It’s possible that I shall make an ass of myself. But in that case one can always get out of it with a little dialectic. I have, of course, so worded my proposition as to be right either way (K.Marx, Letter to F.Engels on the Indian Mutiny)
Tuesday, June 11, 2024
Yanis Varoufakis And Francesca Albanese On Palestine, Europe, And More…
This conversation is hosted by DiEM25’s Federico Dolce, featuring Yanis Varoufakis and Francesca Albanese, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Occupied Palestinian Territories. They delve into the current situation in Palestine, examine Europe’s involvement in the ongoing genocide in Gaza, and explore a range of other critical global topics.
‘What Are They Afraid Of?’: Columbia Law Review Board Shuts Down Website Over Nakba Article
The author of the 106-page piece said the suppression attempt is "reflective of a pervasive and alarming Palestine exception to academic freedom."
The Columbia Law Review‘s board of directors temporarily shut down the prestigious legal journal’s website on Monday following its publication of an article arguing for the establishment of the Nakba—the ethnic cleansing of Arabs from Palestine to establish and expand the state of Israel—as a novel legal concept.
The Intercept reported that Rabea Eghbariah, a Palestinian human rights lawyer and Harvard Law School student, initially tried to publish an article in the Harvard Law Review on the Nakba as a legal concept amid the backdrop of Israel’s Gaza genocide and apartheid in the illegally occupied West Bank of Palestine. The piece was fully edited and ready for publication when it was canceled. The Nation published the essay in November.
Students from the Columbia Law Review (CLR) subsequently reached out to Eghbariah to solicit a new article on the topic. He said he worked with editors for five months on the 106-page piece, entitled “Toward Nakba as a Legal Concept,” which was published early Monday morning. The article—which is dedicated to the “victims and survivors of the ongoing Nakba”—”proposes to distinguish apartheid, genocide, and Nakba as different, yet overlapping, modalities of crimes against humanity.”
CLR‘s board of directors—which consists of Columbia Law School faculty and prominent alumni—quickly shut down the entire website over the article. By later Monday morning, the CLR homepage was but a simple, specious message: “Website is under maintenance.” The site was still offline on Wednesday afternoon.
“The attempts to silence legal scholarship on the Nakba by subjecting it to an unusual and discriminatory process are not only reflective of a pervasive and alarming Palestine exception to academic freedom, but are also a testament to a deplorable culture of Nakba denialism,” Eghbariah told The Intercept on Monday.
Seven editors who worked on the article told The Intercept that board members pressured them to delay or cancel its publication. Some CLR staff told The Associated Press that a small group of students said they feared for their careers and even their safety if the article was published.
CLR’s board of directors told The Intercept Monday that “we spoke to certain members of the student leadership to ask that they delay publication for a few days so that, at a minimum, the manuscript could be shared with all student editors, to provide them with a chance to read it and respond.”
“Nevertheless, we learned this morning that the manuscript had been made public,” the board continued. “In order to provide time for the Law Review to determine how to proceed, we have temporarily suspended its website.”
The directors said there has been no final decision on whether to publish the article.
Critics contend that Eghbariah’s piece is being suppressed as part of a wider silencing of Palestinian voices and denial of not only Israel’s genocide in Gaza but also of the indisputable Nakba and occupation.
“By attempting to erase the Nakba, they have, in fact, made it clearer.”
“I don’t suspect that they would have asserted this kind of control had the piece been about Tibet, Kashmir, Puerto Rico, or other contested political sites,” Columbia Law School professor Katherine Frank told The Intercept.
The Harvard Undergraduate Palestine Solidarity Committee (PSC) called the CLR board’s action “a shameful attempt to silence groundbreaking legal scholarship shining light on the catastrophe of Zionism and the ways in which is fragments, displaces, and disempowers Palestinian society.”
Others linked the incident to Columbia University’s recent violent crackdown on nonviolent pro-Palestine protesters.
“At Columbia, if you publish a law review article about Palestine, they will take down the entire law review website,” Jonathan Ben-Menachem, a Ph.D. candidate at Columbia, said Monday on social media. “If you protest for Palestine, they will shut down the entire campus and direct police to hospitalize you.”
