Saturday, September 14, 2024

 INDIA

File photo of Adivasi women in India. Photo Credit: Shagil Kannur, Wikipedia Commons

Displacing Tribals For Tigers – OpEd


By 

The Adivasis of the Kaimur Hills in Bihar are engulfed in turmoil, their fears mounting as they face the threat of displacement under the pretext of establishing a tiger reserve. Their protest is a desperate cry against what they see as an impending eviction from their ancestral lands.

These Adivasis, deeply connected to their natural resources, view violence as futile in achieving their democratic rights. With 108 tribal villages living in constant anxiety over potential displacement, many are resorting to a boycott of the upcoming Assembly elections to voice their dissent against the proposed tiger reserve in the Kaimur Wildlife Sanctuary. These villagers, whose ties to the forest date back to centuries ago, fear the displacement of around one lakh indigenous people from their home and hearth, highlighting their urgent struggle for survival and identity. Villagers and forest rights activists are demanding a complete rollback of the proposed tiger reserve– the forest dwellers in the area refer to the proposed tiger reserve as an “attempt to seize their forest land.”

The doubts and fears are not unfounded—the Adivasis in Kaimur hills are speaking out. They have already lost a huge portion of land in the Durgawati and Haraiya dams. When these two dams were constructed, the forest department was given around 5,000 hectares in this forest. It severely impacted their dwellings. They repeatedly sense that under the guise of development, there is a deliberate and calculated effort to displace them from their ancestral lands. It has become a subject of mockery to talk about the presence of tigers in this part of the Kaimur hills. Here, spotting a fox, jackal, or mongoose is considered a significant event.

“Despite spending years amidst these dense forests daily, none of us have ever seen or encountered a tiger here. The push to designate the sanctuary as a tiger reserve is nothing more than a ploy to seize our land and force us out,” says Raja Lal Singh Kharwar, working secretary of the Kaimur Mukti Morcha, an organization advocating for the rights of the indigenous communities in the Kaimur hill region. 

These Adivasis are profound experts on their land and locality. According to them, leopards, bears, and crocodiles were visible in the area until 1990. However, due to the increasing pressure of human activity on the forests, these animals have either been wiped out or have moved to other regions. So, who exactly is behind the idea of turning this area into a tiger reserve by making it devoid of human presence? That’s what the Adivasis are eager to understand. 

On the flip side, it is argued that wildlife has migrated from these forests due to deforestation. ‘The government, which seeks to evict us under the guise of establishing a tiger reserve, must own up to the loss of forest cover,’ says Raja Lal Singh Kharwar. ‘Even if tigers once roamed these woods, we are not afraid of them. We have historically co-existed with wildlife, and we refuse to be displaced. For us, it’s a matter of survival—do or die,’ he asserts.

The Kharwar and other tribal groups have an intimate bond with the forest, a connection forged through generations of deep knowledge about its orchards, trees, plants, shrubs, and herbs. This expertise enables them to craft medicines, food, and dyes vital for their survival. For them, the forest is more than a resource—it embodies their very essence. As they express, the forest is their soul; without it, their identity feels incomplete. This profound connection fuels their unwavering commitment to defend their land and way of life from any threats.

The planned tiger reserve in Kaimur district, alongside the existing Valmiki Tiger Reserve in West Champaran, showcases the state’s dedication to preserving its wildlife heritage. This expansion reflects a proactive stance in safeguarding the majestic big cats and their natural habitat, ensuring that conservation efforts continue to thrive while balancing the needs of the local communities.  

The Adivasis have chosen to express their dissent through democratic means, believing that unity and collective action are their most effective options. While their lives have often been marked by resistance, they prefer to embrace the path of peace and dialogue. This incident from about four years ago starkly illustrated the disregard for democratic provisions and the principles enshrined in the Constitution.The peaceful protest of Adivasis in Adhaura Block, Kaimur District, took a tragic turn on September 11, 2020  when Bihar police opened fire on demonstrators, sparking outrage. Now, The devastating aftermath of this major event saw neither justice nor compensation.

The Adivasis could hardly have anticipated that standing united for their demands in a democratic manner would come at such a high cost. Just a day before the police firing, a remarkable assembly of thousands of Adivasis—including women, men, youths, and children—from Adhaura Block gathered in unity. Their voices echoed in front of the forest department office at Adhaura, a powerful testament to the collective will of a community fighting to be heard, demanding their rights and safeguarding their ancestral lands.

The dharna, rooted in peaceful resistance, began at the Birsa Munda Smarak Sthal, symbolizing the enduring spirit of Adivasi struggles. Over 10,000 pamphlets had been circulated since August 2020, informing the public and alerting government and forest department officials about the planned sit-in protest. Local journalists, who had closely followed the unfolding events, later spoke to the Fact-Finding Team, confirming the non-violent nature of the Adivasi demonstrations, further challenging the narrative of unrest perpetuated by authorities. The Adivasis were rallying for fundamental rights, demanding the immediate implementation of the Forest Rights Act, 2006, and the recognition of Kaimur as a Scheduled Area under the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution. Their voices also echoed the need for the effective enforcement of the Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996.

Central to their demands was the administrative reorganization of the Kaimur Valley. In a broader call for justice, they urged the scrapping of the oppressive 1927 colonial Indian Forest Act and pushed for the implementation of the Chota Nagpur Tenancy Act. Their fervor was further fueled by the proposal to abolish the Kaimur Forest Wildlife Sanctuary and Tiger Reserve, which they saw as a threat to their ancestral lands. These demands, steeped in historical grievances, remain unresolved, continuing to fuel the Adivasi movement.

The protest, met with deafening silence from the administration, grew tense as the day wore on. No officials arrived, no dialogue was offered. By 6 p.m., the Adivasis—gripped by the fear of losing their ancestral lands, forests, and lifeblood—took matters into their own hands. In a bold, symbolic act of defiance, they locked the gates of the forest department office. It was more than just a protest; it was a desperate, powerful statement—a battle cry from a marginalized community, demanding that their cries of oppression and displacement finally be heard. 

On September 11, 2020, the sit-in dharna persisted, marking another tense day. Forest department officials arrived, forcibly breaking the locks and entering their office. By afternoon, in a bid to de-escalate, the Adivasi leaders sought dialogue with the officials. However, their efforts were met with hostility; the representatives were subjected to verbal abuse and physical aggression by the very people they approached for resolution. Without warning, a heavy police presence, including CRPF personnel, descended upon the scene. What followed was a brutal crackdown: the police unleashed a ferocious assault on the Adivasi demonstrators, opening fire and lathi-charging the protesters, turning a plea for dialogue into a harrowing display of state violence.

Amid the chaos of that fateful day, a chilling incident unfolded. Prabhu, an Adivasi from Chaphana village, was struck by a police bullet that severed a chunk of his ear’s muscle tissue. The brutality didn’t spare anyone; Adivasi men, women, youths, and children were ruthlessly lathi-charged, sustaining injuries that remained largely unreported. The violence did not end with the day’s events but continued unabated, leaving a trail of suffering and highlighting the relentless nature of police brutality in the wake of the clash. 

On September 12, the Kaimur Mukti Morcha’s office in Adhaura was violently raided by the police, marking a grim escalation in the crackdown. Dozens of activists affiliated with the Morcha were unjustly arrested on fabricated charges. These individuals—Seepahi Singh, 65, from Goiyan; Dharmender Singh, 25, from Bardihya; Pappu Paswan, 23, from Jharpa; Lallan Singh Kharwa, 45, from Baraap; Kailash Singh, 62, from Bardiha; Ram Shakal Singh Kharwar, 52, from Goiyan; and Haricharan Singh, 65, from Sarainar—were initially detained in police custody. They were later paraded before the judicial magistrate of Kaimur district, their arrests a stark reminder of the state’s aggressive response to dissent.

