Friday, August 30, 2024

 

She Was Brutally Killed Before She Could Write Her Story for the World

The Thirty-Fifth Newsletter (2024)

Arpita Singh (India), My Lollypop City: Gemini Rising, 2005.

Dear Friends,

Greetings from the desk of Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research.

On 8 August 2024, a 31-year-old doctor at the RG Kar Medical College in Kolkata (West Bengal, India) finished her 36-hour shift at the hospital, ate dinner with her colleagues, and went to the college’s seminar hall to rest before her next shift. The next day, shortly after being reported missing, she was found in a seminar room, her lifeless body displaying all the signs of terrible violence. Since Indian law forbids revealing the names of victims of sexual crimes, her name will not appear in this newsletter.

This young doctor’s story is by no means an isolated incident: every fifteen minutes, a woman in India reports a rape. In 2022, at least 31,000 rapes were reported, a 12% increase from 2020. These statistics vastly underrepresent the extent of sexual crimes, many of which go unreported for fear of social sanction and patriarchal disbelief. In 2018, the World Health Organisation (WHO) published an extensive study of violence against women using data from 161 countries between 2000 and 2018, which showed that nearly one in three, or 30%, of women ‘have been subjected to physical and/or sexual violence by an intimate partner or non-partner or both’. What this young doctor faced was an extreme version of an outrageously commonplace occurrence.

Nalini Malini (India), Listening to the Shades, 2007.

Not long after her body was discovered, RG Kar College Principal Dr Sandip Ghosh revealed the victim’s name and blamed her for what had happened. The hospital authorities informed the young doctor’s parents that she had committed suicide. They waited hours for the authorities to allow a post-mortem, which was done in haste. ‘She was my only daughter’, her mother said. ‘I worked hard for her to become a doctor. And now she is gone’. The police surrounded the family home and would not allow anyone to meet them, and the government pressured the family to cremate her body quickly and organised the entire cremation process. They wanted the truth to vanish. It was only because activists of the Democratic Youth Federation of India (DYFI) blocked the ambulance that the family was able to see the body.

On 10 August, the day after the young doctor’s body was discovered, the DYFI, Students Federation of India (SFI), Communist Party of India (Marxist), and other organisations held protests across West Bengal to ensure justice. These protests grew rapidly, with medical personnel across the state, and then across India, standing outside their workplaces with placards expressing their political anger. The women’s movement, which saw massive protests in 2012 after a young woman in Delhi was gang raped and murdered, again took to the streets. The number of young women who attended these protests reflects the scale of sexual violence in Indian society, and their speeches and posters were saturated with sadness and anger. ‘Reclaim the night’, tens of thousands of women shouted in protests across West Bengal on 14 August, India’s independence day.

Rani Chanda (India), The Solace, 1932

The most remarkable aspect of this protest movement was the mobilisation of medical unions and doctors. On 12 August, the Federation of Resident Doctors Association (FORDA), with whom the murdered doctor was affiliated, called upon all doctors to suspend non-emergency medical services. The next day, doctors in government hospitals across India put on their white coats and complied. The head of the Indian Medical Association, Dr RV Asokan, met with Union Health Minister JP Nadda to present five demands:

  1. hospitals must be safe zones;
  2. the central government must pass a law protecting health workers;
  3. the family must be given adequate compensation;
  4. the government must conduct a time-bound investigation; and
  5. resident doctors must have decent working conditions (and not have to work a 36-hour shift).

The WHO reports that up to 38% of health workers suffer physical violence during their careers, but in India the numbers are astronomically higher. For instance, nearly 75% of Indian doctors report experiencing some form of violence while more than 80% say that they are over-stressed and 56% do not get enough sleep. Most of these doctors are attacked by patients’ families who believe their relatives have not received adequate healthcare. Testimonies of female doctors during the protests indicate that women health workers routinely experience sexual harassment and violence not only from patients, but from other hospital employees. The dangerous culture in these institutions, many of them say, is unbearable, as is evidenced by the high suicide rates among nurses that are committed in response to sexual and other forms of harassment – a serious problem that received little attention. An online search using the keywords ‘nurses’, ‘India’, ‘sexual harassment’, and ‘suicide’ brings up a stunning number of reports from just the past year. This explains why doctors and nurses have reacted with such vehemence to the death of the young doctor at RG Kar.

Dipali Bhattacharya (India), Untitled, 2007.

On 13 August, the Calcutta High Court ordered the police to hand over the case to the Central Bureau of Investigation. On the night of 14 August, vandals destroyed a great deal of campus property, attacked doctors who were holding a midnight vigil, threw stones at nearby police, and destroyed evidence that remained on the scene, including the seminar room where the doctor was found, suggesting an attempt to disrupt any investigation. In response to the attack, FORDA resumed its strike.

Rather than arrest anyone on the scene, the authorities accused leaders of the peaceful protests of being the culprits, including the DYFI and SFI leaders who had initiated the first protests. DYFI Secretary for West Bengal Minakshi Mukherjee was one of those summoned by the police. ‘The people who are connected to the vandalism of a hospital’, she said, ‘cannot be from civil society. Who, then, is protecting these people?’