In a Wednesday interview on Democracy Now!, Eghbariah lamented “the extent to which the board of directors is willing to go to shut down and silence Palestinian scholarship.”
“What are they afraid of? What are they afraid of, of Palestinians narrating their own reality, speaking their own truth?” he asked. “Whose interests is the board of directors serving, going against their students, editors, going against its own staff, throwing them under the bus, manufacturing a controversy about some internal processes?”
Day After UN School Attack, IDF Brags About Striking Another Refugee Camp School
Israeli forces carried out the strike on the Al-Shati UN school just after killing at least 40 in an attack on Nuseirat.
Streets of Berlin | Image credit: Fabian Scheidler
Israel bombed yet another UN school in Gaza on Friday, just a day after Israeli forces massacred dozens of Palestinians in a UN school-turned-shelter in an attack that has been widely condemned as a likely war crime.
Israel Defense Forces (IDF) bombed a UN school-turned-evacuation center in Al-Shati refugee camp, near Gaza City, as they carried out an intense series of bombardments on Friday. Palestinian officials have reported that three Palestinians were killed and 15 were injured.
The military boasted of the attack on social media, saying it struck a shipping container in the school grounds and attaching a picture of the container with a large UN logo visible on the adjacent building. The IDF claimed that it was targeting Hamas militants, an unverified claim that Israel has parroted many times in accounting for its countless bloody airstrikes over the past months.
This is the second time that Israel has struck a UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) school over the course of 48 hours. On Thursday, Israeli forces deployed U.S.-made bombs in an attack that killed at least 40 Palestinians, including 14 children, in Nuseirat refugee camp.
The Nuseirat attack sparked widespread outrage, with humanitarian groups quickly denouncing it as a potential war crime. UNRWA Commissioner-General Philippe Lazzarini said that Israel’s targeting of UN buildings is a “blatant disregard of International Humanitarian law” and that the UN specifically communicates the locations of its facilities with Israel in hopes of avoiding attacks.
The UNRWA swiftly called for investigations into attacks on UN facilities and personnel on Thursday, with officials noting that Israel has struck over 180 UNRWA buildings amid its genocide; Lazzarini noted that UN buildings are being damaged or destroyed on a daily basis, while Israeli forces have killed UN staff at “unprecedented levels.”
Indeed, UNRWA director for planning Sam Rose noted after the Nuseirat bombing that media and international leaders continuing to support Israel have created a situation where Israeli bombings of UN schools and slaughter of Palestinians has become normalized, with most attacks not even making headlines as Israel kills dozens each day and over 36,000 people so far, not including the thousands buried under the rubble and those dying to death and disease.
“We’ve seen this time and time again, to the extent that it’s almost become normalized. In previous conflicts, single incidents like this would cause shock and outrage and would be remembered forever. Whereas it seems in this conflict it will be this one will be replaced by another in a few days’ time unless it all comes to an end,” Rose told The Guardian after returning from a 5-week visit to Gaza.
“So, it almost becomes commonplace and mundane that these things are happening,” Rose said. “We have normalized horror.”
During this visit, Rose added, he was particularly taken aback “by the sheer number of people with crutches and wheelchairs with missing limbs, with wounds.” Aid groups have reported that over 10 children have had to have one or both legs amputated each day on average since October.
Rose’s comments speak to the rampant, systematic dehumanization of Palestinians that has been perpetuated by western corporate media outlets and political leaders for decades; his comments were made just before the strikes on Al-Shati, with the attack almost immediately demonstrating their veracity. Though the Nuseirat camp bombing was widely reportedby westernoutlets, the Al-Shati bombing went virtually ignored across western media, save for one blurb in the Associated Press’s live coverage.
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Sharon Zhang is a news writer at Truthout covering politics, climate and labor. Before coming to Truthout, Sharon had written stories for Pacific Standard, The New Republic, and more. She has a master’s degree in environmental studies.
The Genocide in Israeli Prisons
Families of Palestinian prisoners are kept in the dark about the fate of their loved ones at a time when Israeli prison authorities are creating conditions unfit for human life.
