Friday, December 30, 2022

RIP
Dame Vivienne Westwood: How the ‘visionary’ designer put the punk into Scotland’s textile industry

She put a rebel spirit back into tartan and forged a deep connection with Scotland and its craftspeople in a weaver’s shed on Lewis more than 30 years ago.

By Alison Campsie



Vivienne Westwood died on Thursday

Dame Vivienne Westwood, who died peacefully on Thursday at the age of 81, has been remembered for her impact on the Scottish textile industry, which she pulled into the punk, the modern and the hotly desirable while flying its flag on the worldwide stage.

Lorna Macaulay, chief executive of the Harris Tweed Authority, said Dame Vivienne was a “a visionary and way ahead of her time” who recognised the importance of Scottish textiles long before others.

Dame Vivienne first visited the Outer Hebrides in the late 1980s at a time when Harris Tweed clothing was favoured by “your dad and mine,” Ms Macaulay said. She met Ian Angus Mackenzie, now chief executive at Harris Tweed Hebrides, at his weaving shed in Vatisker on the Isle of Lewis.



'Harris Tweed' crown hats created by Vivienne Westwood

Ms Macaulay said: “Suddenly, we had this design icon use Harris Tweed when it had previously been reserved for our dad’s jackets , for Sunday best, and always in these neutral tones. Vivienne moved it into these wild colour schemes, particularly for the tartans and checks, She was always push, push, push for these very vibrant colours.

She added: “I can only imagine that these conversations with the mill designers would have been like a breath of fresh air for them. At this time, our business was held up by our three button men’s sports jacket, which is still an incredibly important part of of what we do. But in those days, the designers would have welcomed that edge she brought.”

Ms Macaulay said a number of Vivienne Westwood garments were held in the Harris Tweed Authority archives , including a waistcoat with detachable sleeves that were held together with “nappy pins” and covered with orbs, the consumers’ mark used by Harris Tweed since 1909 to guarantee it’s authenticity.

The designer’s adoption of her own orb logo resulted in a long-running legal wrangle in the 1990s, with it ultimately decided that both designs could co-exist.


Vivienne Westwood tartan suit, mid 1990s.

Ms Macaulay added : “Our industry is small, it is niche and it’s luxury and every season we need the order of such an iconic design house such as Vivienne Westwood, because the rest follow.

“Many design houses chose not to name the textile brands they work with as they see it as diluting their own story. But Vivienne always gave us a name check and that was so powerful for us.”


Ms Macaulay said that the support of Vivienne Westwood had helped Harris Tweed become “hugely well recognised” in Asia.

Today, a number of her designs sit in National Museum of Scotland and V&A Dundee, where a tweed tartan jacket, checked wool trousers and waistcoat produced by Dame Vivienne around 1995 can be found.

Assistant curator James Wylie said: "Westwood's mark on Scottish textiles is unparalleled and the suit acts as a microcosm of her love of weaving north of Gretna Green.”

The key moments of Vivienne Westwood's career that changed the landscape of fashion

 By Veronica Apap
Vivienne Westwood, "If you ever wanted to feel 6ft tall you’d wear my clothes"

Fashion iconoclast Vivienne Westwood said she created clothes for heroes.

"Anyone who wants to feel romantic about themselves. If you ever wished you were 6 feet tall and you weren't, you just wear some of my clothes and that's what you'll feel like."

Westwood, who died on Thursday, practised what she preached: When she met the Queen in 1992, she arrived at Buckingham Palace without knickers. We know this because she bravely did a twirl in front of the paparazzi pack in the palace courtyard.
Vivienne Westwood meets Queen Elizabeth II at a reception at Buckingham Palace in 1999.(AFP: Fiona Hanson/pool)

Fashion podcaster Avery Trufelman said Westwood's attitude was the calling card of her work throughout the decades.

"The bit of irreverence and cheekiness was always key in Vivienne's work," Trufelman said. "She was always giving a bit of a wink and not taking herself too seriously.

Vivienne Westwood dies aged 81
English fashion designer Vivienne Westwood dies "peacefully and surrounded by her family", aged 81.



"And yet, at the same time, a hallmark of Vivienne's work was a fierce commitment to beauty. She was devoted to creating the most fantastical, strange surreal visions of beauty she could possibly summon. It always came through across every collection and every decade — in the absurdity and the levity — the gorgeousness came through."

Despite starting out with no formal training, Westwood's influence on global fashion was enormous.

"Whatever is ripped or dirty, whatever is transgressive and strange, it owes its lineage in some way to Vivienne," Ms Trufelman said.

"She was the anti-fashion fashion designer, who sought to find new ways of draping and ripping and patching that was unexpected and surprising. From Hot Topic to Martin Margiela, everyone has taken a page from her book."

Whether she was dressing the punks of London streets in the 70s, the supermodels of the 90s, or herself as former British prime minister Margaret Thatcher, Westwood's fashion choices epitomised non-conformity and pushed her anti-establishment agenda.

Here are the four biggest fashion trends Westwood gave the world.

Punk


When the Sex Pistols burst onto the underground music scene in the mid-1970s, they were clad in leather, studs, chains, torn fabrics and padlocks.

But they didn't invent this punk style. It was the brainchild of Vivienne Westwood and her partner Malcolm McLaren, the Sex Pistols' manager.

Vivienne Westwood (right) ran a shop together with Sex Pistols manager Malcolm McLaren.(Getty Images: Daily Mirror/Bill Kennedy)

Westwood and McLaren ran a shop at 430 King's Road, London from 1971. Westwood was in her early 30s at the time and a primary school teacher who sewed all the clothes in her living room. She had no formal training.

