Tuesday, May 21, 2024

How Solidarity Triumphs Over Corporate Greed


 
 MAY 21, 2024
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Photograph by Nathaniel St. Clair

Management at Amfuel tried to bully Jo Tucker and her 200 co-workers—most of them Black women, a number of them single moms—into accepting dozens of unnecessary concessions in a new contract.

For four years, however, the manufacturing workers in Magnolia, Arkansas remained strong and resolute as the company tried to break the union and wear them down.

And then, just as the workers prepared to launch an unfair labor practice strike in the spring of 2024, Amfuel surrendered. Because of their unflinching solidarity, the workers beat back the concessions and won a contract with life-changing raises, additional holidays, and other benefit enhancements.

“We didn’t lose anything,” noted Tucker, a negotiating committee member and the financial secretary for United Steelworkers (USW) Local 607L. “That was good.”

Employers frequently try to kill morale, punish workers, or force them into concessionary contracts by dragging their feet at the bargaining table. But as union members at Amfuel and other companies prove time and again, a united front sends the bullies packing.

“We all hung in there together,” Tucker said of the workers, who make fuel cells for military helicopters and fighter jets. “It wasn’t easy. But we prevailed, and I thank God that we did.”

“It was teamwork,” she added. “Everybody was working together.”

As the workers geared up for bargaining in 2020, Amfuel received an infusion of money from new investors and additional support from the Defense Department and local community leaders. The company embarked on a growth plan, intending to rely ever more heavily on the skilled workforce. It even bragged publicly about giving workers a bigger voice on the job.

Yet Amfuel stunned workers with a contract proposal demanding nearly 70 concessions.

Among other untenable proposals, Amfuel wanted to abolish seniority, reduce vacation pay, and eliminate the grievance process, which would have made it easier for management to try to eliminate workers for any reason or none at all.

Tucker, who’s worked at the plant for nearly 30 years, feared the company would use the changes to get rid of dozens of her friends and neighbors.

“We knew we could not let them have that,” she said. “We knew that they were trying to break us, and the only thing we had was each other. We just knew to stick together. We really did.”

Amfuel not only dragged out the bargaining process but encouraged workers to leave the USW—a ploy that only drew the union members closer together.

Management simply tried picking on the wrong group of people.

Tucker and her co-workers share a strong bond forged by many years of working alongside each other—and by the pride that comes from making the bullet-resistant fuel cells that help protect America’s military. That pride swelled a few years ago when the workers visited a local airport to see one of the jets they helped to make.

In addition to the camaraderie on the job, workers in the small town often see each other in churches, grocery stores, and restaurants. Tucker said she pressed on less for herself than for the bargaining unit’s single moms, some of whom risked having to shoulder new jobs—along with the possibility of longer commutes and overnight shifts—without a strong contract at Amfuel.

“When you have small kids, you can’t just pick up and work out of town,” she explained. “You don’t get to see your kids. That’s hard on a child.”

As the talks wore on, the workers organized a toy drive, picnic, holiday party, and other events to help sustain unity. They wore union-issued T-shirts to build morale and filed charges against the company’s unfair labor practices.

Local 607L activists handed out flyers, held regular meetings, and took other steps to keep workers engaged.

USW members from other locals in Arkansas as well as from Louisiana and Texas lent support, driving home the message that all of Magnolia had a stake in the workers’ fight for a fair contract.

“It helps everyone,” said Local 607L President Larry Clayton, noting he and his colleagues support local businesses and pay the taxes supporting schools and community amenities.

Despite the unfair treatment they faced every day, Local 607L members continued performing their work with the utmost skill and professionalism.

“Everybody still showed up and did their job. We worked through the pandemic,” said Clayton, pointing out that employers provoke these kinds of battles to demean workers and deny them their fair share.

“They wanted to rewrite the whole contract to where the company has all the power and the people working on the floor have none,” observed Clayton, who’s worked at Amfuel for nearly four decades. “It would be like not having a union at all.”

Then, as workers prepared to launch the unfair labor practice strike they never wanted, Amfuel finally corrected course. It dropped demands for the concessions, began listening to workers, and agreed to a fair contract.

Tucker and Clayton recalled a particularly poignant moment at the contract ratification meeting when a worker with a handful of children explained how the significant raises would enable her to support her family in a way she long wanted. Other members shared similar thoughts.

“I was excited for them,” said Tucker, who hopes the victory inspires other workers to keep fighting for what they deserve.

“Stick together,” she advised. “Stay the course. Even if it sometimes doesn’t feel like it, you are winning.”