Israel’s genocidal war on Palestinians since last October has extended beyond the daily mass death, displacement, and starvation of the civilian population in the Gaza Strip. Behind the bars of Israeli prisons, Israel has been waging war against Palestinian prisoners, creating conditions that make the continuation of human life impossible. The effects of this brutal campaign have reverberated among prisoners’ families outside of jail, who are watching their loved ones being systematically starved, beaten, tortured, and degraded.
Shortly after October 7, Israel imposed a new set of rules in its cell blocks. In some detention centers like Ofer near Ramallah, the Israeli army was reportedly handed over control of the prison, while the Israel Prison Services guards were given a free hand in dealing with Palestinian inmates inside the jail sections. This shift was accompanied by a dramatic increase in the number of Palestinian detainees who were arrested after October 7, doubling the prisoner population as early on as mid-October. This included prisoners from Gaza, for whom the hardest part of the treatment was reserved.
On June 6, the New York Times published another story about Sde Teiman based on interviews with former detainees and Israeli military officers, doctors, and soldiers who worked at the prison, bringing new horrors to light about the treatment of Gazan prisoners. Detainee testimonies repeated many of these same accounts but also included additional disturbing accounts of sexual violence, including testimonies of rape and forcing detainees to sit on metal sticks that caused anal bleeding and “unbearable pain.”
The picture that emerges is one in which Israeli authorities are putting Palestinians in animal-like conditions calculated to torture, humiliate, and in man cases, to bring about their death. In March, the Israeli daily Haaretz reported that some 27 Palestinian detainees had died in detention in two facilities, including Sde Teiman.
Meanwhile, the families of Palestinian detainees, both from Gaza and the West Bank, have been left to wonder about the fate of their loved ones for months on end as horror stories continue to trickle out of Israeli prisons from those who are released, further feeding the anxieties of the families. Death by beating
According to Palestinian prisoners’ rights groups, Israel has arrested no less than 8,800 Palestinians since October from Gaza, the West Bank, and Jerusalem. Many have been released, including as part of a prisoners’ exchange between Israel and Hamas in November. Currently, some 9,300 Palestinians continue to be held behind bars, including 78 women, 250 children, and more than 3,400 detainees without charge or trial under the military legal system of administrative detention.
Thaer Taha, a Palestinian in his forties, was one of them until last April when he was released after two years of administrative detention. Taha was arrested in May 2022 and was given a detention order of six months. By October 7, he had spent almost a year and a half in Israeli jails.
“The day his detention order expired, we prepared ourselves to welcome my father at home,” Guevara Taha, his 22-year-old daughter, told Mondoweiss. “My mother made his favorite meal, my siblings and I dressed up, and friends and family members prepared to receive him at the checkpoint,” says Guevara. “That day, the lawyer called us and said that the occupation had renewed my father’s detention order for another six months,” she recalls.
On October 7, Thaer Taha was a month away from ending his second detention period. Since his arrest, he had been receiving family visits once a month.
Then, everything changed. Israel suspended all family visits for Palestinian inmates and began a series of unprecedented repressive measures against them. “Even those who had experienced the occupation jails in the 1970s and the 1980s said that they had seen nothing like the past eight months in the occupation’s prisons,” Thaer Taha says, referring to past periods that had hitherto been regarded as the highest point in Israel’s repression of Palestinian prisoners.
“The organized daily life inside cells, which so many [prisoners] had struggled for over the years, suddenly disappeared. Books and other personal belongings were confiscated and we were no longer allowed to have any kind of activity or representation,” explains Taha. “Guards began to violently raid our cells on a daily basis, food quality immediately decreased, and covers were taken away. We were intentionally put into insecurity, hunger, and cold. At the same time, the cells became crowded. We were 12 people in a 9 by 4 meter cell.”
The worsening of detention conditions for Palestinian inmates had already begun before October 7. In February 2023, Israel’s security minister Itamar Ben-Gvir began to reduce water access for Palestinian prisoners, beginning by limiting shower time to four minutes per day. The step caused outrage among human rights groups at the time. After October 7, it went to a whole new level.
“In mid-December, our water supply inside each cell was reduced to one hour per day. We used this hour to store as much water as we could, and since we only had one bottle in the cell, we filled empty cans,” Thaer says. “This situation continued for three months, until the beginning of the month of Ramadan, in mid-March.”