The police also summoned two doctors, Dr Subarna Goswami and Dr Kunal Sarkar, to the police station on the charge of spreading misinformation about the post-mortem report. In fact, the two are vocal critics of the state government, and the community of doctors saw the summons as an act of intimidation and marched with them to the police station.

There is widespread discontent about the West Bengal state government led by Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee of the All India Trinamool Congress, a centre-right party formed in 1998 that has been in power since 2011. A particularly salient example of the source of this lack of confidence in the state government is its decision to hastily rehire Dr Ghosh after his resignation from RG Kar to be the principal of the National Medical College in Kolkata. The Calcutta High Court rebuked the government for this decision and demanded that Dr Ghosh be placed on extended leave while the investigation continued.

Dr Ghosh not only grossly mishandled the murder case of this young doctor: he is also accused of fraud. Accusations that the murdered doctor was going to release more evidence of Dr Ghosh’s corruption at the college are now spreading across the country alongside allegations that sexual violence and murder were being wielded to silence someone who had evidence of another crime. Whether the government will investigate these accusations is unlikely given the wide latitude afforded to powerful people.

Sunayani Devi (India), Lady with Parrot, 1920s.

The West Bengal government is defined by its fear of the people. On 18 August, the state’s two iconic football teams, East Bengal and Mohun Bagan, were set to play for the Durand Cup. When it became clear that fans intended to protest from the stands, the government cancelled the match. This did not stop the teams’ fans from joining with fans of the third-most important West Bengal football team, Mohammedan Sporting, to mobilise outside the Yuva Bharati Stadium to protest the match cancellation and the young doctor’s murder. ‘We want justice for RG Kar’, they said. In response, they were attacked by the police.

Shipra Bhattacharya (India), Desire, 2006.

Many years ago, the poet Subho Dasgupta wrote the beloved and powerful poem Ami sei meye (I Am That Girl), which could very well be the soundtrack of these struggles:

I am that girl.
The one you see every day on the bus, train, street
whose sari, tip of forehead, earrings, and ankles
you see everyday
and
dream of seeing more.
You see me in your dreams, as you wished.
I am that girl.

I am that girl – from the shanty Kamin Basti in Chai Bagan, Assam
who you want to abduct to the Sahibi Bungalow at midnight,
want to see her naked body with your eyes intoxicated with the burning light of the fireplace.
I am that girl.

In hard times, the family relies on me.
Mother’s medicine is bought with my tuition earnings.
My extra income bought my brother’s books.
My whole body was drenched in heavy rain
with the black sky on his head.
I am an umbrella.
The family lives happily under my protection.

Like a destructive wildfire
I will continue to move forward! And on either side of my way forward
numerous headless bodies
will continue to suffer from
terrible pain:
the body of civilisation
body of progress
body of improvement.
The body of society.

Maybe I’m the girl! Maybe! Maybe…

The paintings in this newsletter are all done by women who were born in Bengal.

Warmly,

VijayFacebook

Vijay Prashad is an Indian historian and journalist. Prashad is the author of twenty-five books, including The Darker Nations: A People’s History of the Third World and The Poorer Nations: A Possible History of the Global SouthRead other articles by Vijay, or visit Vijay's website.

 

You Will Hear the Names of the Dead: The DNC in Chicago

Luxury SUVs carried important people into important buildings for important events. And between us and the importance, there were police with rifles strapped to their chests.

This blog originally appeared here on Proof That I’m Alive.

A couple of weeks ago, I plunged into Lake Michigan. Unlike usual, the water felt warm. It was easy to run all the way in and easy to float over the waves. Montrose beach was crowded with families, pitching tents to keep out of the sun. Children played, laughed, and cried. Midwesterners who still hadn’t made it out into the sun crisped their pale shoulders. It would have been a perfectly relaxing day, but fighter jets circled above everyone’s heads — doing dives and turning every which way. Mothers plugged their children’s ears and I saw a baby wearing noise canceling headphones.

It was the Air and Water show — an annual proud display of American military capabilities. They are the same jets that fly over the shores of Gaza, dropping bombs on families. That’s what I thought about — it was just by happenstance that we were there watching these planes as a performance rather than in Gaza as a weapon of mass slaughter. The more places I travel to, the more I realize how much the world looks the same. People everywhere are really kind and generous — the only thing that separates us is if the stars align to have us born under the boot of the United States or not.

As the jets flew over our heads I felt my stomach sour. In two weeks, the Democratic National Convention would come to Chicago and it was a present opportunity to make clear the contradictions that kept me up at night. Once months and months away, the DNC was finally around the corner.

This week, members of the Democratic Party came from all parts of the country to convene in Chicago. They were coronating Kamala Harris as their presidential nominee, a woman no one really voted for. Even in the face of this blatant lack of democracy, the party members were elated to choose her. They carried signs with her husband’s name and applause erupted from the tens of thousands of people in the United Center when she declared that the United States would have the “most lethal military” in the world under her leadership. To the people well aware of the millions of people the United States killed in the last twenty years alone, her statement was a threat.