Power, or the Purpose of the Police



 
 MAY 21, 2024
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Photograph by Nathaniel St. Clair

What can we gain from a better understanding of the police as an American institution? A new documentary digs deep into the history, philosophy, and legality of US policing, tying historical injustices to the contemporary use and abuse of state violence. Following much praise for Power at Sundance and CPH:DOX earlier this year, Oscar-nominated director Yance Ford (Strong Island) brings his arresting social history to screens across America this week.

As the enforcement arm of democratic government, the police enjoy a monopoly on the legitmate use of violence. But violence against whom, and why?

In Power, we hear how the approximately 18,000 police forces and one million officers in the US today developed out of disparate historical lines, including frontier militias during Westward expansion, Southern slave patrols, and various attempts by states to manage conflicts with workers and to protect private property. As a result, the police today are simultaneously part of democratic government yet also qualitatively different from other state entities due to the special power dynamic they have with citizens.

Packed tight with historical facts, found footage, and insightful analysis, the film raises hard questions about the purpose of the police. The approach is polemical and didactic, but it’s also formally artistic and personal, if not as directly personal as 2017’s Strong Island, about Ford’s own brother’s death at the hands of Long Island police. And while anger may—understandably—play a role, Power does seem more interested in provoking your intellect than your emotions. Ford genuinely seems to want you to think. “This film requires curiosity, or at least suspicion,” Ford announces at the start, meaning suspicion of the film itself.

Property is a big theme here—human beings as property, land as property, business as property, and even public space as property. Various expert analyses included in Power share the theme that, rather than existing for the sake of all, police forces in the US have operated on behalf of socially dominant groups in order to maintain control and keep wealth concentrated in the “right” hands.

While the police mean different things to different people for different reasons—and different people mean different things to the police—the extraordinary power relationship they have with regular citizens is undeniable. Police power, while abstract and theoretically omnipresent, is at the same time unusually intimate. Police officers can search your pockets or your text messages, and they can touch you all over your body without your consent. Police power is also immediate. When asked by an officer to do something, you do it—no delay, no excuses. If you do not comply, you may be told to do it. If you still don’t comply, you will be forcefully made to do it. ATM, they used to call it: Ask, Tell, Make. You have no real choice—unless you want your freedom taken away—and there’s no buying time. Unless you’re already incarcerated, or perhaps in the military, no one but the police has such intimate and immediate power over your body and your behavior.

While it’s the police as an institution that’s the main focus, the film does question the internal personal experience of officers, conscious and unconscious. Hearing from a thoughtful veteran Black officer in Minneapolis as he goes about his daily work, we get a glimpse into how he thinks and feels about the job, including its racist origins. And while each officer is different, we know from psychological research that certain kinds of personality styles tend to be found in police departments. Not everyone is comfortable taking an authoritarian stance against a complete stranger while pointing a loaded gun.

To its detriment perhaps, the film focuses exclusively on US police. The lack of any international context means that a comprehensive take on the problem of “policing” today, rather than just “US policing,” is missing. Our country has particular problems with policing, no doubt, and a unique history. But it is far from the only liberal democratic society that has serious issues with the exercise of state violence against its own citizens. A bit of comparing and contrasting with other systems would have been an opportunity to more deeply interrogate how we may be able to overcome what seems to be a very American problem: first and foremost, the disproportionate use of deadly police force against Black and brown citizens.

That said, there’s plenty included here to try to wrap your head around. We see very little in the way of graphic violence—an interesting and welcome choice—but Power neverthless does not go down easy, nor should it. The viewer is challenged to absorb and make sense of the studious collection of information and imagery presented, and the deliberate and effective way this film sparks the intellect without being overwhelming is its greatest strength. By the end, tough questions are asked about the future, including: How much worse could it get?

This November’s election could determine whether or not we see a sharp roll back of legal accountability for police violence in the US, and keeping MAGA authoritarians out of office is imperative.  And yet, preventing a Republican takeover in Washington will not be enough. Center and left-leaning politicians have also funneled resources into police forces in recent decades without significant reform or restructuring. Some experts insist society must rethink the police as an institution altogether: How can we protect the public’s safety without damaging public safety at the same time? How can we achieve effective civilian oversight of law enforcement? And how can we ensure that democratic power lies with the people and not with the police?

Power (85 min.) is available on Netflix beginning May 17, 2024. 

 

The Staggering and Lingering Costs of American Wars


This is part 2 of Washington DC: The Unaffordable and Unnecessary War Capital of the World.

Since WWII was arguably the nation’s last “good war”, an illuminating way to measure the folly that has unfolded during the seven decades since then is to unpack the cost of veterans disability compensation and medical care by cohort of war service. The following figures are extremely conservative and exclude survivors, dependents, pensioners, housing, education and other VA benefits. But they do encompass roughly $180 billion or 52% of the current $346 billion per year Veterans Administration (VA) budget.