In November, Hamas and Israel struck a prisoner exchange deal. Around 150 Palestinian women and children were released from Israeli jails in exchange for 50 Israeli captives. The released Palestinians gave testimonies of severe beating and sexual abuse by Israeli prison guards. In April, the Palestinian prisoners’ rights groups said that 16 identified Palestinians had died in Israeli jails as a result of mistreatment since October 7. More had died but weren’t identified.
In November, 38-year-old Palestinian Thaer Abu Asab was announced dead in the Negev prison, after being beaten by Israeli guards. A month later, Israel admitted that Abu Asab’s death was a result of being beaten by 19 prison guards at the same time.
“I was in the Negev prison when Thaer Abu Asab was killed, but in a different section,” remembered Thaer Taha. “It was November 18, just after the morning head count, when we began to hear a lot of screaming. Then some prisoners were moved to the section I was in and they told us what had happened.”
“The guards were very aggressive during the morning count and every day they beat someone. That morning, Thaer Abu Asab dared to ask one of the guards about the news, if the truce in Gaza had begun or not,” Taha continued. “The guard told his commander, who told Abu Asab that he would show him the truce in Gaza, and he ordered him beaten. They beat him so brutally that one of the guards struck him with a thick wooden hoe handle on the head, and he immediately lost consciousness and bled to death.”
The suspected guards were reportedly put under “strict restrictions” following a probe into the incident but were set free all the same. National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir said that the guards were dealing with “the scum of humanity,” and should not be smeared before an investigation. Cut off from the world
While this news was being made public, prisoners’ families had no contact with their loved ones in Israeli jails and had no idea about their conditions. Guevara Taha described it as “a constant anguish, thinking all the time about what could be happening to my father, what conditions he is in, preventing us from sleeping.”
“We the families of prisoners have Whatsapp groups where we exchange information, so whenever a lawyer manages to know anything about one prisoner in a given jail, or if a prisoner manages to access a phone and make contact, they would give information about those who are held with them, and we share that news on WhatsApp,” said Guevara. “We spent all the time on WhatsApp expecting any news, and the news was never encouraging. It was either that they had no access to water, food or electricity, and the anguish continued.”
“My father spent 13 years in jail, eight of them as an administrative detainee, so I grew up knowing his news from prison more than having him at home, to the point that I didn’t get used to calling him ‘dad,’ I just called him by his name,” she continued. “But this time it was different, I was seriously fearing for his life, thinking of whether he has eaten or if he can even sleep at night.”
In February, a report by UN experts concluded that some Palestinian prisoners had been subject to sexual abuse and that at least two female prisoners had been raped in Israeli jails. The next day, Palestinian prisoners’ families and rights groups held a public press conference in Ramallah, where they announced that they had halted all coordination with the International Committee of the Red Cross, accusing it of inaction.
“The Red Cross had stopped giving us updates on the prisoners’ conditions since October 7, and even though they told us that it was because the occupation authorities had banned them from visiting the prisoners, they didn’t do anything else about it, and they didn’t speak up,” exclaimed Guevara.
Her father adds, “Our lawyers have been and continue to be banned from visiting prisoners, intimidated, and prevented from doing their work, but they speak out, they denounce it, and the prisoners were very offended by this silence.”
In November, the ICRC said publicly that it “hasn’t been able to visit Palestinian detainees since October 7.” In January, ICRC’s Middle East director told media outlets that Israel and Hamas were banning it from visiting captives on both sides. The ICRC never called publicly to end the suspension of visits, and has maintained that it is “actively engaging with the relevant authorities on this critical matter in our usual bilateral and confidential dialogue.”
Although Israel began to allow some family visits in recent months, most Palestinian prisoners remain banned from any contact with their families.
“Between October 7 and my release in late April, I was not allowed a single family visit, and my lawyer was allowed to visit me only twice,” indicates Thaer Taha. “During my time in prison, shortly after October 7, my son who is 17 was wounded by an Israeli bullet in the leg while taking part in a protest. I didn’t learn about it until my release in April. That is how cut off prisoners have been from the rest of the world.”
Corporate Media Push Conspiracy Theories to Discredit Student Protesters
New York Post graphic (4/26/24) alleging that Jewish billionaire George Soros is bankrolling “Israel hate camps.”