All seven activists were detained and placed in judicial custody, facing a slew of serious charges under the Indian Penal Code (IPC): 144 (rioting), 148 (rioting with deadly weapons), 147 (punishment for rioting), 323 (voluntarily causing hurt), 307 (attempt to murder), 353 (assaulting public officials), 332 (causing hurt to deter public servant from duty), 333 (causing grievous hurt to deter public servant from duty), 337 (causing hurt by endangering life or personal safety), 338 (causing grievous hurt by endangering life or personal safety), 342 (wrongful confinement), and 427 (mischief causing damage). Additionally, charges under the Arms Act were filed. However, on October 16, 2020, all seven were granted bail, a temporary reprieve amidst ongoing legal and social turmoil.

Years later, the police overreach and ensuing violence in Bihar have starkly exposed the harsh reality: for the Adivasi community, civil rights and laws seem to hold little meaning. It is crucial to highlight that the police officials appear to have violated Article 19 (Right to Freedom) and Article 20(3) (Protection against Self-Incrimination) of the Indian Constitution. These constitutional provisions are designed to safeguard individual liberties and protect against self-incrimination. Additionally, the officials allegedly misused their authority under Section 165 of the Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC), which governs the conduct of search and seizure operations, further compounding the breach of legal and constitutional norms.

The family of Subhash Singh Kharwar, named in FIR No. 71/20, is grappling with severe financial distress after losing all means of livelihood. His mother, Ganga Jali Devi, aged 59, along with his younger sister, Phulan Kumari, 17, and younger brother, Vinay Singh, 18, live in constant fear of being targeted by the district police. The family recounted their distressing experience, accusing police officials of misconduct. They claimed that the officers had forcibly entered their home without a search warrant or any official documentation, alleging an egregious violation of their rights and privacy. 

The police officials were actively searching for Subhash Singh Kharwar and his younger brother, Chanderashok Singh Kharwar, who faced accusations under various sections of the Indian Penal Code (IPC). In another case, the family of Subhash Singh Kharwar, despite not participating in the sit-in dharna, faced severe harassment. On September 12, police officials—entirely male—raided their home when no male family members were present. Subhash, a philosophy lecturer at a state-run college, is deeply embedded in the community of Adhaura, advocating passionately for their land, forest, and water resources. His mother shared the profound struggles she faced raising her children after her husband’s death, highlighting her reliance on the forest during those hard times. She also recounted the ongoing threats and harassment from the forest department, detailing how locals are frequently subjected to unreasonable fines while collecting Non-Timber Forest Produce (NTFP) and firewood. The department often seizes their tools and livestock without consent. Despite these severe grievances, the government continues to suppress their voices rather than addressing their concerns.

In its obsession with establishing a tiger reserve, the government has sidelined human rights. Will the anguish of the Adivasis, disillusioned with state laws and authorities, ever be alleviated? Such hope seems increasingly futile. The experience of the villagers from Biduri was deeply distressing. Police officials, accompanied by CRPF personnel, raided their village with a brutal force, leaving a trail of devastation. The villagers faced threats and verbal abuse as the authorities ransacked their homes. When questioned about the reasons behind such aggressive behavior, the villagers attributed it to the recent two-day sit-in dharna demonstration at Adhaura block. Many from Biduri recounted their painful ordeal– they had sought to voice their grief and concerns to their elected representatives, only to be met with violence—police batons and bullets—instead of the empathy and redress they had hoped for. Has anyone ever ventured to unravel the rationale behind the narrative of tiger conservation that casts such a dark shadow? What are the government’s justifications for this deeply contested saga?

This suppressed story is interwoven with numerous subplots—how tragic it is that amidst political upheavals, tales of state-sponsored oppression are subtly shoved into the background. Otherwise, would the government remain so silent about the atrocities committed by the police in Bardiha village if similar injustices were perpetrated around metropolitan areas?

Dharmendra Singh, a 25-year-old Kharwar Adivasi youth, was also implicated under similar charges as Subhash Singh Kharwar and his younger brother. Dharmendra, affiliated with Kaimur Mukti Morcha (KMM), participated in the democratically organized two-day sit-in dharna at Adhaura Block. Villagers emphasized that the KMM activists, including Dharmendra, were respected elders and village leaders who adhered to proper protocols by securing permissions from local administration before finalizing the protest venue. Their adherence to procedural norms underscores the legitimacy of their actions and the stark contrast to the unjust treatment they received.

The plateau, also known as the Rohtas Plateau, encompasses 131 villages of forest dwellers across the Kaimur and Rohtas districts in South Bihar. Kaimur, renowned for its expansive forest cover and mineral-rich hills, sits at the crossroads of Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, and Jharkhand. This westernmost district of Bihar, part of the Kaimur plateau and flanked by the Bhagelkhand Mountains and Chotanagpur Plateau, is home to approximately 1.6 million people across 11 community development blocks.

Among these, Adhoura block stands out, with over 51% of its population belonging to Scheduled Tribes. It has been a focal point of Adivasi struggles for the past two to three decades, largely due to the inadequate development plans of the Bihar and national governments and the encroachment on indigenous lands. The region, inhabited by communities such as Kharwar, Gond, Urav, and Karoba, also hosts Bihar’s largest wildlife sanctuary—the Kaimur Wildlife Sanctuary. Until the early 1990s, the tribes of Kaimur, who lived off the forest’s bounty, navigated their lives with minimal interference. But the landscape shifted dramatically in 1996 when the Kaimur plateau was designated a wildlife sanctuary. Suddenly, the forest department began curbing their access, restricting entry and banning the collection of vital resources like mahua, tendu leaves, and piyar. 

The tribals’ challenges were further compounded by the area’s classification as part of the ‘Red Corridor,’ where the state’s increased enforcement was justified by the presence of Maoist activity. Despite this, the Kaimur Mukti Morcha, a resilient people’s movement, played a pivotal role in reversing the trend. By 2010, the Bihar government declared the region free of Maoist influence, but the battle for their rights continued.

In 2018, tensions reignited in the Kaimur region, particularly in Adhoura and surrounding areas, with the proposal to establish a tiger reserve within the existing wildlife sanctuary. This move was spearheaded by the then Divisional Forest Officer (DFO), who reportedly discovered pug marks and carcasses of wild prey. The government argues that the reserve is essential, as the state’s sole other tiger reserve, the Valmiki Tiger Reserve, is nearing its capacity. However, the villagers of Adhoura and nearby blocks are fiercely opposing this proposal, fearing it will displace over 50,000 tribal inhabitants. Despite the region’s extensive forest cover and significant scheduled tribe population, successive governments have yet to implement the Forest Rights Act of 2006 or extend the Panchayat Extension for Scheduled Areas (PESA) to this area. Amidst all these facts, circumstances, and possibilities, it seemed as if a large-scale violent struggle was being scripted. For centuries, the Adivasis have been deprived of their basic civil rights. The residents of Kaimur have little to show in terms of their rights—beyond the grains from the public distribution system, occasional relief packages, residential schools for their children, and the presence of  MGNREGA. Beyond this, democracy seems to symbolize merely a deep chasm.

The Adivasi community sought to initiate a crucial dialogue with the administration, demanding justice for the blatant disregard and non-implementation of vital legal protections: the Forest Rights Act of 2006, the Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act of 1996, and the Chota Nagpur Tenancy Act. These laws are essential constitutional rights for India’s Scheduled Tribes. However, on September 11, the police and local administration executed a meticulously planned assault on the protest site. In a shocking display of force, police officials unleashed a ruthless barrage of batons, guns, and bullets upon the peaceful Adivasi protestors, transforming their quest for justice into a scene of unrestrained violence. Such brutality was never endured by the ancestors of these Adivasis, neither under the Mughal rule nor during their resistance against the British. Four years after the story of police brutality, the accusations against the Adivasis remain unresolved. No disciplinary action has been taken against the violent police force, and their demands have not been sympathetically considered. It is clear that the government is adamant about implementing this project with unwavering rigor.

