancher, an MP who leads the Liot group, welcomed the unions' decision to call for a day of strikes and protests ahead of the vote on their legislative proposal to scrap the retirement age increase.

"It's only by joining forces that we can convince the lawmakers we need to vote the text and the government to back-track," he told Reuters.

Macron's centrist Renaissance group and their allies don't have an absolute majority in parliament, but are still the biggest force. Pancher said he hoped to convince a number of conservative Les Republicains to back his bid and give it a chance to succeed.

(Reporting by Dominique Vidalon, Jean-Stephane Brosse, Ingrid Melander and Elizabeth Pineau; Writing by Ingrid Melander; Editing by Sudip Kar-Gupta, Bernadette Baum and Gareth Jones)



© Reuters
Opponents make last-ditch effort to stop French pension change as protests continue


By —Sylvie Corbet, Associated Press
World May 2, 2023 

PARIS (AP) — Opponents of a law that would raise the retirement age in France from 62 to 64 are making last-ditch plans to prevent the change that is set to take effect in September.

The country’s main labor unions on Tuesday called for another round of nationwide demonstrations and strikes on June 6. May Day protests across France on Monday drew either 800,000 people — that’s according to French authorities — or 2.3 million people, which was the estimate given by organizers.

READ MORE: Pots and pans clang anew in France against Macron’s pension law

France’s top constitutional body is expected to rule Wednesday on a request from opposition lawmakers to start a lengthy process that could ultimately lead to a bill or a referendum to restore the minimum retirement age of 62.

With President Emmanuel Macron having demonstrated his determination to press on with the unpopular pension reform, here’s a look at the next steps for his government and the plan’s opponents.
A long shot at a referendum

The Constitutional Council’s role is to assess whether the opposition’s request over bringing the retirement age back to 62 meets the legal conditions for a potential referendum. If so, supporters would have nine months to collect signatures from at least 4.8 million, or 10 percent, of voters.

Macron’s government would then be able to choose between sending the opposition’s text to parliament for debate and eventually a vote, or waiting for six months to put the measure before voters in a referendum in six months. The proposal would only go to a national referendum if it were not debated by lawmakers.

However, the Constitutional Council rejected a similar proposal in April. The authors have revised the measure to add language stating that a change in the financing of France’s pension system is needed.

Regardless of what the council decides Wednesday, its ruling would not suspend the law that Macron’s government pushed through by using a special constitutional authority to raise the retirement age without a final parliamentary vote.
Macron wants to move on

In a televised speech last month, the French leader made clear his intention to move on to other topics now that his pension law was enacted.

Macron said he heard people’s anger but insisted that the law was needed to keep the pension system afloat as the population ages.

READ MORE: French President Macron says he hears people’s anger but insists pension change was needed

He announced negotiations to start this month on “key issues” such as improving employee wages, career progressions and working conditions, including for older workers, in the hope these would persuade some unions to get back to the negotiating table.

Last week, Macron’s government presented its road map for the coming months, with the aim of getting greater support for future bills. Parliament is set to debate a major military bill by the end of the month.

Legislators will then examine a government proposal on profit-sharing by companies with more than 11 employees. The proposal is intended to turn into law an agreement that unions and employers’ organizations signed in February.
Opponent’s next steps

Unions argue the higher retirement age erodes hard-won rights for workers. The date they chose for the next nationwide protests is two days before the lower house of France’s Parliament plans to debate a legislative proposal to bring back the retirement age back to 62.

A group of opposition lawmakers has championed the proposal, which is separate from the one before the Constitutional Council, in the hope that most members from the left and the right would vote in favor. Macron’s centrist alliance lost its majority in the National Assembly last year.

Yet there’s no guarantee such move will succeed, because some opposition lawmakers from the conservative party are in favor of the change.

In a statement Tuesday, unions said they would work together to issue common proposals to address employee concerns over “wages, working conditions, health at work, social democracy, gender equality and the environment.”

“There’s deep mistrust, and dialogue can only be restored if the government proves its intention to finally take into account unions’ proposals,” they wrote.

Opponents are also expected to stage more “casserolades,” or scattered protest actions in which they bang pots and pans to make noise near sites Macron and his government members are visiting.

“We will not turn over a new leaf as long as the pension reform is not withdrawn,” the head of the hard-left CGT union, Sophie Binet, warned Monday.

Left: Protesters react amid tear gas during clashes at a demonstration as part of the eleventh day of nationwide strikes and protests against French government's pension reform, in Paris, France, April 6, 2023. Photo by Sarah Meyssonnier/REUTERS

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