The week was marked by the obvious gaps between the people going into the United Center and the people outside of it.

There was a young woman that sat outside the exit of the Democratic National Convention on its third night reading the names of the children Israel has killed in the last ten months. She did it for hours, until her speaker battery died. She did it alone, taking care to pronounce every child’s name correctly and to say their age at the time of their murder. Without her, many of the DNC guests wouldn’t necessarily be confronted with the carnage members of their party is carrying out.

Outside the gates of the DNC I saw a young woman making sure the children of Palestine weren’t just numbers, and I saw people laughing at her for doing so. They laughed loudly and mocked her voice. They mocked the names of the dead babies. They yelled at her to leave them alone. They left the coronation ceremony livid that they had to even hear about Gaza.

That night was demoralizing, and it’s something I will remember for the rest of my life.

Democrats laugh at the names of dead children. They openly refuse to let a Palestinian speak for two minutes at their four day long event. They order riot cops on people protesting a genocide. They have their parties, fundraisers, and happy hours while bodies pile up. If they really didn’t think the genocide was so bad, they wouldn’t get so mad at us for reminding them. They knew that the people they were rallying behind are cheering on mass slaughter — they’ve just weighed their fun, their careers, and their vanity against the lives of 180,000 Palestinians and decided that nothing could be more important than themselves. I don’t care what they said to me, or my friends, but I hope our faces and our presence made them feel even an ounce of discomfort. In the best case scenario, I hope they went to sleep hearing the echoes of the martyrs’ names. I still foolishly hope they turn a corner at some point.

There’s a lot to be said about the Democratic National Convention. It happened in the city with the largest Palestinian population in the United States. Plenty of our neighbors here have lost dozens and dozens of their immediate and extended families and Kamala Harris took to the stage to promise her ironclad support to their executioners. Riot cops filed into the streets, prepared to use the kettling tactics they used from the Israeli military. All of a sudden, the place I call home felt unrecognizable. The air of the coronation felt heavy — it didn’t feel like home. There were points where I was with thousands of other people, chanting in unison, but still felt so lonely. Luxury SUVs carried important people into important buildings for important events. And between us and the importance, there were police with rifles strapped to their chests.

But there were also good people. Like the girl outside the convention. And the thousand of people that marched with us. And the Shake Shack worker that joined us because he had 15 minutes before his shift started. And the security that had to kick us out to keep their job but told us how much what we were doing meant to them.

In the lead up to the DNC, we spent so much time thinking about the last DNC that happened here in 1968. Protests against the Vietnam war took to the streets in small numbers, demanding an end to the war. They were met with horrible police brutality, and mass arrests with long legal battles in their wake. Our mentors from ‘68 urged us not to be nostalgic for those days. I still admire them for going face to face with the Chicago riot cops, but I’ve also taken their reflections of ‘68 very seriously — they didn’t end the war on Vietnam. Many of them feel like they could have focused more on building a sustainable movement that people could join for the long haul. The 2024 DNC in Chicago presented us a unique opportunity — we had to take this huge moment of mass mobilization and make sure our efforts and organization doesn’t get washed away when all the balloons on the United Center floor are popped, and the important people fly out of O’Hare. When the dust settles and the most powerful people in the world leave our city, how will we keep fighting? I was happy when so many people asked us what was next, because it meant we were thinking long term.

In our own discourses on the left, the week was consumed by the discussion of tactics – what works and what doesn’t. An organizer I know reminded us about our responsibility to be a movement people want to join. There are plenty of people who are sympathetic to our cause but haven’t figured out how to be part of it. There’s millions of people without a movement home. Our cause is already popular, it’s already growing every day. Are we doing what we can to make sure people know where to go? Are we keeping our eyes on the prize or are we getting so wrapped up in nostalgia that we can’t see what we will be capable of a year from now if we move strategically? We are nothing without the people. Our responsibility is to the people —not to our egos, not to our careers, not to the vanity of our organizations, and not to our impulses. As a movement we generally have to be better at unlearning instant gratification and also embracing a diversity of tactics. But that’s something for another day.

It is easy to stand on a police line. It’s easy to yell at politicians. It’s easy to say things and do things by yourself. It’s hard to organize your neighbors and talk to new people about things they don’t immediately understand — my hope comes from the idea that once we get really good at that, the light at the end of the tunnel will be as clear as day.

Chicagoans are loud, principled, and good people and because of that there  are 2.6 million reasons to love this city. For a few days Chicagoans made certain democrats couldn’t walk around our city without seeing and hearing about the people of Gaza. It’s my hope that we see that as a small success, and also my hope that we saw the week of mobilizations as a jumping off point for building the world we want to see.