Ramraji Kharwar, one of the women affected by the violence, displayed the injuries she sustained from the police lathi-charge. She conveyed that the combined efforts of the government, forest department, and police were designed to intimidate the Adivasi people into surrendering their ancestral lands. Ramraji passionately articulated how the forest is not just a resource but a vital part of the community’s existence, underpinning their way of life. Her voice was resolute and powerful as she asserted their undeniable claims to land and forest rights, emphasizing their deep, symbiotic relationship with the forest that sustains them.

Kavindra Singh, a local journalist from Bardiha village, who was covering the two-day sit-in dharna for the local Hindi newspaper, Dainik Jagran. Kavindra emphasized that the dharna was a legitimate democratic exercise aimed at peacefully protesting against oppressive and anti-people laws. He confirmed that the Kaimur Mukti Morcha (KMM) activists had obtained proper permission from the police department for the venue and had made arrangements to ensure the maintenance of law and order during the protest. His account underscored the peaceful and orderly nature of the demonstration and the activists’ adherence to legal protocols. 

The tales of violence remain timeless, unshaken by the passage of years or the weight of historical upheavals. It is deeply troubling that state-sponsored brutality often targets the Adivasi and Dalit communities. The silence from civil society over the police firing in Adhaura could be interpreted as a reflection of the long-buried frustrations of a feudal system that once exploited the Kaimur forests and its people through ruthless contract-based plunder. Despite their relentless efforts, these forces have failed to dominate Kaimur and its resilient inhabitants.

As a result, civil society, both locally and across the state, has distanced itself from the violence inflicted on these Adivasis. Kavindra Singh’s statement thus deserves serious attention and reflection. He recounted his version of the events to the team. He noted that during the protest, it became evident that public servants, who are supposed to serve the citizens, ignored the grievances of the people. In response, the protesters decided to lock the already secured forest ranger’s office as a symbolic gesture of their frustration. The following day, they returned to the protest site, only to find that the office had been forcibly broken into. Despite the gathering of people from 108 villages, no official came to address their concerns. 

When the villagers attempted to enter the ranger’s office to engage in dialogue, they were met with unprovoked police violence. The police lathi-charged the unarmed, helpless villagers, including women and children, causing widespread injuries. The situation quickly escalated, with the sound of 4 to 5 gunshots ringing out. Within a few hours, the Divisional Forest Officers, Rangers, and the Thana Prabhari (Police Station In-charge) arrived in Adhaura, further intensifying the tense and volatile situation. 

Goiyan village in the Dumrawan panchayat, home to the Kharwar Adivasi community is now known as a settlement of tragedies. The people here have had to pay a heavy price simply for being Adivasis. . Here, villagers revealed that approximately 100 residents from Goiyan participated in the dharna. Phoolmatiya and Samudri, both of whom had endured police assaults. Phoolmatiya, in particular, was injured on her chest. Additionally, Sipahi Singh and Ramshakal Singh, both 65 years old, were taken into custody. They had been called to the police office by the Superintendent of Police and the Subdivisional Officer under the pretense of a dialogue. However, around 5 p.m. on September 12, they were arrested and detained in Adhaura’s police custody.

The testimonies from Goiyan underscore the harsh realities faced by the community amidst their struggle for justice.
Rajalal Singh Kharwar spoke passionately about the profound and symbiotic bond the Adivasis share with their forest and its ecosystem. He pointed out that wildlife is increasingly fleeing the diminishing forests, a direct result of the encroaching activities by the government and forest departments that disrupt Adivasi lands and degrade their environment– rather than alienating the Adivasi people from their vital forest resources in the name of conservation, the government should be held accountable for the loss of forest cover. He emphasized that the real responsibility lies with those who are compounding the environmental damage, not with the people who have long lived in harmony with these lands. 

Kharwar asserted that the vulnerable tribal communities were left with no choice but to boycott the coming assembly polls, as authorities responded to their peaceful sit-in at Adhaura Block with excessive force instead of addressing their legitimate demands for water, forest, and land rights. The authorities’ brutal actions not only escalated the peaceful protest into violence but also led to severe consequences, including bullet injuries for one activist and numerous arrests. The police further compounded the situation by forcibly breaking into the Kaimur Mukti Morcha’s office and conducting raids. Kharwar condemned the routine practice of arresting activists and labeling them as Maoists. Despite the relentless police violence and the misuse of state power, he vowed that the struggle for justice would persist through democratic means. He, along with six others, has previously been charged under various sections of the Indian Penal Code and Section 27 of The Arms Act, 1959, for unlawful gathering and other offenses.

As the team made their way back, they couldn’t help but notice the dire state of infrastructure in the region. The roads were poorly maintained, and there was a significant lack of ambulance services. Schools had been closed due to the pandemic, with no provision for online or remedial classes. The team also observed the devastation wrought upon the Adivasi mud houses, which had been destroyed arbitrarily by the forest department. Has the government forgotten what the law says about the homes built by Adivasis–Section 4(1) of the Act categorically mentions that no member of a forest dwelling Scheduled Tribe or other traditional forest dwellers shall be evicted or removed from forest land under his occupation.

According to the Act, even a plantation drive in the forest requires approval from the Gram Sabha. But these regulations have been flouted in the Adhaura block. The Panchayat (Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act (PESA) 1996, in fact, upholds the self-determination of Adivasis and grants the Gram Sabha authority over managing natural resources. This breach also contradicts the Supreme Court’s ruling in the case of Odisha Mining Corporation Vs Ministry of Forest and Environment (C) No. 180 of 2011, which unequivocally asserts that the Gram Sabha holds ownership of natural resources. Consequently, common land, sacred groves, and forest areas cannot be acquired without the consent of the Gram Sabhas.

The Kaimur region, now becoming a land of violence, stands as a stark symbol of civic despair. The government has yet to reveal its resettlement policies or programs, neither to the Panchayat nor to the families affected by the project. Violence often has its roots, and enduring it becomes a matter of compulsion. Among the Adivasis, there is a growing chorus of frustration and sorrow, echoing the profound sense of disillusionment and helplessness. 

“Our four acres of land, divided among my three brothers and me, sustain us for just four months each year through our paddy and wheat crops. For the rest of the year, we turn to the forest for survival. We gather valuable forest products like tendu patta, amla, mahua, chironji, baheda, and lasora, which we sell to support our families. But ever since the tiger reserve proposal, collecting and selling these essential goods has become a criminal act. Now, when we attempt to sell them discreetly, we receive far less money because buyers are forced to bribe forest officials,” explained Basawan Singh Kharwar, from Goiyan village in Adhaura Tehsil, Kaimur district. 

The state government has assured that no displacement will occur, even if the sanctuary is declared a tiger reserve. The forest department echoes this commitment, promising that residents will not be displaced. Recently, the local DFO of the Shahabad Range urged locals to disregard any rumors. Tiger reserves are established under the Wildlife Protection Act and the Indian Forests Act primarily to secure additional funding from the Centre for area development. The government insists that these measures are unrelated to the people living in the area.

The disparity between the government’s claims of good governance, inclusivity, and development, and the harsh reality on the ground, felt like a stark and unfulfilled promise.The spine chilling incident recorded in administrative files as the Adhoura firing has been deemed a necessary step for maintaining law and order in the state. However, Prabhu’s account from Chaphana village in Sadki Panchayat reveals the grim reality of humanity gasping its last breaths within the boundaries of democracy.