The shop was continually closing, renaming and re-opening with new styles. It started out as Let it Rock, then became Too Fast to Live Too Young to Die.

In 1974 it was rebranded SEX and borrowed materials, styles and hardware from the sex industry.

Westwood appreciated the "strange beauty" of latex and rubber according to Victoria and Albert Museum senior curator Claire Wilcox. She told the Articles of Interest podcast in 2018 that the clothes featured in SEX were covered in straps, skin tight and androgynous.

"[Westwood] said the mix of clientele when it was called SEX ranged from, as she said, people with a perverse interest in these types of garments and then kids off the street just wanting to be fashionable. So, it was sort of this hybrid moment," Ms Wilcox said.

Models dressed in Westwood's fashions from the Seditionaries boutique in 1977.
(Getty Images: Daily Mirror)

The store re-launched again in 1977 and became known as Seditionaries. Ms Trufelman said it was this iteration of the store in which punk fashion truly emerged.

"Elements of Edwardian dandy, rocker, biker and sex worker all combined, catalysed with hard, fast music and political imagery," she said.

One reason Westwood's style proliferated so readily was anyone could follow her lead.

"It was part of this shared movement of rebellion that these clothes could be adopted and customised and adapted by anybody," Ms Wilcox said.

"Wherever you came from, however rich or poor. However old you were. Whatever sex you were, you could take these clothes on, perhaps you might save up to buy a pair of bondage trousers, but you'd customise your own T-shirt."
Pirate

In 1981 Westwood and McLaren held their first official collaborative catwalk show called Pirate.

Westwood's focus had moved from punk to 18th century dandies, Native American dress and plundering the Third World. The result was a collection filled with bright gold, oranges and yellows evoking images of bandits, buccaneers and dandies.The "Pirates" fashion show of 1981-82 was the first catwalk show of Vivienne Westwood and Malcolm McLaren.(Getty Images: David Corio/Redferns)

The series was romantic, unisex and became the look of choice for pop stars who formed the New Romantics movement like Boy George and Adam Ant. In fact, the latter hired McLaren for a post-punk re-branding six months after the Pirate catwalk show.

Author and former Vogue Australia editor-in-chief Kirstie Clements said Westwood really changed the landscape.

"I think one of the strongest fashion collections she ever did was the Pirate collection that she did in the early 80s," she told ABC News Breakfast.

"That influenced the new romantic era of puffy pirate blouses and Adam Ant.

"Again, that metaphor of challenging things and making a surprise appearance so to speak. You know, creating chaos."

Former Vogue editor Kirstie Clements says Westwood changed the fashion landscape.


The pagan years

In the late 80s Westwood moved to parodying the upper classes in an era she referred to as "the pagan years".

During this time her collections were influenced by ancient Greece and classic British tailoring with looks that referenced riding habits, wool suiting and men's Regency era tight-fitting pants.

Fashion historian Lydia Edwards said Westwood was one of the most historically conscious fashion designers of all time.

"She incorporated often very subtle references into her designs and gave relevance to various historical periods," she said.

"She also did so unsentimentally, without the rose-coloured glasses and 'nostalgic vintage' mirror that is so common these days."


In 1987 she launched her Harris Tweed collection. Westwood was instrumental in reviving the use of the only fabric in the world protected by its own act of parliament.

Under the act, Harris Tweed must be made from pure virgin wool that has been dyed and spun on the Outer Hebrides islands of Scotland and handwoven at the home of a weaver. The tweed is crafted without the use of automation or electricity.

Westwood used the tweed to create suiting with detachable elements inspired by medieval armour.

Anglomania


In the 90s Westwood created an aesthetic influenced by the elegance of British tailoring and the French love of exaggerated proportions.

The Anglomania collection of 1993/94 included tartan, furs, kilts, puffy silhouettes and very high heels – including those blue, nine-inch faux crocodile skin platforms Naomi Campbell famously fell over while wearing on a Paris runway in 1993.

In a 2019 British Vogue interview with Westwood, Campbell said there was a trick to walking in a pair of Westwood's sky-high platform shoes: you need to walk on your tip-toes.

Apparently the reason Campbell came undone on the catwalk was because she was wearing rubber tights under a plaid skirt. The tights caught at the thigh mid-stride and Campbell's right ankle buckled before she tripped over the shoes, crashing to the floor and landing on her behind

To her credit she burst out laughing, got up and finished the show including doing another lap of the runway in those same heels.

The Anglomania collection also featured an original tartan design by Westwood.

She had invented her own clan, MacAndreas — named after her husband Andreas Kronthaler – and had the tartan officially recognised and woven by Locharron of Scotland. The tartan is included in the Scottish Register of Tartans.

Naomi Campbell on stage at the Vivienne Westwood Fall 1994 fashion show in Paris.(Getty Images: PL Gould)

Ms Trufelman said Westwood's strength was in her ability to change, grow and innovate.

"She stayed relevant until her very passing," she said.

"She was pivotal at every step of her career, that's what made her memorable.

"Westwood changed what we think beauty is. She made it dishevelled and dyed and ripped and strange. She paved the way for so many misfits across the decades and taught us there was elegance and strength in the periphery."

Vivienne Westwood (1941 - 2022)

Vivienne Westwood (1941 - 2022) - You will be missed. 

By David Mouriquand • Updated: 30/12/2022 

Pioneering fashion designer Dame Vivienne Westwood will be missed.