Lake Michigan is connected to the ocean through narrow waterways along the northern border of the United States, and someone mentioned at a protest that it’s not unfathomable that the waves crashing onto the shores of Gaza were once here in Chicago, and vice versa. Even if we don’t have skies that are absent of fighter jets in my lifetime, every second spent moving us towards that kind of life was worth it. As long as we don’t throw in the towel, we are closer than ever to that reality.FacebookTwitter

Danaka Katovich is CODEPINK's National Co-Director. Danaka graduated from DePaul University with a bachelor's degree in Political Science in November 2020. Read other articles by Danaka, or visit Danaka's website.

 

Israel supporters flout Canadian law with impunity

As an observer of foreign affairs, I’ve often written about the hypocrisy of Liberal and Conservative governments’ failure to uphold “an international rules-based order” despite claims of its importance. In the case of Israel, the duplicity is even more glaring. Our governments, past and present, repeatedly fail to uphold Canadian law.

Activists have long shown how arms sales and military recruitment to Israel violates the law. But Global Affairs, Minister of Justice, RCMP and other government agencies have generally ignored their legal responsibilities when it comes to the genocidal apartheid state.

Issuing arms permits to Israel contravenes Canada’s Export and Import Permits Act. According to the law, Canada shouldn’t export arms to a country if there is “a substantial risk” they would undermine peace and security or be used to violate international law. As a signatory to the UN Arms Trade Treaty Canada is also obliged to not transfer arms to a country responsible for grave human rights violations. Two recent International Court of Justice rulings strengthen the legal case against Canadian arms sales to Israel. Still, Global Affairs allows arms transfers.

The Minister of Justice and RCMP have also failed to apply the law regarding Israel, refusing to enforce the Foreign Enlistment Act and Crimes Against Humanity and War Crimes Act. In 2020 a formal legal complaint and public letter signed by numerous prominent individuals were released calling on the federal government to investigate individuals for violating the Foreign Enlistment Act by inducing Canadians to join the Israeli military. The Trudeau government effectively ignored the public letter and legal complaint even though it was published on the front page of Le Devoir. Then Justice Minister David Lametti responded by simply saying it was up to the police to investigate. For their part, the police refused to seriously investigate. Partly in response to the police’s unwillingness to take the matter seriously, a case was launched through a private prosecution against Sar-El Canada, which brings Canadians to volunteer on Israeli military bases. A Justice of the Peace agreed the evidence warranted a hearing, but the Crown interceded to dismiss the case against Sar-El. They clearly didn’t want a court to adjudicate the matter.

More recently, Canadians fighting in a force that’s slaughtered tens of thousands should be investigated under Canada’s Crimes Against Humanity and War Crimes Act. Highlighting reports of Canadians in the Israeli military, a Canadians for Justice and Peace in the Middle East letter to Justice Minister Arif Virani called on him to “Issue a warning to Canadian nationals that serving or volunteering with the Israeli military may make them criminally liable under the Crimes Against Humanity and War Crimes Act”. CJPME’s January letter also requested the minister “launch an investigation under its War Crimes Program into the participation of Canadian nationals involved in Israel’s military offensive.”

Thousands messaged the minister calling on him to investigate Canadians committing war crimes in Gaza. Following up on this push, I asked Virani directly if he’d investigate those killing Palestinians under the Crimes Against Humanity and War Crimes Act. He refused to answer, walking down the wrong hallway to escape my questioning.

While staying mum on Canadians killing Palestinians, the Trudeau government actually interceded to block a bureaucratic move to properly label wines from illegal colonies. After David Kattenburg repeatedly complained about inaccurate labels on two wines sold in Ontario, the Canadian Food Inspection Agency (CFIA) notified the Liquor Control Board of Ontario (LCBO) in 2017 that it “would not be acceptable and would be considered misleading” to declare wines produced in the Occupied Palestinian Territories as “products of Israel”. But, immediately after the decision became public the government reversed the advisory and then appealed a judge’s ruling to block accurate labelling of wines produced in the occupied West Bank.

In a major form of Israel-focused criminality, dozens of registered charities violate the Income Tax Act by supporting the Israeli military, racist organizations and West Bank colonies. In a bid to press the CRA to uphold the law, formal complaints have been submitted to the revenue agency detailing a dozen charities’ – with over $100 million in annual revenue – violating the rules. That campaign contributed to the recent revocation of the charitable status of Canada’s second most powerful Zionist charity, the Jewish National Fund of Canada (as well as the Ne’eman Foundation). While its recent revocations restore some confidence in the CRA’s ability to act independently, a law-abiding revenue agency would do far more to curtail illegal subsidies to Israel.

To press the CRA to revoke the charitable status of other Israel-focused organizations violating the law, actions will be held at CRA offices across the country on International Day of Charity. On September 5 join one of the many protests calling on the CRA to stop subsidizing war crimes and apartheid.

One has to wonder why we must take to the streets to convince our government to uphold Canadian law.Facebook

Yves Engler is the author of 12 books. His latest book is Stand on Guard for Whom?: A People's History of the Canadian Military . Read other articles by Yves.