This atmosphere of mistrust and despair suffocates all hopes for a brighter future, leaving a stark contrast to the ideals of justice and empathy that society should strive for. Prabhu, the injured Adivasi who had sustained a bullet wound to his ear. Upon my arrival, the atmosphere in the village was one of palpable fear and anxiety. The villagers were deeply apprehensive and initially reluctant to speak, suspecting that the team might be affiliated with the forest department. Under the guise of combating Maoist violence, the government is expanding its presence by erecting additional CRPF camps in kaimur hills. These tactics, perceived by many as blatant attempts to crush opposition, only add to the villagers’ despair. Despite the risk of being branded as Naxalites, they grapple with the stark reality of having their fundamental rights to water, forest, and land stripped away. What choice do they have when their very essence and survival are at stake?

The displacement of indigenous people from their ancestral lands in the aftermath of the Bihar-Jharkhand split marks a first of its kind. Kaimur, long a victim of centuries of exploitation, stands as a witness to these tragic events. For the first time since independence, such a large-scale devastation of its citizens is occurring in Bihar. The indigenous people have faced brutal attacks with batons and bullets, and have been subjected to tear gas in Adhoura. Was this truly the purpose of freedom, or was there something more?


Amarendra Kishore

Amarendra Kishore is an independent journalist residing in Delhi, whose work delves into the heart of public affairs. Through his narratives, he offers an exploration of social and gender dynamics, the rich yet challenging tapestry of rural life, and the stark realities of poverty. His journalism sheds light on the adversities faced by indigenous communities and eloquently advocates for the urgent need to reconnect natural resources with local lives.

The birth of a spectacled bear brings joy to a farming community in Peru


A spectacled bear was born in a rescue center built by a Peruvian farming community that has protected these animals for more than two decades



ByFRANKLIN BRICEÑO 
Associated Press
September 13, 2024,

LIMA, Peru -- A spectacled bear was born in a rescue center built by a Peruvian farming community that has protected these animals for more than two decades.

The bear cub, which does not yet have a name, was discovered after park rangers in the community of Santa Catalina de Chongoyape, in northern Peru, noticed that a female bear named Lola did not leave her den.

“They heard different noises and only these days the little bear has begun to come out with its mother,” said Edivar Carrasco, the president of the community.

Born in mid July, the little bear is the second birth after a female was born six years ago in a fenced area of ​​several hectares where food and care are provided to ailing bears.

The farming community manages an ecological reserve where spectacled bears (Tremarctos ornatus) and other animals such as the white-winged guan (Penelope albipennis) are not hunted and can find a safe habitat for their lives in its carob trees and other types of flora.

The spectacled bear is a vulnerable species, according to the Red List of Threatened Species released by the International Union for Conservation of Nature.

It is known worldwide thanks to Paddington Bear, a children’s storybook character created in 1958 by British writer Michael Bond.

AMERIKA NEEDS GUN CONTROL

Guns leading cause of death for children and teens for third year in a row



Findings come after four killed in Georgia high school shooting


Josh Marcus
San Francisco
1 day ago


Harris says Georgia shooting 'another senseless tragedy'


Gun violence was the leading killer of children and teens across the US for the third year in a row, according to a new Johns Hopkins University analysis.

Guns killed 2,526 children between the ages of 1 and 17, an average of seven youths slain a day, according to an analysis of 2022 data released by the Johns Hopkins Center for Gun Violence Solutions.

The problem is even more accurate for children of color. More than half of black teens aged 15 to 17 were killed by a gun in 2022, and Black children and teens overall had a gun homicide rate 18 times that of their white peers.

Black, Hispanic, and Latino youth also had rates of gun suicide multiple times higher than white children.

Overall, between 2013 and 2022, the youth gun rate doubled.

Guns continue to kill U.S. children at alarming levels, with effects felt particularly by Black and Latino youth

The center called for evidence-based solutions like safe gun storage, licensing requirements for private gun sellers, removing guns from at-risk people, investing in community programs, and regulating carrying guns in public.

“The ongoing crisis of gun violence is preventable,” Johns Hopkins researchers wrote in their report. “We must address this crisis through a public health approach pushing for equitable, evidence-based gun violence solutions.”

Shortly after the 2022 analysis was published, the CDC released its 2023 data, which showed little improvement.


The overall number of gun deaths was down by about three percent, but at 46,728, was still the third-highest number ever recorded in the US, and gun deaths remained the leading cause of death for children and teens aged one to 17, a 2,566 increase over 2022.

The data arrives not long after another major school shooting in the U.S.

Earlier this month, Colt Gray, 14, allegedly brought an assault-style rifle to school and killed two students and two teachers, a weapon his father Colin allegedly bought the teen as a Christmas present.




There is no minimum age requirement to possess a rifle under federal and state firearms law in Georgia, according to the Giffords Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence, but individuals must be 18 or older to buy one.

The military-style AR rifle allegedly used at the high school is a high-powered weapon that has been used in shootings across the country, including the recent assassination attempt against Donald Trump. The assault rifle has been used in an estimated 10 of the 17 deadliest mass shootings since 2012.





 elderly man driving car dogs

Men Behind The Wheel: Three Times More Violations And Accidents Than Women

By 

Men are three times more likely than women to commit traffic violations while driving and to be involved in accidents. Moreover, they are more likely to create situations on the road that are highly dangerous to others. Men are also twice as likely to drive under the influence and nearly one-third more likely to receive a prison sentence for reckless driving. Perhaps it comes down to cultural norms and the different attitudes men and women have toward driving. These are the conclusions reached by Anton Kazun, Assistant Professor at the HSE Faculty of Economic Sciences, and Research Assistant Mikhail Belov.

There is a stereotype that women are worse driver than men; female drivers are perceived to be less careful behind the wheel, more easily stressed, reacting poorly to unforeseen situations, and struggling with navigation. According to this stereotype, it is generally assumed that women are more likely to cause road accidents. Anton Kazun, Assistant Professor at HSE FES, and Mikhail Belov, Research Assistant at the International Centre for the Study of Institutions and Development, have examined whether this assumption is fair and whose driving is more dangerous.

The authors reviewed almost 160,000 published court decisions regarding violations of road rules and vehicle operation issued between 2010 and 2022 in Russia. It was found that in over 90% of these cases, the defendants were men. The authors performed normalisation and calculated the frequency of accidents considering the difference in the number of drivers of each sex (68% of men and only 22% of women drive). After accounting for the gender imbalance among drivers, men are 3.25 times more likely to be involved in accidents that lead to criminal cases. 

The researchers hypothesised that the difference in driving behaviour between men and women is due to varying attitudes: men tend to drive faster and more aggressively. For example, men drive an average of 26% more kilometres per day than women yet spend only 10% more time behind the wheel. Additionally, men are more likely to drive under the influence: in a quarter of criminal cases, male drivers were charged with drunk driving. Among women convicted of traffic offenses, only 10% were charged with driving under the influence. Men are significantly more likely to cause road accidents that result in fatalities or injuries. Even after accounting for gender normalisation, three-quarters of those charged with offences involving significant public danger are men. In nearly two-thirds of cases, men are sentenced to imprisonment, whereas women receive a prison sentence in only 50% of cases. 

According to the authors, this difference can be partially attributed to variations in gender socialisation, socio-economic factors, and regional cultural differences. In some regions, such as Primorye, Moscow, or St. Petersburg, the gap in the number of accidents caused by women and men is narrower than the national average. In others, such as Dagestan or Chukotka, the gap can be much wider, ranging from 6 to 10 or even 20 times. 