The former primary school teacher was one of the most brilliant fashion designers of all time, a rebel with a flare of the theatrical, who injected her love for anarchy, fun, sex and the avant-garde into her iconoclastic designs.

She pushed the boundaries when it came to colour and print, and shaped the UK punk movement and street style in the 70s, earning her the title 'The Queen of Punk'.

Fashion designer Vivienne Westwood dies, aged 81

Subversive fashion: France's first exhibition dedicated to Vivienne Westwood opens in Lyon

Her frequently subversive and always cutting-edge designs were worn by actors, activists, musicians and artists across genres and gender.

She experienced something of a resurgence in the last few years, as a new generation of celebrities like Harry Styles, Dua Lipa, Zendaya and Timothée Chalamet could be seen on red carpets and awards shows draped in Westwood’s memorable threads.

From tartan chic, kilts, rips and safety pins to some flamboyant androgynous looks, she leaves a legacy like no other.

Here are some of Westwood’s most iconic looks

The Sex PistolsGetty Images
Vivienne Westwood and Malcolm McLarenGetty Images
Westwood in SEXDavid Dagley - REX

Vivienne Westwood met Malcolm McLaren in the early 70s. His shop on Kings Road in London – which became the famed boutique SEX – was punk legend. She created the Sex Pistols’ iconic looks – from the pins to the straightjackets and the God Save The Queen shirts – and designed clothes for future Pretenders frontwoman Chrissie Hynde.

Sara Stockbridge -1987Chris Barham - Shutterstock

Sara Stockbridge walks for Vivienne Westwood at London Fashion Week, 1987
.
Showing up to receive an OBE
Martin Keene PA ArchivePress Association Images

Showing up to receive an OBE from Queen Elizabeth in 1992 and bypassing all the strict style protocols by wearing a grey suit with no underwear.
90s runway look by WestwoodGetty Images

Westwood’s FW90 “Portrait Collection,” an iconic moment in 90s runway fashion.
Carla Bruni - FW94Getty Images

Carla Bruni – Fashion Week 1994.
Naomi Campbell - 94Getty Images

Naomi Campbell – Fashion Week 1994
Kate Moss - 1995Getty Images

Kate Moss walks for Vivienne Westwood's Erotic Zones Spring / Summer 1995 show.
Westwood with Laetitia Casta - 1996Getty Images

Her bridal looks were the hit of the runways in the mid-90s. Here with French model Laetitia Casta at the Paris Fashion Week Fall / Winter 1996.
Pamela Anderson - 2009Getty Images

Pamela Anderson wearing Westwood’s iconic upturned tutu at the Paris Fashion Week Fall / Winter 2009.

Emma Thompson - 2010Fred Duval FilmMagic via Getty

Emma Thompson wearing a brown strapless Westwood design - and is accompanied by a pig, London in 2010.

Dita von Teese's wedding dressGetty Images

Queen of Burlesque Dita von Teese wearing a custom-made dramatic purple wedding dress by Westwood.
Westwood protesting - 2013John Stillwell PA

Westwood actively supported climate causes and championed human rights throughout her life, including giving a shout out to the Just Stop Oil activists this year. She is here seen at a protest outside the Russian Embassy in London in support of the 30 Greenpeace activists charged with piracy at a Russian oil platform – October 2013.

MORE PHOTOS



SCOTLAND
Constituents 'bitterly disappointed' over MP's lack of support for junior doctor strike

"I think that's the perspective of everyone in Sleaford"


NEWS By Sebastian Mann
Community reporter, 30 DEC 2022

Sleaford resident Kathleen Howarth, 85. (Image: Lincolnshire Live)


The constituents of a Lincolnshire MP say they are "bitterly disappointed" in her after she said she would not support a junior doctor strike. Dr Caroline Johnson, a consultant paediatrician who serves as the Tory MP for Sleaford and North Hykeham, told LBC on Thursday (December 29) that she would not agree with a potential junior doctors' strike in January.

She said she would urge doctors to "think twice, think three times" before "walking out on their patients," a move she described as "fundamentally" not right. However, she has earned the ire of some of her constituents, who say she should be more supportive of their plight considering her career.

Sleaford resident Kathleen Howarth, 85, said: "Why wouldn't she support them? She's a doctor herself.

Read more: Lincolnshire MP says she would not support junior doctor strike

"What else can they do? They've got to do something to do a decent wage."

She added: "I am bitterly disappointed to hear she won't support them. And I think that's the perspective of everyone in Sleaford."


The Dorset native was also critical of Dr Johnson's perceived "absence" in the town, initially being unable to remember the name of her elected MP. Mrs Howarth added: "Sleaford is a lovely town and I want her to be more proactive.

"I don't think a lot of people really know her." Another resident, aged 80, said she agreed with Dr Johnson's stance but thought something needed to be done about the NHS "generally".

Dr Caroline Johnson on election night in 2019. (Image: Lincolnshire Live)

She said: "We all need our National Health Service, especially at the moment when everybody is under pressure. I don't support the strikes particularly but I do think they deserve a better wage, and I think they have the most universal support."

The young medics are expected to vote in favour of industrial action on January 9, joining thousands of nurses who are set to walk out on January 18 and 19 as part of a far-reaching fight over pay and working conditions. Dr Johnson did not say whether she thought the decision would be "selfish," though she said she "sincerely hoped" it would not go ahead.

The junior education minister, elected to her seat in 2016 with a majority of 32,500, has also garnered criticism in wider Lincolnshire. Sue McQuinn got in touch to criticise Dr Johnson's comments.