Hanging On with Gaza


During a week of action focused on UN potential to end Israel’s genocidal attacks, I was part of a coalition that met with twelve different permanent missions to the United Nations. We urged that if countries that are parties to the Genocide Convention or the Geneva Conventions stop trading with Israel as international law demands, (cf. the July 19th advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice), the genocide will end quickly.

In each encounter at a Permanent Mission to the UN, its staff asked if we, as U.S. citizens, have addressed our government’s unwavering support for the genocide against impoverished and forcibly displaced people.

It was a deeply meaningful moment when the Irish Ambassador to the United Nations showed our delegation a miniature replica of John Behan’s poignant statue depicting the Irish exodus – it showed weary, hungry people disembarking from a boat after a stormy ocean voyage.

“You have to see each one of these as a human being,” he said.

My mother was an Irish indentured servant first in Ireland and then in England. As things go, she was among the more fortunate. She never endured being chained day and night in the Middle Passage of a slave ship carrying captives here, or in a human trafficker’s overcrowded, lethally airless truck container. Nor did she have to cling to the remains of an overcrowded ship to keep from drowning after it capsized in the Mediterranean.

Life in Gaza is a desperate moment-to-moment ordeal of clinging to such wreckage, trying to stay above water, to stay alive, while both major U.S. political parties struggle to push you under.

In an article published by The Guardian, Israeli-American Omer Bartov, an eminent Holocaust historian and expert on genocide, lamented the unwillingness of many Israelis—some of whom are his friends, neighbors, colleagues, and even former students—to see Palestinians as human beings. He comments: “Many of my friends…feel that in the struggle between justice and existence, existence must win out…it is our own cause that must be triumphant, no matter the price… This feeling did not appear suddenly on 7 October.”

Is it futile to ask Israelis to reconsider this vengeance – avenging hundreds of civilians with several hundred thousand, half of them children – while the U.S. continues to arm Israel for the task?

Bartov continues: By the time I travelled to Israel, I had become convinced that …Israel was engaged in systematic war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocidal actions. … the ultimate goal of this entire undertaking from the very beginning had been to make the entire Gaza Strip uninhabitable, and to debilitate its population to such a degree that it would either die out or seek all possible options to flee the territory. In other words, … as the 1948 UN Genocide Convention puts it, … Israel was acting ‘with intent to destroy, in whole or in part’, the Palestinian population in Gaza, ‘as such, by killing, causing serious harm… inflicting conditions of life meant to bring about the group’s destruction’”.

How can United States citizens cope in a nation not just gone mad on war, but gone mad on genocide? We do not have to cope with lingering, state-enforced starvation or the memory of our lifeless children pulled from under rubble. But we must cope with our complicity.

When we can, we must act.

We cannot say we did not know. The United Nations member states watch the entire edifice of international law crumble as a genocide is broadcast across our screens. Israeli military forces may have killed close to 200,000 Gazans although only 40,000 bodies have been recovered for counting. The Israeli government’s siege is starving Palestinian children and has brought Gaza to the brink of a full-blown famine. Meanwhile, polio has made a return.

From September 10 – September 30, World BEYOND War, Code Pink, Veterans For Peace, Pax Christi and other coalition partners will leaflet, demonstrate, and nonviolently act to expose and oppose Israeli and U.S. actions which flout international law. We will gather before both the United States’ U.N. Mission and the Israeli consulate demanding both nations desist from further massacres, forcible displacement, and the use of starvation and disease as weapons.

We will remind people that Israel possesses thermonuclear weapons but refuses to acknowledge this fact and thereby avoids any assessment or safeguards by the International Atomic Energy Association and any involvement in the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty.

We will express earnest concern both for Hamas’ prisoners and the more than a thousand Palestinians incarcerated without charge by Israel, many of them women and children.

Currently, the United States and Israel have effectively decided on death for the remaining hostages rather than a settlement that would free Palestinian women and children. In a reckless bid to spark a U.S.-Iran war, Israel recently assassinated, in Tehran, the chief Hamas negotiator for a hostage release.

And still the U.S.’ arms flow continues.

Last week, the world watched as the Democratic Party leadership, at its convention, squelched voices of the uncommitted delegates. DNC speakers repeated the lie that their party was seeking a ceasefire, while flatly refusing to stop replacing the guns and missiles Israel has used to shed blood and destroy infrastructure.

We all should rely on the covenant virtues of traditional Judaism, those virtues celebrated as essential for survival: truth, justice, and forgiving love. We should appeal to secular and faith-based people across the United States as we face precarities of nuclear annihilation and ecological collapse. Securing a better future for all children requires bolstering respect for human rights, searching always for ways to abolish war.

The U.S. government is complicit in genocide, and we, in whose name it is acting, are also complicit if we remain silent.

It is time for the United Nations to liberate itself from a Security Council structure giving five permanent, nuclear armed members a vise-like grip on the world’s ability to counter the scourge of war. We must join with the call of the South African government which bravely upheld international law. We must clamor for the General Assembly to enact the “uniting for peace” resolution.