In large cities, women are more likely to drive, whereas in the southern regions of Russia, driving is predominantly seen as a male activity. This regional variation suggests significant differences in driving styles across the country, which may be linked to local cultural factors. The state should consider cultural norms and work to enhance the driving safety of everyone on the road.

‘The overall objective is to ensure that men and women have equal opportunities and rights in education, employment, and family life. At the same time, it can be assumed that having more careful and safer drivers, such as women, on the roads could generally improve driving standards and reduce the number of accidents. However, this process is likely to take time. It is also important to consider what measures need to be taken to ensure that men drive with the same level of caution as women,’ according to Assistant Professor at HSE FES Anton Kazun.


'I tried to say no repeatedly': More men accuse ex-Abercrombie boss over HOMOSEXUAL sex events


Rianna Croxford - Investigations correspondent, BBC News
Sat, September 14, 2024 

[AP / Getty Images ]


More men have come forward to the BBC accusing the former chief executive of Abercrombie & Fitch and his British partner of sexual exploitation. Some allege they were abused, and some that they were injected with drugs.

Luke says he was shocked as he was guided into Mike Jeffries’ presidential suite in a hotel in Spain. "It was like a movie set of an Abercrombie store," he recalls of the event in 2011. "And I thought we were going to do a photoshoot."

He says the room was dimly lit with erotic photos of men’s abs adorning the dark walls. In the middle, a group of assistants dressed in Abercrombie & Fitch uniforms - polos, blue jeans and flip-flops - were casually folding clothes on a table, pretending to be shop workers, he says.


Then aged 20, Luke says he had been offered the chance of being in a company advert if he flew from his home in Los Angeles to Madrid to meet the CEO of Abercrombie & Fitch (A&F).

Luke says the proposal had come via a modelling website from a man who said he worked as a talent scout and executive assistant for Mr Jeffries - then head of the billion-dollar teen retailer.

Warning: This story contains accounts of sexual violence

In the suite, he says Mr Jeffries' assistants began engaging in role-play, encouraging him to act as a shirtless greeter, a hallmark of A&F stores at the time. Luke says he remembers the talent scout saying: "Now I have two very important guests, and these are going to be the customers that you need to impress and entertain because they're going to be buying a lot of clothes from you."

Luke says he thought he was meeting Mike Jeffries for a modelling job [BBC]

At that moment, he says Mr Jeffries and his life partner, Matthew Smith, came out of a corner of the room. They immediately started touching him and Mr Jeffries forcibly kissed him, he says. "I was trying to avoid the whole situation as much as I could, but Michael was very aggressive." He says the Abercrombie boss then performed oral sex on him.

“I tried to say no repeatedly. And then I just got kind of convinced to do something. But I constantly was saying no, and I wanted to go.”

___

Luke (not his real name) is one of eight more men who have spoken to the BBC in the past year since we revealed allegations of sexual exploitation at events hosted by Mr Jeffries and Mr Smith. The FBI launched an investigation following the BBC’s reporting, and 20 men in total have now told us they attended or helped organise these events.

As well as Luke’s allegation, the new witnesses reveal fresh details about the scale of the events, which took place from at least 2009 until 2015 while Mr Jeffries was chief executive.

The BBC previously found there had been a sophisticated operation involving a middleman tasked with finding men for these events, but the new testimonies detail additional recruitment methods.

The men also raise new questions about the role of Mr Jeffries' assistants - a select group of young men in A&F uniforms who travelled around the world with him and supervised these sex events.

According to multiple men, Mr Jeffries' assistants injected some attendees in the penis with what they were told was liquid Viagra.

Mr Smith, left, and Mr Jeffries hosted events with men recruited by middleman James Jacobson, right [Getty Images / Handout]

Chris, not his real name, told the BBC he felt he was "going to die" after one of these injections caused an extreme reaction during an event at one of Mr Jeffries' New York homes. Feeling "hot, dizzy" and in shock, he said nobody called for an ambulance. Still disorientated, he said Mr Jeffries and Mr Smith, who had been waiting in another room, then tried to have sex with him.

Former model Keith Milkie, 31, says one of Mr Jeffries' assistants had also "bragged" about having done some work for Abercrombie & Fitch at the same time as working at these sex events. He says this assistant was named on an event itinerary and the BBC found he also had an A&F company email.

While personal assistants of Mr Jeffries’ were often dressed in A&F uniforms, this is the first claim that a member of A&F staff was involved in the running of Mr Jeffries' sex events. When the BBC asked the company about this, it declined to answer, saying it does not comment on legal matters.

[BBC]

World Of Secrets - The Abercrombie Guys

Hear two new episodes on BBC Sounds or here if you are outside the UK

Mr Jeffries, 80, Mr Smith, 61, and A&F - which also owns the brand Hollister - are facing a civil lawsuit alleging the retailer funded a sex-trafficking operation over the two decades he had been in charge.

Mr Smith and Mr Jeffries did not respond to requests for comment. However, their lawyers’ have previously said they deny allegations of wrongdoing, adding: "The courtroom is where we will deal with this matter."
A roster of attendees

One former attendee, Diego Guillen, who says he has been interviewed by the FBI, told the BBC he was paid $500 (£380) every Saturday to make wake-up calls to men expected to attend these sex events in 2011. He estimated he made about 80 calls over seven months.

Mr Guillen, 42, says there was also a roster of attendees. Other sources have said this "database" could have as many as 60 different men on it at any given time, revealing a snapshot of the scale of those recruited.

He says he had initially attended sex events at Mr Jeffries' former New York homes after being recruited on the street by the couple’s middleman, James Jacobson.

Mr Guillen, now a lawyer and real estate broker who runs his own firm, says he had never had sex for money before, but at the time he was unemployed and homeless, sleeping in a friend’s office. Despite his circumstances then, he says he did not feel exploited.

After the FBI turned up at his door, Mr Guillen says he contacted Mr Jeffries' lawyer who sent a private investigator to interview him to help build their legal defence.

Mr Guillen says the other men present at the events he attended had been "under no obligation, under zero pressure" and "paid quite well".

"Michael and Matthew are high profile gay men and liked having sex with young, handsome men. And being older, they knew that the real way to get this done was to be generous," he says. "But with full consent and making sure that the [men] wanted it and liked it. And that's it."
'An immense amount of shame'

Unlike other men who were recruited by the middleman, Luke says his initial contact was an assistant working for Mr Jeffries’ family office - a private company run by Mr Smith, which managed the then-CEO’s wealth and properties.

Luke says this assistant interviewed him over Skype, telling him to expect to be topless for the Madrid hotel photoshoot, but there were no obvious red flags. This man then organised his travel and accommodation, he says.

"It didn't seem like anything too out of the ordinary for me because even working at an Abercrombie store when I was younger, there was guys who would stand outside shirtless. That was like a trademark thing," says Luke.

Leaked travel plans show Mr Jeffries was scheduled to be in Madrid several times in 2011 ahead of opening a real A&F store.

The night before the event, Luke says he was paid €3,500 (£2,950) in cash, which he believed was "general spending money" for the three days he was in Madrid. But he says the assistant was "vague" about the plan.

He says in the hotel suite, Mr Jeffries and Mr Smith began having sex with two slightly older men - one he thought was in his 30s and the other in his 40s - present for the same event. Luke says Mr Jeffries' then started kissing him. Soon after, he says Mr Jeffries performed oral sex on him and Mr Smith attempted to do the same. He says he tried to perform "some sort of oral" sex on Mr Jeffries, but "couldn't".

"I'm getting fired because I didn't do what this guy wanted," Luke remembers thinking, believing he was about to lose his chance of a modelling job. "I could have just ran out of that room, but I didn't even know how I would have gotten out."

Luke says he felt unable to leave as Mr Jeffries' assistants - whom he perceived as security staff - were "watching exits".