She wrote: "Does she really imagine they won’t think about it twice, three times or more before they take strike action? They certainly don't need her to tell them.

"It's not something anyone in the profession would do lightly. Maybe her Government should think twice about driving these people to take these measures."

Likewise, fellow resident Mel Stewart said the blame lay not with the striking workers but with the Government under PM Rishi Sunak. She added: "Perhaps Caroline Johnson should think twice about supporting her NHS colleagues throughout this trying period for all.

"This fight is about patient safety. This government, her government, is refusing to talk to NHS staff so we have been forced to take things into our own hands.

"Maybe Caroline should push Steve Barclay to open negotiations with unions like the [Royal College of Nursing], [British Medical Association] and the GMB to prevent further strikes. Only he can do that." Health Secretary Steve Barclay MP previously said he was "so grateful for the work ambulance workers and other NHS staff do" ahead of a since-delayed ambulance strike.

He added: "My door is always open to talk to trade unions about concerns around working conditions. We have an independent pay review body - which the unions campaigned to set up - and we will continue to defer to that process to ensure decisions balance the needs of staff and the wider economy."


NHS Scotland winter crisis: Staff 'are on their knees' warns doctors' union

The head of a doctor’s union has warned NHS staff “are on their knees”, as he called for “more funds need to be gathered and spent wisely” to save Scotland’s healthcare service.

By Joseph Anderson
The head of the BMA has said the NHS is "broken" in Scotland and will not be able to survive in its current form

Writing in the Scotsman today, Dr Iain Kennedy, chair of the British Medical Association (BMA) Scotland, said the nation needs to “face up to the hard truths that have been put off for far too long, and have a proper, grown-up, de-politicised national conversation about the future of our NHS in Scotland”.

“Sticking our heads in the sand, or exchanging tired political soundbites, just won’t cut it anymore,” writes Dr Kennedy.

“We put forward this idea in our BMA manifesto for the last Holyrood election, and support does seem to be growing.

“It’s clear we need to reflect on what we ask of our NHS and the levels of funding we, as a country, are prepared to provide to meet those asks. More funds need to be gathered and spent wisely.

“Despite additional investment, the current approach of pushing insufficient resources harder and harder, then blaming staff when expected standards are not reached has failed and is failing patients every single day.

“I know doctors are suffering significant moral injury as a result.”

Dr Kennedy has separately warned “there is no way that the NHS in Scotland can survive”.

“In fact, many of my members are telling me that the NHS in Scotland has died already,” Dr Kennedy told BBC Radio Scotland’s Good Morning Scotland programme.

“It’s already broken in some parts of the country. So the time is now, we need the national conversation now, it cannot be delayed any further.”


Dr Kennedy added: “Over the past two weeks I have received testimonies from nearly 200 doctors, and what they’re telling me is that the whole health and social care system in Scotland is broken.


“They are telling me that NHS Scotland is failing their patients and failing the workforce, and they’re suffering from moral injury from constantly having to apologise to their patients.”

Responding to Dr Kennedy’s remarks, a Scottish Conservative spokesperson said: “This stark message is a damning indictment of years of atrocious NHS workforce planning by a succession of SNP health secretaries, including Nicola Sturgeon herself.

“The First Minister’s decision to cut the number of funded training places for medical students at Scottish universities, when she was health secretary a decade ago, is a major factor in the staffing problems Dr Kennedy highlights.

“Scotland’s overstretched NHS is on its knees – with a shortfall of 6,000 nurses alone – and the SNP need to recruit and, crucially, retain staff if it’s to survive.

“The goodwill of dedicated frontline staff has been exhausted. They are shattered and have no faith in Humza Yousaf or his flimsy, failing Covid Recovery Plan to turn things around. If they are to stop leaving in their droves, the health secretary must be sacked now.”

Meanwhile, Scottish Labour’s health spokesperson Jackie Baillie said: “Years of SNP underfunding and mismanagement have pushed our NHS to breaking point.

“The fact is that the SNP government has failed to train enough medical professionals and has failed to retain those that we have.

“Under the SNP, the NHS is haemorrhaging staff.

“Scottish Labour would put staff training and retention at the heart of our plan to save the NHS.”

The BMA is now calling on the Scottish Government to “be brave and act now”

“Let’s harness the anger and frustration staff and patients feel to commit to working together to build a better future,” writes Dr Kennedy.

“Let’s stop putting healthcare workers in the impossible and insidious position of having to constantly apologise and be the bearers of bad news.

“Politicians on all sides must step up and start the process. It’s in their hands, and specifically the hands of the Scottish Government. With all the political attention on our NHS at the moment, I have no doubt they are listening. I also believe they do want to do the right thing.

“We need them to be brave and act now, by bringing us together and finally actually properly talking about a plan for a future NHS that is a joy to work in, and to be cared for by.

“It’s really difficult to find any optimism about the position our NHS in Scotland is in at the moment, particularly for healthcare workers in the service. But I believe if the Scottish Government commits to and indeed leads this national conversation, those out there doing all they can to provide the care we all rely on will at least finally feel they are being properly listened to.”

The Scottish Government has sought to blame NHS pressures on the coronavirus pandemic, Brexit, and winter viruses.

A Scottish Government spokesperson said: “The situation we find ourselves in is the result of pandemic backlogs, Brexit-related staff shortages and increases in winter viruses such as flu which has seen a significant rise in the last few weeks – making this winter the most challenging the NHS has ever faced. This is of course not unique to Scotland.