As the forthright Jewish delegate at last week’s DNC, after he and two others unfurled a banner “STOP ARMING ISRAEL”, said, “Never again means never again!”

We invite you to join us. https://events.worldbeyondwar.org/

• A version of this article first appeared on World BEYOND War’s website. https://worldbeyondwar.org/hanging-on-with-gaza/Facebook

Kathy Kelly (kathy.vcnv@gmail.com) is the board president of World BEYOND War (worldbeyondwar.org) and a co-coordinator of the Merchants of Death War Crimes Tribunal. (merchantsofdeath.org) Read other articles by Kathy.

Georgia's Future at Stake: Zurabishvili Warns of 'Existential' Election

  • Zurabishvili emphasized the high stakes of the election, framing it as a decision between "war and peace" and a determinant of Georgia's future trajectory.
  • The president's remarks highlight the geopolitical tensions surrounding Georgia's aspirations to join NATO and the EU, amid strained relations with the West due to perceived pro-Russian shifts in the government's policies.

Georgian President Salome Zurabishvili has called the country's upcoming parliamentary elections a "choice between Europe and Russia" for the South Caucasus nation.

Zurabishvili's statement came after she signed a decree announcing October 26, the last Saturday of October, as the day for the parliamentary polls, saying that voters will have to "choose between war and peace" in the election.

"The day of the decision, the day of choice, the day of survival is coming," Zurabishvili said, stressing that the election will be "existential" for the former Soviet republic and will "define the country's destiny for many years to come."

"Nobody in Georgia wants a war, and nobody is planning it.... The choice will be between being Russia's slave or cooperation with Europe," Zurabishvili added.

Despite Georgia's longtime aspiration to join NATO and the European Union, the government's relationship with the West has been going downhill in recent years amid Tbilisi's visible turn toward Russia.

Brussels has paused ongoing EU accession negotiations with Tbilisi and the United States has undertaken a "comprehensive review" of relations with Georgia over the controversial "foreign agent law" that was recently adopted by the Georgian government -- which is ruled by the Georgian Dream party of billionaire former Prime Minister Bidzina Ivanishvili -- amid fierce protests.

"The choice will be between obedience to Russia via miserable concessions and actual selling the soul to Russia and being an equal state in Europe, promoting our identity, history, talents, and opportunities -- Georgia's adequate representation in a free and peaceful environment. There will not be a second chance," Zurabishvili said.

Georgia's civil society has for years sought to move the country away from the influence of Russia, which still maintains thousands of troops in South Ossetia and Abkhazia, two breakaway Georgian regions that Moscow recognized as independent states following a five-day war with Tbilisi in 2008.

By RFE/RL

 

What is Natural Gas Flaring and What Can We Do About It?

  • Natural gas flaring is a significant contributor to greenhouse gas emissions and environmental concerns.

  • Innovative ways to reduce natural gas flaring include the use of microturbines, GTL technology, pipelines, carbon capture technology, and bitcoin mining.

  • These solutions provide alternative uses for excess natural gas while promoting sustainable practices within the oil and gas industry.



In the heart of oil and gas operations lies a practice as old as the industry itself: Natural gas flaring. This process, which involves the controlled burning of excess natural gas produced during oil extraction, has been a mainstay for decades. While it might appear as an unavoidable byproduct of oil production, natural gas flaring casts a long shadow of environmental consequences that demand our attention.

From contributing to climate change through the release of potent greenhouse gases to impacting local air and water quality, the repercussions of flaring are far-reaching. It's a practice that not only squanders a valuable energy resource but also poses risks to human health and ecological balance. As the world grapples with the urgent need to transition towards cleaner energy sources and mitigate climate change, the spotlight on natural gas flaring intensifies. It begs the question: is it truly a necessary evil, or can we find sustainable alternatives?

What is Natural Gas Flaring?

Natural gas flaring is the deliberate combustion of natural gas that is deemed uneconomical or impractical to capture and utilize. This excess gas, often found alongside crude oil deposits, poses a challenge due to its gaseous state, making it difficult to store and transport compared to liquid oil. In the absence of adequate infrastructure or viable markets for this gas, flaring becomes the default solution.

The process typically involves igniting the gas at the wellhead, creating a towering flame that illuminates the night sky. While seemingly simple, this act releases a cocktail of pollutants into the atmosphere, including carbon dioxide, methane, and other harmful substances.

As we delve deeper into this complex issue, we'll explore the environmental and economic impacts of flaring, the ongoing efforts to reduce its prevalence, and the innovative solutions that offer a glimmer of hope for a cleaner energy future.

How Does Natural Gas Flaring Happen?

Natural gas is often found alongside crude oil deposits. When drilling for oil, natural gas is also extracted from the ground. However, unlike crude oil, which can be stored and transported easily, natural gas is more difficult to transport and store due to its gaseous state. This is where natural gas flaring comes in.