Luke says Mr Jeffries' hotel suite was made to resemble an A&F store, like this one in New York [Getty Images]

Back home in the US, he says he felt unable to report what happened because of the non-disclosure agreement he had signed prior to the event.

"There's an immense amount of shame associated with this idea that you're not a masculine man if you've been molested or taken advantage of by another man," says Luke, who identifies as straight.

"My whole life I've struggled with people thinking that I'm gay and I got bullied in high school because I have a soft voice. The last thing on earth I was going to do is say something emasculating, like, I got molested and orally raped by a guy."

Luke says what happened in Madrid was "rocket fuel" for a drug addiction he later developed. In 2016, he was arrested for selling drugs and served six months in a correctional boot camp. He now runs his own business alongside helping people with addictions.
'It was like fantasy land'

Keith Milkie says he attended numerous events hosted by Mr Jeffries and Mr Smith between 2012 and 2014. He says he understood these events would be sexual but that nothing Mr Jacobson said could "prepare you for what's going to happen" next.

Then aged about 20, Mr Milkie says he had been struggling to pay his rent after being invited to move to New York by an agent, who ran a house full of aspiring models. He says a housemate soon introduced the idea of escorting, and a contact later introduced him to Mr Jacobson.

Mr Milkie, who identified as straight at the time, says he found some of the events "uncomfortable" and "painful". On one occasion, in Paris, he says Mr Jeffries instructed him to have sex with another man, which he "did not want or enjoy".

During another, he says he was verbally abused by Mr Jeffries after saying "no" to a risky sexual act while on board the Queen Mary 2, an ocean liner which sails from England to New York. He says Mr Jeffries was drunk and tried to insert a "bleeding finger" into him.

"I was in the bed putting on a fake smile, crying on the inside," he says. "Here I am in the middle of the ocean having this person four times my age in that position of power and influence belittle me to death and literally call me worthless… simply because I said no to something."

He says Mr Jacobson paid him about $24,000 (£18,400) in cash for the seven-night cruise.

Mr Milkie says he was berated and called worthless when he said "no" to Mr Jeffries [Keith Milkie]

According to his event itineraries, which had been sent by Mr Jacobson, another of these sex events was just days after it had been publicly announced Mr Jeffries was stepping down as CEO of A&F in December 2014. Mr Milkie believes that final meeting marked the end of these events.

"The personification of Mike Jeffries is Abercrombie. He had the hair plugs, the plastic surgery, he wore the clothes, he wore the flip-flops. I mean, you talk about power. He projected his image on the entire country. His places where he lived were literally an Abercrombie store. It was like fantasy land," he says.

"Without that sort of power, that sort of fear and influence, I imagine it's just like a lot harder to keep people quiet, which is why years later people are talking about it."

After the BBC’s initial investigation was published last year, A&F announced it was opening an independent investigation into the allegations raised. When we recently asked when this report will be completed - and if the findings would be made public - the company declined to answer.

Like Mr Jeffries and Mr Smith, the brand has been trying to get the civil lawsuit against it dismissed, arguing it had no knowledge of "the supposed sex-trafficking venture" led by its former CEO - which it has been accused of having funded.

Earlier this year, a US court ruled that A&F must cover the cost of Mike Jeffries' legal defence as he continues to fight the civil allegations of sex-trafficking and rape. The judge ruled the allegations were tied to his corporate role after he sued the brand for refusing to pay his legal fees.

The brand said it does not comment on legal matters. However, in its defence submitted to court, A&F said its current leadership team was "previously unaware of" the allegations until the BBC contacted it, adding the company "abhors sexual abuse and condemns the alleged conduct" by Mr Jeffries and others.

Mr Jacobson - the middleman - previously said in a statement through his lawyer that he took offence at the suggestion of "any coercive, deceptive or forceful behaviour on my part" and had "no knowledge of any such conduct by others".
Opinion

Trump's New Crypto Project Is a Type Linked to Organized Crime and Terrorism


Maggie Harrison Dupré
Sat, September 14, 2024




The crypto lobby has been pouring boatloads of cash into the latest presidential campaign of former president Donald Trump, who has entirely abandoned his once-hardline stance against digital currencies as the campaign money has rolled in.

Now, on the back of recent promises to make America the "crypto capital of the world," Trump is prepping to publicly roll out a wildly dubious and ethically fraught new crypto project started by none other than his sons Eric and Donald Trump, Jr.

The project is called World Liberty Financial (WLFI), and it centers on "stablecoins," or coins that creators claim are pegged to stable commodities or government currencies. In an X-formerly-Twitter thread posted last week, the WLFI team claimed their stablecoin would be pegged to the US dollar.


"For too long, the average American has been squeezed by the big banks and financial elites," Trump, a financial elite whose penthouse is caked in gold, said in a Thursday X-formerly-Twitter video promoting the forthcoming crypto venture. "It's time we take a stand — together."

But while stablecoins sound like they should be stable, they've historically been disastrous for investors and economies.

The collapse of the so-called stablecoin Terra-Luna was central to the 2022 crypto crash that wiped nearly $2 trillion from the market, resulting not only in the catastrophic fall of billion-dollar crypto ventures like FTX but in people's entire life savings vanishing into thin air.

What's more, as The Wall Street Journal reported last year, stablecoins are also a favorite financing tool of organized crime and terror groups, who use the sleazy digital currencies to launder cash, traffic drugs, and even buy and sell humans.

And on top of all that, there are too many conflicts of interest to count.

If elected, Trump has already promised to slash crypto regulations and bring digital currency into the mainstream American economic fold. WLFI would capitalize on those pro-crypto regulatory shifts, thus putting a sitting president in the position of supporting a possibly lucrative family business through the powers of the federal government. And like Trump's Truth Social meme stock, WLFI would also offer obvious new inroads to currying Trump family favor, as wealthy operators looking to suck up could simply pour investments into the Trump sons' stablecoins.

Some of the non-Trump family characters reportedly involved in the project are too seedy to even make up. As Bloomberg News reports, a key WLFI "dealmaker" is a person named Chase Herro, a former colon cleanse salesman who stated in a 2018 YouTube video — while driving around in a Rolls-Royce — that "you can literally sell shit in a can, wrapped in piss, covered in human skin, for a billion dollars if the story's right, because people will buy it."

"I'm not going to question the right and wrong of all that," Herro added. Clearly the kind of guy you'd want to be entangled in the American economy.

WLF defended its stablecoin effort in an X post this month as a means of ensuring the "dominance" of the US dollar and maintaining America's financial leadership on the international stage. In the same thread, the company claimed without evidence that the US dollar is actively under attack by unnamed "foreign-nation states." But economic experts overwhelmingly agree that fearmongering claims around the allegedly imminent downfall of the American dollar are exaggerated and that knocking the US dollar out of its top spot would likely take decades.

Through one lens, Trump's very public backing for WLFI is just the latest example of the former president using his campaign to promote a personal or family business. In addition to standard campaign merch, he's selling less-conventional golden sneakers for nearly $500, as well as a $299 pair of "Trump Crypto President" low-tops in the shade "Bitcoin Orange"; $99 NFTs of himself; a $59.99 "patriotic" take on the Bible; and a recently-published coffee table book in which he threatens to jail Meta CEO Mark Zuckerberg, which is available for $99 (though you can get a signed version for $499.)

But the implications of WLFI are far more serious than expensive Bibles and random junk.

In addition to being used to fund illicit activities around the world, stablecoins have proven to be anything but stable. Coupled with the clear risk of corruption that the Trump family's involvement in the crypto world would pose should the former president retake the Oval Office, and everything about WLFI's scheme is as dangerous as it is bankrupt.