The disability compensation cost for each cohort is detailed by the VA, while the cost of medical care is assumed to be equal to the current annual average of $8,200 for each of the 9.18 million enrollees. Self evidently, the $286 million cost for WWII beneficiaries is a rounding error.

Number of beneficiaries and current budget cost for Disability Compensation And Medical Care:

  • WWII: 11,488 vets and $286 million.
  • Korean War: 59,092 vets and $1.4 billion.
  • Vietnam Era: 1,385,131 vets and $44.3 billion.
  • Gulf War era: 3,374,670 vets and $112.1 billion.
  • Other Peacetime: 831,932 vets and $20.5 billion.
  • Total: 5,662,273 vets at an average of $31,705/beneficiary= $179.5 billion.

For want of doubt, it is now nearly universally agreed that the two Iraq wars were sheer folly in which upwards of $1.5 trillion was wasted, to say nothing of the hundreds of thousands of Iraqis killed or injured by these pointless invasions and occupations. Yet the compensation and medical care cost for the 3.375 million disability beneficiaries of this cohort currently totals $112 billion per annum.

While that figure seems exceedingly large by any standard, it is evidently driven by the huge number of beneficiaries, not the $33,480 cost for each. As it happens, fully 41% of the 8.193 million Gulf War Era veterans are on disability – a reminder that Washington’s Forever Wars are no less a human meat-grinder than the historic wars that have gone before, and not withstanding all the high tech battlefield safeguards now available.

In any event, given an average life expectancy of 75 years the Gulf War Era vets alone will generate deferred costs in current dollars of purchasing power (FY 2024 $) equal to about $5.6 trillion (50 years at $112 billion per year).

That’s right. The deferred cost of just one set of pointless Forever Wars amounts to 155% of the entire regular military budget of Russia on an annual basis; and on a lifetime basis, it’s actually equal to 17% of the entirety of the nation’s current towering public debt of $34 trillion!

Needless to say, Washington’s budgetary green eyeshades are happy to keep these staggering deferred costs out of the so-called “defense budget” entirely. Under proper accounting, of course, the lifetime cost of disability compensation and VA medical care would be amortized over each person-year of combat deployments.

That’s a number, however, which the Sunday afternoon warriors of the beltway would assiduously prefer not to know. Yet just consider the aforementioned 41% of Gulf War era veterans who will receive a lifetime of disability and medical benefits at the VA. Assuming an average 50 years on the VA rolls, the lifetime cost per beneficiary would be about $1.675 million in today’s dollars.

Next, amortize that over the 6.5 years of average military service for current armed forces active duty personnel, and you get an annual accounting charge of $105,000. So the true annual cost of sending one soldier into the Forever Wars is not the current already high figure of $136,000, but is actually nearly one-quarter of a million dollars per year!

As we said, the beltway warriors would rather we didn’t know. By way of historical example, if the American public had been told it would cost $250,000 per year to send a US serviceman into Kuwait for the purpose of defending the Emir’s right to drill directionally into Saddam Hussein’s oil in the border-straddling Rumaila field, they might not have waved so many stars and stripes in response to the CNN Gulf War Extravaganza.

Indeed, they might well have been happy to allow Saddam to collect the $2.6 billion he claimed the Emir stole from Iraq by such means as he felt necessary. After all, this local spat between the gluttonous Emir of Kuwait and the Butcher of Baghdad had absolutely nothing to do with the liberty and security of the American homeland.

In a word, there is something really haywire here. Official Washington is so caught up in its role as War Capital of the World that it does not even notice that the deferred cost of now long-forgotten wars in Korea, Vietnam and the Persian Gulf exceed the defense budgets of every friend or foe on the planet by a long-shot, and that only 0.1% of the current massive $346 billion VA budget is attributable to surviving veterans of the last war which arguably contributed to homeland security.

Needless to say, the issue goes far beyond the startling dollars and cents of the matter. What is actually at issue is the entire framework of post-WWII foreign policy that generated a permanent Warfare State and entailed the extension of a Washington-based empire across the length and breadth of the planet.

But that shift from a peaceful Republic thriving socially and economically behind the great ocean moats to an Empire straddling the globe was more than the fragile machinery of our Madisonian democracy could successfully handle. Elected officialdom was soon caught up in the excitement and intrigue of managing the Empire, trotting the globe and touring the allies, vassals and provinces as visiting plenipotentiaries of the Indispensable Nation.

So doing, they became shills for a global policeman narrative that served the interests of arms merchants and national security bureaucrats alike. Both were conferred missions and budgets that wouldn’t have been remotely imaginable under the old republican regime.