Across corporate media, journalists and pundits introduced conspiracy theories to discredit the pro-Palestine student protest movement, particularly that they are funded by foreign countries or “outside agitators.”
MSNBC‘s Joe Scarborough (5/9/24) went on a rant about the college students who have been staging the protests, suggesting to guest Hillary Clinton that they were influenced by China or Qatar:
I’m going to talk about radicalism on college campuses. The sort of radicalism that has mainstream students getting propaganda, whether it’s from their professors or whether it’s from Communist Chinese government through TikTok, calling the president of the United States “Genocide Joe.” Calling you and President Clinton war criminals.
Eventually, he called the students “extremists—I’m sorry—funded by Qatar.”
Clinton responded: “You raised things that need to be vented about.”
Scarborough’s claim that Qatar funds the students likely comes from a Jerusalem Post article (4/30/24), which called the protests “despicable.” The story reported, “Qatar has invested $5.6 billion in 81 American universities since 2007, including the most prestigious ones: Harvard, Yale, Cornell and Stanford.” Of course, funding universities is not the same as funding student protests; the university administrations that actually received the Qatari funding have often been quite hostile to the protesters.
‘Mr. Putin’s message’
House Speaker Emeritus Nancy Pelosi (D–Calif.) suggested on CNN’s State of the Union (1/28/24) that Russia has played a role in the protests:
And what we have to do is try to stop the suffering and gossip….. But for them to call for a ceasefire is Mr. Putin’s message…. I think some of these protesters are spontaneous and organic and sincere. Some I think are connected to Russia.
CNN’s Dana Bash asked, “you think some of these protests are Russian plants?” Pelosi responded: “I don’t think they’re plants; I think some financing should be investigated.”
Like MSNBC, Fox News (5/2/24) has also pushed the narrative suggesting that China is behind the protests: “China may be playing a significant role in the anti-Israel protests by using TikTok to foment division on college campuses,” Alicia Warren wrote.
Gordon Chang, a senior fellow at the far-right, anti-Muslim Gatestone Institute, told Fox that “China is using the curation algorithm of TikTok to instigate protests.”
The presence of pro-Palestinian advocacy on TikTok has been cited by lawmakers as a justification for censoring the social media platform (FAIR.org, 5/8/24). But the messages on TikTok, which is popular among younger people, may simply reflect public opinion among that demographic. According to the Pew Research Center, “Younger adults are much less supportive of the US providing military aid to Israel than are older people.”
In a story headlined, “Campus Protests Give Russia, China and Iran Fuel to Exploit US Divide,” the New York Times (5/2/24) described “overt and covert efforts by the countries to amplify the protests.” The story included some speculation about foreign influence: “There is little evidence—at least so far—that the countries have provided material or organizational support to the protests,” Steven Lee Myers and Tiffany Hsu wrote. If there was any evidence, they did not present it.
The journalists blamed the protests for having “allowed” these “foreign influence campaigns…to shift their propaganda to focus on the Biden administration’s strong support for Israel.”
‘Professional outside agitators’
Beyond foreign influence, another conspiracy theory pushed by corporate media about student protesters is that they are influenced by “outside agitators.” While people who are not students have joined the protests, the term has long been used to delegitimize movements and portray them as led by nefarious actors.
New York City Mayor Eric Adams was an early source of this claim, announcing at a press conference (4/30/24) that Columbia students have “been co-opted by professional outside agitators.” He made a similar statement in mid-April as well (4/21/24).
On MSNBC (5/1/24), NYPD deputy police commissioner Kaz Daughtry defended the claim, holding up a bicycle lock with a substantial metal chain that police had found at Columbia. “This is not what students bring to school,” he said. In fact, Columbia sells the bike lock at a discount to students (FAIR.org, 5/9/24).
CNN‘s Anderson Cooper (4/29/24) asked the Anti Defamation League’s Jonathan Greenblatt about the outside agitators, “How many of them are actually students?” “A lot of them are not students,” Greenblatt replied, adding unironically: “You can’t even tell who’s an outside agitator and who’s an actual student.”
CNN senior political commentator David Axelrod tweeted (4/30/24): “It will be interesting to learn how many of those arrested in Hamilton Hall at Columbia are actually students.”