During oil drilling operations, natural gas that cannot be captured or transported is burned off at the well site. This process involves igniting the natural gas as it exits the wellhead, resulting in a bright flame that can be seen from miles away.

Environmental Impact of Natural Gas Flaring

Natural gas flaring has a significant environmental impact. The most obvious is the release of greenhouse gases into the atmosphere. Methane, the primary component of natural gas, is a potent greenhouse gas, significantly contributing to climate change. According to the World Bank, global gas flaring resulted in the emission of approximately 400 million tons of CO2 equivalent in 2022, contributing to global warming and climate change.

Flaring also impacts air and water quality. It releases pollutants such as carbon dioxide, nitrogen oxides, and sulfur dioxide, which can harm human health and the environment. Additionally, flaring can contribute to light and noise pollution, affecting wildlife and ecosystems in the surrounding areas.

Economic and Social Impacts

Besides the environmental concerns, gas flaring represents a substantial waste of valuable energy resources. The World Bank estimates that the value of gas flared annually is around $40 billion. This wasted gas could be used to generate electricity, provide heat, or be utilized as feedstock for various industries.

In developing countries where flaring is prevalent, the economic and social impacts can be particularly severe. The loss of potential revenue from gas utilization can hinder economic development, while the environmental pollution from flaring can disproportionately affect vulnerable communities.

Reducing Natural Gas Flaring

There are several solutions being implemented around the world aimed at reducing or eliminating natural gas flaring. 

Build More Pipelines

One solution involves capturing and transporting excess natural gas instead of burning it off at the wellhead. This requires building new infrastructure, such as pipelines or liquefied natural gas (LNG) plants.

Use Microturbines To Produce Power

Another approach is the use of microturbines, which can generate electricity from excess natural gas that would otherwise be burned off. These small turbines are highly efficient and can provide power for various applications such as remote oil rigs or pipeline operations. This solution not only reduces greenhouse gas emissions but also provides a cost-effective way to produce electricity in areas where traditional grid connections may not be available.

 

Flare-gas-to-liquids (GTL) technology: This innovative technology presents a groundbreaking solution to mitigate gas flaring and foster a greener energy landscape. By transforming waste gases generated from flaring into valuable liquid fuels like diesel, gasoline, or jet fuel, GTL provides a practical and sustainable use for excess natural gas. This process not only significantly reduces greenhouse gas emissions but also contributes to a circular economy by repurposing a previously wasted resource.

 

Carbon Capture and Storage Technologies

Some oil companies are using carbon capture technology to capture carbon dioxide emissions from natural gas flaring and store them underground. This approach not only reduces greenhouse gas emissions but also promotes carbon sequestration, which can help mitigate climate change impacts.

Bitcoin Mining

Bitcoin mining has been a controversial topic due to its high energy consumption and potential environmental impact. However, some bitcoin miners are using their operations to help reduce natural gas flaring. These miners are taking advantage of the excess natural gas that is often burned off at oil drilling sites by using it to power their mining rigs.

By using this excess natural gas, bitcoin miners are not only reducing greenhouse gas emissions from flaring but also providing an alternative use for a resource that would otherwise go to waste. This practice has gained traction in areas where natural gas flaring is common such as Texas and North Dakota, where bitcoin miners have partnered with oil companies to access excess natural gas.

Success Stories

While the challenges posed by natural gas flaring are undeniable, success stories from around the world demonstrate that progress is possible. These examples highlight the power of innovation, collaboration, and effective policymaking in driving flaring reduction and promoting a more sustainable energy future.

Let's explore two such stories that illuminate the path towards a world with minimal gas flaring.

The United States: A Model of Progress

The United States stands as a testament to the potential for significant flaring reduction through concerted efforts. A combination of technological advancements, regulatory measures, and market-driven initiatives has spurred remarkable progress in curbing flaring, particularly in regions like the Permian Basin.

Historically, the Permian Basin in Texas and New Mexico was notorious for its high levels of flaring due to a lack of adequate infrastructure to capture and transport associated gas. However, recent years have witnessed a dramatic shift. The expansion of pipeline networks, coupled with the adoption of innovative technologies such as microturbines and mobile gas processing units, has enabled the capture and utilization of a greater proportion of associated gas, significantly reducing flaring intensity.

Regulatory measures have also played a crucial role. State-level regulations, coupled with voluntary industry initiatives, have incentivized companies to minimize flaring and invest in gas capture and utilization projects. This multi-pronged approach has yielded impressive results, showcasing the potential for substantial flaring reduction even in challenging operational environments.

Nigeria: Leading the Way in Africa

Nigeria, once plagued by rampant gas flaring, has emerged as a leader in flaring reduction efforts on the African continent. The Nigerian government has demonstrated a strong commitment to tackling this issue through a combination of regulatory measures, policy reforms, and collaborative initiatives with industry stakeholders.

The Gas Flare (Prevention of Waste and Pollution) Regulations 2018, a landmark piece of legislation, imposes stricter penalties for non-compliance and encourages companies to invest in gas utilization projects. Additionally, the government has fostered partnerships with international organizations and oil companies to develop infrastructure and facilitate gas utilization projects.