“Scotland has record numbers of NHS staff and we are recruiting more staff as part of our £600m winter plan and £50m investment is targeting A&E waits through services that allow patients to be treated at home or in the community.

“We have a record number of GPs working in Scotland and are committed to 800 additional GPs by end 2027, and despite the pandemic, we have recruited 3,220 whole time equivalent healthcare professionals to provide support to GPs, underpinned by an investment commitment of over £500m.

“We know the difficulties staff are facing and want to repeat our thanks to all those working across all health and social care services this winter to make sure people receive the care they need.”

Dr Kennedy added: “All the statistics tell us that it’s a desperate state of affairs. Things are as bad, or worse, than they have ever been.

“Winter is a meaningless term now – this entire year has been winter. But looking beyond the statistics, looking at the people behind the statistics, the picture being painted is even more grim and concerning.

“The experiences my colleagues have shared speak louder than anything I could say, and anything any official stats could imply.”
After 40 years in Israeli prison, Kareem Younis will soon be free. This is how he survived.

To endure interrogation, Palestinian political prisoners embody steadfastness. To endure prison life, steadfastness become a battle over time.
PALESTINIAN POLITICAL PRISONER KAREEM YOUNIS (PHOTO: SOCIAL MEDIA)

Kareem Younis is the longest-serving Palestinian prisoner in Israel’s colonial incarceration regime. He is due to be released on January 6, 2023, 40 years after he was first arrested in January 1983. Younis had originally been sentenced to death by Israeli courts after his initial arrest, but his sentence was later reduced to lifelong imprisonment. After three decades into his incarceration, it was limited again to 40 years.


Israel refused to release Younis as part of its deal with the Palestinian Authority (PA) to free prisoners detained prior to the Oslo agreement, claiming that Younis and other Palestinian prisoners who held Israeli citizenship were an internal Israeli affair.

Throughout the 20 years of visiting my brother, Majd Ziada, in Israeli prisons, I had two encounters with Kareem Younis. The first was about 3 years ago.

We spoke briefly, and I remember his sharp, firm words. “We are optimistic,” he had said.

I didn’t understand at the time how he could find the strength to say this, confined as he was in a collective isolation cell at Hadarim prison. I remember not being able to respond, other than to pray for his release.

Resistance in steadfastness

The second encounter was about a year ago. I had managed to receive answers from him about questions I had sent him after our first meeting. I wanted to ask him about “sumud” (Arabic for “steadfastness”) in the context of life in prison.

Sumud has been an instrumental concept in the history of the Palestinian struggle for liberation. Under the rule of the Israeli “Military Government,” it meant remaining steadfast on your land in the face of ethnic cleansing. In Israeli prison interrogations, it meant finding the strength to endure the torture of the Israeli Shin Bet. But less is known about what it means to be steadfast in the daily life of prison existence.

For Younis, sumud inside prison emerges from the belief in a cause. It is nourished when the prisoner understands that he is not a criminal, but a political prisoner who is in constant battle with the occupier. For resistance fighters, the battle with the colonizer doesn’t end when you have been captured and sent to prison. In fact, that’s when a new fight begins. From then on, the prisoner challenges all methods of surveillance and control employed by the Israeli prison authorities, which are designed to defeat him and plant despair in his heart.

In Israeli prisons, the settler colonial system attempts to dominate prisoners through surveillance, torture, and control. The Israeli Prison Service (IPS) uses the principle of punishment and torture to erode the will of the detainees, either through physical punishment or psychological torture. All this is to break the prisoners from within.

The response of prisoners is to direct their personal and collective values to sustain stoicism, resilience, and resistance in the face of the prison system and its military machine. Younis described it as being “in a state of constant struggle with the prison administration.”

“We rejected all attempts to tame and subjugate us,” he told me. “And we succeeded in putting an end to all these attempts through our unity and collective solidarity.”

Prison life in stages


Political detainees endure a set of punitive measures after they are arrested. The first is the interrogation period, which may last anywhere from several hours to days — sometimes even months. During this period, they are subjected to a variety of torture methods, both physical and psychological.

After the investigation is concluded, the prisoners find themselves released into the general prison population. Within the confines of those cells and military-patrolled walls, prisoners establish their own society, completely cut off from their previous lives, and isolated from the society they used to inhabit.

The prisoner community embraces the new prisoners coming in from the interrogation cells, providing them with the support they need to endure their new lives in prison. They give them clothes, share their belongings with them — but more importantly, they support them in their battle with the Israeli prison system.

The way that Palestinian prisoners do that is to act collectively, seeking to transcend the pressures exerted on them through social solidarity.

Rule number one that the prison community sets is simple: you do not deal with the jailers or the prison administration individually. We only address them as a collective.

“We created frameworks that formalized our communication with the [prison administration],” Younis explained. “This prevented jailers from dealing with us on an individual basis.”

Now, prisoners elect their own representatives to interact with, negotiate with — and sometimes, do battle with — the prison system, all to achieve prisoner demands.

More importantly, they fashion an entire life in prison that is based on an antagonism with the prison authorities. Younis describes it almost as a way of life:

“In recent years, the means of surveillance and control in prisons have evolved, as cameras are spread everywhere and in every corner inside the prisons — to eavesdrop, observe, and study the behavior of the prisoners. They listen to our conversations, search for our weaknesses and contradictions. Under conditions like these, prisoners have learned how to act without being seen, how to talk without a whisper. And they were up to the challenge. They created for themselves a life full of struggle, one where they read, learned, and taught what they knew.”