That is to say, after America’s bouts with war in the 19th century and also even after WWI and WWII there was a total demobilization of the war machine and its civilian apparatus. After WWI, for instance, the US military budget plunged by 92%, from $9 billion in 1919 to barely $750 million by 1923. And even after WWII, defense spending dropped by 89%, from $83 billion in 1945 to $9 billion by 1948.

So, we do mean demobilization. If you put these defense budgets in 2024 dollars of purchasing power, the 1945 wartime peak was $1.63 trillion, which figure had collapsed to just $123 billion by 1948.

That is to say, Washington was on its way to reverting to the peaceful Republic modality that had served America’s homeland security well for 160 years. But that’s all she wrote.

Prodded by the red scare of 1948 to 1950 drummed up by the likes of Winston Churchill, Henry Luce, Richard Nixon and the Wall Street cadres which had taken over the Departments of State, Defense and the CIA, Washington was soon on the way to its incarnation as War Capital of the World.

The previous demobilization trend was precipitously reversed and in its place arose a full blown Warfare State with the Marshall Plan, NATO and the Korean War build-up after June 1950. Again in 2024 dollars of purchasing power, the Korean War bloated defense budget was back up to $650 billion by 1953 – representing a gain of 430% from the 1948 demobilization low.

Ironically, one of the principal architects of the Cold War, Dean Acheson, had only a few years earlier dismissed the 1945 truce line at the 38th parallel in Korea as a mere “surveyor’s line” of no material relevance to national security, and it actually was. There was never any homeland security point to the Korean War because neither Communist China nor even Stalin’s Russia had the remotest capacity to threaten American national security.

During his term, the great Dwight D. Eisenhower did succeed in lowering the real defense budget by nearly 30% to $475 billion in today’s dollars. But LBJ soon had the defense budget back up to the Korean War level of $650 billion owing to his Forever War on Vietnam.

At that point, the die was cast. The whole thrust behind the Washington crusades against purportedly falling dominoes and in support of so-called “collective security” institutions like NATO, SEATO and the re-extension of American military power to Europe and the Far East was essentially a cover story for:

  • Permanently reviving the military industrial complex that had been abruptly shutdown after 1945.
  • Cranking up the political, diplomatic and intelligence machinery of global hegemony that was latent in the wartime operations of the national security agencies on the Potomac.

Thus, under the old verities of the American republic, as exemplified by the quotes from Washington, Jefferson and John Quincy Adams cited in Part 1, the VA budget today would be well less than $1 billion per year, not $346 billion. That’s because there would not be 5.7 million disabled veterans, or nearly 10 million enrollees in the $100 billion VA hospital and health care system.

These are the fruits of all the unnecessary wars from Korea to Iraq and the present fraught conflicts in Ukraine and the middle east, too. None of the domino theories that supported these wars were ever valid, nor was the idea that America’s homeland security required NATO allies in Europe or the idea that Israel is an allied unsinkable aircraft carrier or that the Persian Gulf is an American Lake that needs be patrolled and safeguarded by the 7th Fleet.

Even aside from the massive $500 billion per year of excess military spending on top of the $350 billion that would be required for the triad nuclear deterrent and a Fortress America continental defense, we also have $70 billion of expense in the so-called International Affairs budget that tells the same story of Warfare State aggrandizement and excess.

For instance, $20 billion annually goes to military and security assistance, of which nearly $4 billion is for Israel alone. Yet, again, the denizens of the War Capital of the World are so mesmerized by the false narrative of Empire that they cannot see the forest for the trees.

The fact is, Israel’s GDP amounts to $550 billion and $55,000 per capita. That is to say, Washington’s annual stipend could be covered by a mere 1% of GDP in additional taxes on the Israeli public to fund the kind of aggressive policy vis-à-vis its Palestinian citizens and Arab and Islamic neighbors that its electorate seems to prefer.

Yet the denizens of the War Capital of the World pay no never-mind to the absurd facts of the situation. The GDP per capita of both Israel’s more hostile neighbors, as well as it more friendly ones, is but a fraction of its own $55,000 figure.

So why shouldn’t Israeli taxpayers bear the fiscal freight of their own security policy? After all, the latter is apparently based on mowing the lawn in both Gaza and the West Bank until the Palestinians who live there are no more.

How that’s in the interest of America’s homeland security would be hard to explain, indeed. Except in the War Capital of the World, the question is not even raised.

Current Per Capita GDP of Israel and Its Neighbors:

  • Israel: $55,000.
  • Syria: $500.
  • Yemen: $650.
  • Lebanon:$4,100.
  • Egypt: $4,300.
  • Iran: $5,000.
  • Iraq: $6,000.
  • Saudi Arabia: $30,400.
  • UAE: $53,000.