These efforts have translated into tangible progress. Nigeria has witnessed a significant decline in flaring volumes, contributing to improved air quality, reduced greenhouse gas emissions, and enhanced economic opportunities. The Nigerian experience serves as an inspiration for other countries grappling with flaring challenges, highlighting the importance of strong political will, effective regulatory frameworks, and collaborative partnerships in achieving sustainable solutions.

Conclusion

Natural gas flaring remains an issue for both industry stakeholders and environmentalists alike, given its negative impacts on climate change through GHG emissions, among others. 

The good news, however, lies in global efforts towards reduction through innovations like micro-liquefaction technology while regulatory measures continue playing their role towards environmentally sustainable practices within this sector. 

Many countries and companies are taking action to reduce flaring and implement sustainable practices. As technology continues to advance, we can expect even more innovative solutions. It's important that everyone plays their part in protecting the environment and reducing greenhouse gas emissions. With continued effort and collaboration, we can create a cleaner, greener future for generations to come.

By Michael Kern for Oilprice.com 

 

UK

Can Green Tax Incentives Spur Sustainable Growth?

  • The UK faces a £22 billion fiscal gap, and environmental taxes could play a role in addressing this challenge.

  • While green taxes can be effective in driving positive behaviors, they can also disproportionately impact lower-income households.

  • The UK needs to develop a targeted and coherent green tax strategy that offers long-term certainty to investors in an increasingly complex global landscape.

With net zero a key plank of the new government’s agenda, what can we expect on environmental taxes in the Budget? Asks Sharon Baynham

We have a £22bn black hole in the public finances.  Who knew!  Well, anyone who dared to look according to the Institute for Fiscal Studies. The blame game has already started and recollections are sure to differ.  But the bottom line is we can now expect a tax squeeze in the Chancellor’s first Budget on 30 October.

A  ‘summer of speculation’ is upon us that is, unsurprisingly, focussing on what will happen to personal taxes. But I think there is another area that merits some attention: where do environmental taxes go from here, especially as the energy transition is a key plank of Labour policy?

Whether it be charging fuel duties, air passenger duty, plastics taxes, landfill taxes or Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanisms, countries, including our own, are good at taxing us into good behaviour.    

Their use can be controversial, especially when the burden falls on lower income households.  But they are certainly lucrative.  In 2023 UK Environmental taxes raised £52.5bn, about 5.5 per cent of total tax revenues.

Governments can easily become dependent on such sources of income, but that raises ethical questions about the purpose of these behavioural taxes.  Is their function to raise revenues or to drive a wider public good?  Or do we sit in a confused intersection between the two?

Take fuel duty, for example, where annual increases have been on a 13-year hiatus and a 5p ‘temporary’ reduction introduced in 2022 has set up permanent residence in the system. From a net zero perspective this makes no sense.  

Fuel duty contributes almost half of the UK’s tax take from environmental taxes. Increasing it in the Budget will be tempting. It won’t be popular, but it aligns with net zero and it would be profitable. The polls have over four years to recover if the government makes this move.

The bigger problem is that, as the country becomes more environmentally responsible,  revenues like these will disappear. The country needs to be weaned off them. No wonder the treasury is agitating to move from a fuel duty to a pay-per-mile system. 

That’s environmental tax policy as a ‘stick’ – but what about using it as a ‘carrot’ to incentivise investment in the energy transition?

The UK has a reasonable clutch of tax breaks, but few are specifically targeted on the green agenda. The previous government did not seem too enamoured of the idea: but Labour’s energy transition plans are more ambitious – and recognise the role the private sector has to play as a co-investor. 

In 2020 the Climate Change Commission identified that the necessary increased investment could be offset by cost reductions by the late 2030s.  So, if the this is a temporary funding gap, should the UK get more serious about green tax breaks?

Over in the US, President Biden’s Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) disrupted the global environment for green tech investment by offering US$369bn of subsidies including tax credits to unlock private investment. 

It set a high bar but it’s not without its critics. It prioritises US products over more affordable imports and its success in getting projects off the ground has been hit by supply chain issues. The sheer size of the tax breaks offered will impact global trade, arguably making international co-operation on energy transition more difficult.  

The IRA also departs from free market outcomes, re-introducing government as a key market player.  With an election less than three months away, this highly interventionist approach raises questions about longevity under a Trump presidency – and that increases uncertainty for the investor.

The IRA has changed behaviours.  Reuters recently reported that the US has seen over $350bn in private investment expected to create 300,000 new jobs. The numbers are impressive, but it will be many years before a proper assessment can be made, one which addresses the impact on other nations, especially the global south.

In the meantime, the UK needs to think smarter on green taxes.  Put simply, nobody can afford to compete on the same scale as the US.  But a good place to start would be a cross-party approach towards a targeted and coherent strategy that would be a viable alternative to the US – one which offers longer term certainty to investors in an increasingly interventionist, politically fractious and protectionist world.

By City AM