Battling the mundane

Throughout the years spent in prison, prisoners are forced to live within a tight system that aims to strip the meaning and value from their lives. It does so by controlling their everyday routine, down to the most mundane details.

First thing in the morning, the prison guards do a security check and a headcount. Later, they determine what the prisoners can or cannot eat, the amount of food they are allowed to consume, who can visit them from their close family members, and who will be deprived of visitation.

In the face of these conditions, prisoners create an alternative system. They create a program parallel to the temporality of the prison system. They set a schedule for practicing sports, reading, and education, and they organize cultural and recreational events.

Ultimately, the essence of the struggle between prisoners and the prison system is centered around time — as the prison aims to empty the value of the time the prisoners spend, the prisoners therefore struggle to give purpose to those years. They end up creating their own temporal universe, one with rules and schedules organized in parallel around the system of control that is imposed on them.

Before my brother Majd was released from prison this year, he lived with Younis in the same prison. He described Younis’s routine: after the first headcount at 6:00 a.m., Younis begins his day by practicing sports. Then he carries out his daily ritual of reading the newspaper. Later, he walks in the prison yard, watches the Hebrew-language news, and then participates in the social and educational activities organized by the prisoners.

These ways of taking control of your time within the prison — of creating parallel time — encapsulates the meaning of everyday sumud. It is also expressed in the continuation of education after imprisonment, in spite of the prison administration’s constant attempts to impede prisoner education by confiscating books and implementing punitive measures that hinder their learning process. As for Kareem, he obtained his BA and MA degrees in prison. He taught BA student prisoners in Hadarim, delivered lectures on Zionist ideology, and was in charge of the prisoners’ education system while he was at al-Naqab prison.

Steadfastness in mourning

KAREEM YOUNIS WITH HIS MOTHER. (PHOTO: WAFA/TWITTER)

All these forms of sumud allow prisoners to reclaim control over their time and their future. But often prisoners must also engage in open confrontation with the prison authorities. My brother told me that, in 2017, Kareem joined the prisoners’ mass hunger strike demanding family visitation, and the prison administration attempted to persuade him into breaking the strike by alluding that he, as an Israeli citizen, was not deprived of visitation like the rest of them.

Of course, Kareem’s stance would not waver. He continued his hunger strike, which lasted for 43 days, even though prisoners of his age were not expected to participate in the strike. This is where sumud means enduring the pain that comes with struggle.

It also means enduring the consecutive traumas to which you have been exposed throughout your years of imprisonment. Younis lost his father in 2013 after 30 years into his sentence. He also lost his mother earlier this year, just a few months before he is due to finish his 40-year imprisonment. Younis could not see his father or mother before their passing, and he couldn’t participate in their funerals — even though Israeli prisoners have the right to participate in their family’s funerals. Perhaps it is in those times that stoicism and resilience are most needed.

Sidqi Almaqt, a former prisoner from the occupied Golan Heights, spent 32 years in Israeli prisons. He also lost his mother while he was in prison in 2019. When I met with Almaqt, he elaborated on what sumud means when you endure the pain of loss:

“Not for a moment did I feel that personal grief and pain contradict steadfastness. The cruelest feeling a person can experience is the loss of his mother, it is the pinnacle of pain. I faced this experience with all its cruelty and grief while I was in prison. I left my mother without saying goodbye, without kissing her, without participating in her funeral. But not for a moment did I feel that this pain weakened my steadfastness. If I feel personal grief, it does not mean that my steadfastness or confidence in the cause and its principles are eroded.”

Almaqt reminds us that steadfastness does not mean the absence of pain, or the dissipation of grief. It means that in spite of it all, you still have the will to hold onto your values.

But prisoners are not made to suffer alone in such times. The grief is felt collectively, and the prisoners support one another whenever one of them suffers a loss. They organize mourning ceremonies inside the prison, and offer their comrades condolences and support.

Kareem Younis will soon leave his comrades and his family in prison. Within a few days, he will be free, and will be welcomed by those that remain of his small family. His much larger family of comrades on the other side of the prison walls will embrace him before he leaves and bid him farewell — some of them forever.

And the prisoners will continue maintaining their steadfastness. They will continue to be still, all the while feeling pain, until the day they are free.

When that day comes, all of us will be free.
Top Treasury official sacked by Liz Truss gets UK public service award

Tom Scholar awarded by the UK government for his exemplary service just months after he lost his job
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Tom Scholar served as permanent secretary in the Treasury from 2016 until September 2022 | UK Government

BY SEBASTIAN WHALE
DECEMBER 30, 2022 

LONDON — Tom Scholar, a casualty of ex-Prime Minister Liz Truss’ efforts to do away with years of economic “orthodoxy” at the U.K. Treasury, has been given an award in the country’s new year’s honors list.

Scholar, who served as permanent secretary in the Treasury from 2016 until September 2022 when he was swiftly dumped by Truss’ Chancellor Kwasi Kwarteng, has been given a so-called “Knights Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath,” an award given to members of the U.K. military or civil service for exemplary service.

Scholar’s sacking just two days after Truss became prime minister was seen as symbolic of her radical approach to economic policy and was criticized in some quarters for depriving the Treasury of institutional memory.

Former Chancellor Kwasi Kwarteng’s subsequent so-called "mini-budget," during which he unveiled large tax cuts without explaining how they would be paid for, triggered turmoil in the markets. Truss resigned just 44 days after entering Downing Street.