More on Trump and crypto: After Calling Crypto a "Scam," Donald Trump Now Owns Millions in Crypto


Trump to unveil crypto project amid scams and fears of ‘huge embarrassment’

Anthony Cuthbertson
Fri, September 13, 2024 


Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump makes remarks at the Fraternal Order Of Police’s National Board Of Trustees meeting. on 6 September, 2024 in Charlotte, North Carolina (Getty Images)


Former US President Donald Trump plans to unveil a brand new crypto project next week that has already been plagued by scams and targeted by cyber criminals.

The Republican candidate will reveal the World Liberty Financial project from his Mar-a-Lago resort in Florida on Monday, claiming it will revolutionise finance and “leave the slow and outdated big banks behind”.

The project is being led by his two sons, Donald Jr. and Eric Trump, though little is known about what the venture will entail.

In a recent interview with the New York Post, Eric Trump described it as “digital real estate” – referring to either the creation of virtual property within the metaverse, or the digital tokenisation of real-world assets in the form of non-fungible tokens (NFTs).

“It’s equitable. It’s collateral anyone can get access to and do so instantly,” he said. “I don’t know if people realise what a shake up that is for the world of banking and finance. I hope we can help change that.”



Earlier this month, tens of thousands of Donald Trump’s followers were tricked into joining a fake group on the messaging app Telegram that was claiming to offer free cryptocurrency giveaways from the Trump-backed platform.

The group has since been removed, though ads promoting the scam giveaways still continue to appear for its 150,000 members. Telegram did not respond to a request for comment from The Independent.

The X accounts of Mr Trump’s daughter Tiffany and daughter-in-law Lara were also targeted by cyber criminals, who hijacked their profiles in order to share fake links for the project.

Nic Carter, a Trump supporter and noted figure within the crypto industry, advised the former president to stop the launch of World Liberty Financial, writing on X: “At best it’s an unnecessary distraction, at worst it’s a huge embarrassment and source of (additional) legal trouble.”

The project’s official Telegram channel revealed that the launch event for World Liberty Financial will be live streamed on X at 8pm ET on Monday (1am BST on Tuesday).

“Get ready as we unveil our plan to Make Finance Great Again,” the Telegram post stated. “This is a landmark event you won’t want to miss! Let’s make history together.”

Mr Trump has pitched himself as the pro-crypto candidate in the upcoming presidential elections, recently appearing at a bitcoin conference to outline his plans for the industry if elected.

Having previously dismissed the world’s leading cryptocurrency as a “scam”, Mr Trump told the crowd at the Bitcoin 2024 conference in Nashville that he would create a “national bitcoin stockpile” from seized criminal funds, as well as “immediately appoint a bitcoin and crypto presidential advisory council”.


Behind the Trump Crypto Project Is a Self-Described ‘Dirtbag of the Internet’

Zeke Faux and Muyao Shen
BLOOMBERG
Fri, September 13, 2024


Behind the Trump Crypto Project Is a Self-Described ‘Dirtbag of the Internet’

(Bloomberg) -- Chase Herro has sold a lot of things in his career. Weed. Weight-loss “colon cleanses.” A $149-a-month get-rich-quick class. Now he’s adding another line to his resume: the Trump family’s crypto guru.

Herro is the dealmaker behind World Liberty Financial, the crypto project that Donald Trump and his two older sons have been promoting on social media in recent weeks, according to two people involved with the project. Herro's long-time business partner Zachary Folkman is also playing a key role. While few details about World Liberty have been released, Eric Trump said that the startup will promote “financial independence” and Donald Trump Jr. said it will “make finance great again.” Former President Trump himself posted a video saying he'd announce the details on Sept. 16. “We’re embracing the future with crypto and leaving the slow and outdated big banks behind,” Trump said.

Yet Herro, a fast-talking 39-year-old who shows off his fancy cars and private-jet rides on social media, is an unknown in the crypto world. More than a dozen prominent digital-asset investors said in interviews they had never heard of him. The only crypto project with which he was publicly affiliated attracted only a few million dollars and suffered a devastating hack. A token he promoted on influencer Logan Paul’s podcast dropped 96% afterward. In one speech in 2018, he called himself “the dirtbag of the internet” and said that regulators should “kick s---heads like me out.”

“You can literally sell s--- in a can, wrapped in piss, covered in human skin, for a billion dollars if the story's right, because people will buy it,” Herro said about crypto in a 2018 YouTube video recorded as he drove in a Rolls-Royce. “I'm not going to question the right and wrong of all that.”

Bloomberg News sent detailed questions to a World Liberty email address. “We all see the picture you're trying to paint here and consider it at best grossly inaccurate,” a man named Jim Redner replied. “We're confident that our results will speak for themselves.” Redner said he was not a spokesperson for the company and was "just answering emails.” Herro, Folkman and the Trump presidential campaign didn’t respond to messages seeking comment.

Herro was introduced to the Trumps by Steve Witkoff, a real-estate developer and longtime supporter of the former president, after first meeting one of Witkoff’s sons, according to one of the people involved with the project.

When they met, Trump was reconsidering his stance on crypto. He’d once called Bitcoin a “scam against the dollar,” but in late 2022 he licensed his image for a series of nonfungible tokens – essentially, digital trading cards – featuring cartoon images of a muscular Trump. Then in July, after Bitcoin advocates raised what they said was $25 million for his campaign, Trump flew to Nashville to speak at a Bitcoin conference, where he promised to loosen regulations on the industry and create a strategic national stockpile of the cryptocurrency.

“The United States will be the crypto capital of the planet,” Trump said in the speech.

At the same time, Trump’s sons were getting curious about the industry. At the Nashville conference, Donald Trump Jr. appeared at an event sponsored by a little-known token called “Make America Great Again, Again,” though he said he had no affiliation with the project. And in June, Martin Shkreli, the former hedge-fund manager who served years in prison for securities fraud, said that he’d been talking with Barron Trump about starting another Trump cryptocurrency. Shkreli declined to comment.

Herro, who usually spells his name as “Chase Hero” with one “r” online, seemed like a better partner. He was affiliated with Dough Finance, a so-called decentralized-finance protocol which promised to allow users to borrow and lend crypto without intermediaries.

The two people involved with World Liberty insisted that Herro is a billionaire with a track record of crypto success. But Dough Finance only attracted $3.2 million in total activity, a tiny amount for the crypto industry, according to data provider DefiLlama. In July, it was hacked for about $2 million and it appears to be inactive now. An email to Dough Finance seeking comment was not returned.

Like Dough, World Liberty is being pitched as a platform for borrowing and lending crypto. It will have its own token, called WLFI, which it says will allow users to vote on how the project is run, according to a white paper reviewed by Bloomberg News. About 70% of those tokens will be reserved for insiders, with the rest sold to the public to raise cash. That amount of tokens going to insiders is “quite high" for a project that in theory is supposed to be decentralized, said Leo Mizuhara, founder of crypto asset manager Hashnote. Usually no entity or group of investors owns more than 20% of a project's total token supply, he added.

While the World Liberty plan might sound innovative to someone unfamiliar with crypto, startups like this are common, and few succeed. Many of them are only created in order to sell tokens and make money, said Tarun Chitra, general partner at Robot Ventures, which in August raised a $75 million fund to invest in new crypto projects.

“This just feels like a fly-by-night, trying to make a quick buck, kind of thing,” Chitra said of World Liberty. “It really doesn’t seem earnest to me.”

Herro’s involvement isn’t the only red flag when it comes to World Liberty. The white paper lists 18-year-old Barron Trump – a college freshman with no known crypto expertise — as “chief DeFi visionary.” A JPMorgan Chase banker listed as an adviser to the project, Brian Baker, refused to say whether that description was accurate.