Former president Donald Trump made a similar claim on Fox (4/30/24). “I really think you have a lot of paid agitators, professional agitators in here too, and I see it all over. And you know, when you see signs and they’re all identical, that means they’re being paid by a source,” he told Fox host Sean Hannity. He continued: “These are all signs that are identical. They’re made by the same printer.”
It’s worth noting that a political movement is not like an intercollegiate athletic competition, where it’s cheating for non-students to play on a college team; it’s not illegitimate for members of the broader community to join an on-campus protest, any more than it’s unethical for students to take part in demonstrations in their neighborhoods.
“If you’re a protester who’s planned it, you want all outsiders to join you,” Justin Hansford of the Thurgood Marshall Civil Rights Center told PolitiFact (5/6/24). “That’s why this is such a silly concept.”
That didn’t stop the New York Post (5/7/24) from publishing an op-ed by former New York Lt. Gov. Betsy McCaughey headlined “Pursue Anti-Israel ‘Outside Agitators’ Disrupting Colleges—and End the Nonsense for Good.” McCaughey wrote, “Ray Kelly, former NYPD commissioner, nailed it Sunday when he said the nationwide turmoil ‘looks like a conspiracy.’” It looks like a conspiracy theory, anyway.
Tents situation
One key piece of evidence offered for the “outside agitators” claim was the uniformity of many of the encampments’ tents. When Fox 5 New York (4/23/24) invited two NYPD representatives to discuss the protests, NYPD’s Daughtry said: “Look at the tents. They all were the same color. They all were the same type of tents.” He continued: “To me, I think somebody’s funding this. Also, there are professional agitators in there that are just looking for something to be agitated about, which are the protests.”
“Somebody’s behind this, and we’re going to find out who it is,” Daughtry said.
That students might be observing the world and their role in it, and acting accordingly, was not considered.
Newsweek (4/23/24) quoted Daughtry’s claim with no rebuttal or attempt to evaluate its veracity, under the headline, “Police Investigating People ‘Behind’ Pro-Palestinian Protests.” Fox News anchor Bret Baier (4/23/24) also cited the tents as a smoking gun: “We do see, it is pretty organized. The tents all look the same. And it’s expanding.”
The problem with this conspiracy theory is that the look-alike tents at most encampments were not expensive at all. As HellGateNYC (4/24/24) pointed out, the two-person tents seen at Columbia cost $28 on Amazon (where they’re the first listing that comes up when you search “cheap camping tent”), and the ones at NYU were even cheaper, at $15. While many Columbia students receive financial aid, the basic cost of tuition, fees, room and board at the school is $85,000 a year. What’s another $15?
‘Soros paying student radicals’
And finally, some news outlets alleged that the student protesters are funded by financier George Soros. For example, Fox (4/26/24) reported that a group that funds National Students for Justice in Palestine (NSJP) received a donation from an unnamed nonprofit that is funded by Soros. Fox was apparently referring to the Tides Foundation, a philanthropy that Soros has given money to; Tides gave $132,000 to WESPAC, a Westchester, N.Y., peace group that serves as a financial sponsor to NSJP in Palestine (PolitiFact, 5/2/24; Washington Post, 4/26/24). In standard conspiratorial reasoning, this three-times-removed connection means that, as Fox put it, protests attended by SJP members are “backed by dark money and liberal mega-donor George Soros.”
The New York Post (4/26/24) published a similar piece, headlined “George Soros Is Paying Student Radicals Who Are Fueling Nationwide Explosion of Israel-Hating Protests.”
On NewsNation (5/1/24), House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) also suggested Soros may be connected, saying that the FBI should investigate:
I think the FBI needs to be all over this. I think they need to look at the root causes and find out if some of this was funded by—I don’t know—George Soros or overseas entities. There’s sort of a common theme and a common strategy that seems to be pursued on many of these campuses.
Soros is a billionaire philanthropist who survived the Holocaust. He has come to represent an antisemitic trope among right wingers of a puppet master controlling events behind the scenes (see FAIR.org, 3/7/22). To put it simply, these supposedly antisemitic protesters are now on the receiving end of antisemitism.