Other notable names in the new year’s honors list include Labour MP Chris Bryant, a prominent campaigning backbencher and select committee chairman who has been a frequent critic of former Prime Minister Boris Johnson. Bryant has been given a knighthood for political and public service. COP26 President Alok Sharma has also been awarded a knighthood, as has former head of the U.K. civil service Mark Sedwill.

Also knighted for political and public service is Conservative MP Julian Lewis, who was kicked out of the party in July 2020 after successfully running for a top parliamentary scrutiny body, beating the government’s preferred candidate in the process. He was readmitted six months later.

John Benger, the most senior official in the House of Commons, becomes a Knights Commander of the Order of the Bath, while Conservative MPs Andrew Stephenson and Helen Grant also receive honors.

Two former aides to the Duke and Duchess of Sussex, Prince Harry and Meghan Markle, were also honored. Jason Knauf has been made a Lieutenant of the Royal Victorian Order (RVO), while Sara Latham, who also previously advised Presidents Clinton and Obama and Hillary Clinton's presidential campaign, was given a Lieutenant of the Victorian Order (LVO).

Analysts: As 2023 ASEAN chair, Indonesia must dial up pressure on Myanmar junta

Tria Dianti and Pizaro Gozali Idrus for BenarNews
2022.12.30


Analysts: As 2023 ASEAN chair, Indonesia must dial up pressure on Myanmar juntaCambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen (left) hands the gavel of the ASEAN chairmanship to Indonesian President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo at the closing ceremony of the 40th and 41st Association of Southeast Asian Nations’ Summits in Phnom Penh, Nov. 13, 2022.
Tang Chhin Sothy/AFP

Much is expected from next year’s ASEAN chair Indonesia, especially in resolving the post-coup crisis in Myanmar, but analysts say that little will change unless Jakarta spearheads a hardline stance against the Burmese junta.

Navigating geopolitical rivalries between superpowers will pose another challenge, say analysts. Some predict that Indonesia will likely focus its 2023 chairmanship on regional connectivity, economic recovery, and preventing the Association of Southeast Asian Nations from being used as a pawn in the U.S.-China tug-of-war.

Last month, Indonesian President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo said that the situation in Myanmar should not define the regional bloc. But how ASEAN deals with the issue will show whether it is an effective regional institution and problem solver, said Shofwan Al Banna Choiruzzad, an international relations lecturer at the University of Indonesia.

“ASEAN is still clinging to the five-point consensus. It needs to be more aggressive in pushing for conflict resolution, such as temporarily freezing Myanmar’s membership if the violence continues,” he told BenarNews.

The Myanmar junta “agreed to” a five-point consensus with ASEAN in April 2021, more than two months after the Burmese generals toppled an elected government. The aim was to restore peace and democracy to Myanmar.

However that country has since descended into a bloody civil conflict, with many analysts saying the violence only increased in the second half of 2022. Nearly 2,700 people have been killed and close to 17,000 have been arrested in Myanmar, according to the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners.

Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, the coup leader, has reneged on almost every point of the consensus. Still, Myanmar remains a member of ASEAN and all the bloc has done is to exclude any representative from the Myanmar junta from its official meetings.

Indonesia, as the ASEAN chair, needs to be more assertive in dealing with the junta after nearly two years of zero progress, said Yose Rizal Damuri, executive director at the Jakarta-based Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS).

“All this time ASEAN has been restricted to the non-interference principle, therefore ASEAN must have a clearer proposal, whether that means putting more pressure on Myanmar … or, if necessary, expel Myanmar from ASEAN,” he told BenarNews.

He was referring to one of the bloc’s core operating principles: that member-states do not interfere in each other’s domestic affairs.

Analysts may be indulging in some wishful thinking when talking about ASEAN expelling Myanmar.

The 10-member bloc also famously operates by consensus. And critics have said that close ties between some of ASEAN’s more authoritarian member-states and Myanmar’s military have prevented stronger action.

Just this month, the Thai government hosted a meeting on the Myanmar crisis that included the Burmese junta’s foreign minister. Analysts saw this as a deliberate attempt to deepen a schism within ASEAN between its more authoritarian governments and its more democratic ones.

Those members opposed to the Burmese junta – Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines and Singapore – were notably absent from the Bangkok meeting.

8b3fae61-5c31-46db-aebe-150301b8577b.jpeg
Indonesia President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo is seen on a screen delivering his speech during the G-20 finance ministers and central bank governors meeting at the Jakarta Convention Center, Feb. 17, 2022. [Pool via Reuters]

As Southeast Asia’s largest nation and the world’s third-largest democracy, Indonesia can be a strong leader of ASEAN, according to Abdul Ghafur Hamid, a law professor at the International Islamic University Malaysia.

President Jokowi is taking the helm of the 10-member bloc after having served this past year as president of the Group of Twenty, which was divided over Russia’s invasion and war in Ukraine.

“[I]ndonesia was once under military rule and successfully transitioned to a democratic state,” he wrote in an opinion piece in the Jakarta Post on Thursday.

“Indonesia’s vast experience with this strategic transition will definitely help President Jokowi and the new Indonesian special envoy for Myanmar to be able to overcome the challenges ahead.”

Indonesia’s chairmanship could lead to Myanmar being persuaded to hold an election next year, like the junta promised, said Andi Widjajanto, the governor of the National Resilience Institute, a government agency.

In September, Min Aung Hlaing had indicated in an interview to Russian news agency RIA that the proposed August 2023 election may be delayed, Thai news site The Irrawaddy reported.