Herro is described in the white paper as the person responsible for “data & strategies.” His friend Folkman is listed as “operations lead.” Folkman used to run a service called Date Hotter Girls where he taught seminars about how to pick up women. “OK, how many guys came here to learn how to take girls home and bang them?” Folkman said in a speech in 2014. The trademark for World Liberty is registered to a company using the same address in Puerto Rico as another company run by Herro and Folkman.

Herro likes to tell the story of how he spent time in prison for dealing marijuana when he was a young man before getting rich through internet marketing in the early days of social media. He was involved in what’s known as “affiliate marketing,” in which middlemen buy ad space on social networks and use it to sell products for other companies, which pay a bounty.

“You could just make millions,” Herro said in a video. “It was the easiest thing in the world.”

Herro’s marketing business left only a few traces online. But in a lawsuit he filed in 2014, he said that he marketed a “colon cleanser” called Regula RX on Facebook and wasn’t paid for the sales he generated. Carl Ruderman, owner of Regula RX, didn’t immediately respond to a letter sent to him at a federal prison in Miami, where he’s serving a five-year sentence for an unrelated Ponzi scheme.

Herro said in another video that he had at times employed a tactic called “cloaking,” which means hiding ads’ contents to evade social networks’ rules. In another lawsuit he filed in 2014, he sought a refund from a middleman who had sold him 20 Facebook accounts from Singapore for $100,000. Both tactics were the types of strategies used by advertisers who tried to place deceptive ads against social-media networks’ rules, according to Rob Leathern, a former Facebook executive who had responsibility for enforcing rules around advertising. “There’s no legitimate use case for cloaking,” said Leathern. (Leathern said he'd never heard of Herro.)

Herro said in his videos that the online advertising business became more challenging once competition emerged. In recent years, he and Folkman have pivoted to crypto, running a membership group called the Watchers that claimed to teach people the secrets of crypto trading and making money online. The group had more than 250 members who paid at least $149 a month, according to two people formerly involved with the group. Some paid tens of thousands of dollars for personalized coaching. Herro also appeared at other paid seminars with Jordan Belfort, whose penny-stock scams inspired the movie The Wolf of Wall Street.

“If you do this right, who f---ing cares if it goes to zero?” Herro said in a YouTube video promoting the Watchers. “You'll make so much money trading these f---ing coins in and out.”

In 2021, Herro appeared on influencer Logan Paul’s podcast, Impaulsive. (Trump went on the same podcast in June.) During the podcast, Paul acted like he was surprised when Herro said he liked a cryptocurrency called OMI, which Paul said he liked too. A co-host asked if the two had planned the promotion before the show, and Herro denied it, swearing “on my kids.” The price of OMI has since declined 96%. And a leaked video released by the scam-busting YouTuber Coffeezilla shows Herro and Paul talking with someone about getting more OMI tokens ahead of the show. A lawyer for Paul didn’t respond to a message seeking comment.

The white paper for World Liberty lists Donald Trump as “chief crypto advocate” and his sons Eric and Donald Jr. each as “Web3 Ambassador.” A disclaimer says that World Liberty is “not owned, managed, operated or sold” by the Trumps. It does note, however, that they may receive compensation. CoinDesk first reported on the white paper last week.

Promoting a private business like this while running for president is not illegal, though it’s a clear conflict of interest that may lead Trump to push crypto policies that favor his company, according to Danielle Brian, president of the Project On Government Oversight.

“The biggest harm is public policy is skewed away from what benefits the country to what benefits the individual and their family,” Brian said.

Whether or not the World Liberty project achieves its goals, its token might still be valuable. Trump’s fans have shown they’ll make investments in his companies even if they aren’t successful. In 2021, two former cast members from his reality show The Apprentice pitched Trump on starting his own social network, according to Reuters. The company that grew from that pitch, Trump Media & Technology Group Corp., which operates Truth Social, is worth about $3 billion, despite quarterly revenue of less than $1 million. Trump owns the majority of its stock.

When Trump considers an endorsement deal, his main consideration is not whether the product is useful, but whether he’ll receive cash up front, according to Michael Cohen, who served as the former president’s personal lawyer for years before testifying against him at his fraud trial.

“Is there upfront money attached?” Cohen said in an interview. “If the economics of the deal are to his benefit, with zero risk, he’s all in.”

--With assistance from Max Abelson.


©2024 Bloomberg L.P.






World Liberty, Crypto Project Helmed by Donald Trump's Family, Will Release on Sept. 16

Shaurya Malwa
Thu, September 12, 2024 at 11:58 p.m. MDT·1 min read




Donald Trump announced that his family's cryptocurrency project, World Liberty Financial, will launch on September 16.


The project aims to move away from traditional banking by embracing cryptocurrencies.

Republican candidate Donald Trump said on a podcast Thursday that his family-helmed decentralized finance (DeFi) project World Liberty Financial will be released on September 16.

“Embracing the future with crypto and leaving slow and outdated big banks behind,” Trump said in a video posted on his X account. “Join me live at 8 P.M.”


World Liberty Finance is helmed by Trump’s sons, Eric Trump and Donald Trump Jr, and the 18-year-old Barron Trump is the project's "DeFi visionary.”

A draft of the World Liberty Financial whitepaper received by CoinDesk shows the project will include a "credit account system" built on DeFi platform Aave and the Ethereum blockchain – to facilitate decentralized borrowing and lending.

Broadcast messages on the World Liberty Finance Telegram channel show plans for stablecoins pegged to the U.S. dollar - stating the project wants to “spread U.S.-pegged stablecoins around the world” to “ensure that the U.S. dollar’s dominance continues.”

Polymarket Bettors See 84% Chance of Donald Trump Starting His Own Token

Shaurya Malwa
Fri, September 13, 2024 

Betting odds on Polymarket for Donald Trump launching a cryptocurrency token before the November election surged to over 84% after he announced a launch date for the World Liberty Financial crypto project, but later reversed.

The market, which has seen over $1.7 million in bets, will only resolve to "Yes" if Trump personally issues a verifiable token on a blockchain by November 4, 2024, despite plans for a governance token named "WLFI" in the project's white paper.

Betting odds on Republican candidate Donald Trump issuing a token before the November presidential elections jumped to over 84% on Polymarket early Friday, before reversing, as he confirmed a launch date for the Trump family-helmed World Liberty Financial crypto project.

The odds of a “yes” in the “Will Trump launch a coin before the election?” market were just 40% on Thursday and 16% a month ago. That seemingly changed in the past 12 hours as Trump said the World Liberty Financial project will released on Monday.

(Polymarket)

The market has attracted over $1.7 million in bets by Polymarket users as of Friday. It will resolve to "Yes" if conclusive evidence emerges that Trump is involved in “deploying a new token” by November 4, 2024, 11:59 PM ET.

That means mere plans or confirmation for the token will not resolve the market to “Yes:” it will have to be an actual token issued on a blockchain in a way that can be verified by all.

A copy of the World Liberty white paper seen by CoinDesk states plans for the project to issue a non-transferable governance token called “WLFI.” However, it remains unknown what specific part Trump plays in the project and his role in issuing the proposed token.

Still, some Polymarket users are taking their chances.

“The development team already launched multiple test tokens on Ethereum,” user “Car,” who holds over 4,400 yes shares, wrote. “Funnily enough, that's enough to resolve this market to YES.”

“Non-fungible tokens are indeed Tokens,” another user, “563defi,” who holds 6,600 yes shares, said, referring to Trump’s lineup of NFT projects.

Those on the other side of the bet remain skeptical: “Even if a token launches, it will be his son's,” user “Tenebrus7,” who holds 2,000 “No” shares, wrote. “After the scam - trump will not want to be associated with it anytime soon.”