Of course, there is the question of the legitimacy of junta-held elections. Many believe they will be a sham, much like the reason given for justifying the coup – that the November 2020 polls were rigged.

Besides, “how many times do they have to hold elections to become a mature democracy?” Andi told BenarNews.

Jokowi and Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi are well aware of the challenges that Indonesia faces as ASEAN chair.

“We will hold the chairmanship in the midst of a global situation that is not getting any better. And at home, the situation in Myanmar has posed its own challenge for ASEAN,” Retno told reporters last month.

“For this reason, Indonesia wants to make ASEAN remain important and relevant – ASEAN matters,” Retno said.

78e587f7-f474-4d37-a035-99dfeb08972d.jpeg
Indonesian Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi addresses the 77th Session of the United Nations General Assembly at U.N. Headquarters in New York, Sept. 26, 2022. [Eduardo Munoz/Reuters]

ASEAN ‘will not be a proxy (for) any powers’

Meanwhile, another “formidable challenge” to Indonesia’s chairmanship of ASEAN is that Southeast Asia has become a theater for the rivalry between the United States and China, said analyst Shofwan of the University of Indonesia.

“Managing and maintaining ASEAN centrality in the region will be critical to managing these tensions,” he said.

The tensions go beyond a competition between the superpowers for influence in Southeast Asia.

Five ASEAN countries – Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines and Vietnam – have territorial claims or maritime boundaries in the South China Sea that overlap with China’s sweeping claims. While Indonesia does not regard itself as a party to the South China Sea dispute, Beijing claims historic rights to parts of that sea overlapping Indonesia's exclusive economic zone.

ASEAN and China have been negotiating a code for years but without success.

Indonesia’s chairmanship may try to focus on regional connectivity to avoid falling into the pit of great-power competition, Teesta Prakash and Gatra Priyandita, analysts at the Australian Strategic Policy Institute (ASPI), wrote on the think-tank’s website last week.

“Indonesia is aware that a unified ASEAN bloc, and indeed a cohesive Southeast Asia, would be the best deterrent against an assertive rising China, and that will be its single most important challenge – to bring cohesion to the region, economically as well as strategically,” they wrote.

“Its success will be measured by how it bridges the strategic and economic dissonance in 2023.”

They also wrote that Timor-Leste’s imminent inclusion as ASEAN’s eleventh member is “driven by the strategic vision that no country in Southeast Asia should fall under any one power’s influence.”

The tiny nation of 1.3 million people, formerly known as East Timor, voted to break away from Indonesian rule in 1999, 24 years after the Indonesian forces invaded and occupied the former Portuguese colony.

Timor Leste is expected to become ASEAN’s 11th member next year at a yet-unspecified date. Some analysts say that Timor-Leste’s alleged closeness to China is a cause of concern for Western allies in the Indo-Pacific, such as Australia.

“Given the potential for Timor-Leste to fall under China’s economic influence, its inclusion in ASEAN could ensure that it diversifies its economy and integrates with the region, lessening its dependence on China,” the ASPI article said.

Jokowi and his foreign minister have emphasized that ASEAN cannot be a pawn in what minister Retno, during a speech before the U.N. General Assembly in September, called a “new Cold War.”

Speaking after being handed the ceremonial ASEAN chairmanship gavel by Cambodia last month, Jokowi said: “ASEAN must become a peaceful region and anchor for global stability, consistently uphold international law and not be a proxy (for) any powers.”

Climate of fear engulfs Vietnam’s mainstream media

Author: Dien Luong, ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute

A fear-cloaked dynamic has increasingly percolated Vietnam’s information environment, in both cyberspace and the mainstream media.

Journalists attend a press conference of 13th national congress of the ruling Communist Party of Vietnam in Hanoi on 22 January 2021. (Photo: Kham/Reuters)

A decree guiding the controversial Cybersecurity Law, which took effect in October 2022, looks to further empower Vietnamese authorities to censor online content they disfavour and bolster the state’s digital surveillance capacity. This regulatory move is just one of the latest in a spate of laws and regulations that reflect Hanoi’s attempt to exert ever-tighter controls over the digital space.

The heyday of Vietnam’s critical journalism in the 2000s was short-lived. In 2008, an unprecedented state-sanctioned crackdown on the press led to the arrest of two Vietnamese investigative journalists and the dismissal of the editors-in-chief of Tuoi Tre and Thanh Nien — the two most influential newspapers.

The authorities never clearly articulated their rationale for the crackdown, but it was likely because mainstream media crossed a line in its coverage of corruption. As the authorities lack the wherewithal to punish every single transgressor, their strategy of choice has been to kill the chicken to scare the monkey — a tactic that seems to be working.

The 2008 crackdown has sparked fear in Vietnamese newsrooms, inducing news uniformity and self-censorship. The editorial line of mainstream media has revolved chiefly around amplifying official sources and state-sanctioned narratives. Coverage of governance malfeasance and corruption at the central level has been dictated by political consensus and elite framing of the Vietnamese party-state.

Vietnamese authorities have repeatedly urged the mainstream media to embrace digital technology. But the facade of innovation in Vietnam’s media landscape and the blossoming of news outlets run by private tech companies should not be interpreted as a bellwether for a more independent press.

All press agencies in Vietnam, including those run by private tech companies, must be placed under the remit of the party-state. Being subject to market pressures while also at the behest of Vietnamese propaganda officials, there are no signs that those tech companies will venture into editorial independence.

Vietnamese authorities have also appeared increasingly emboldened to dangle the threat of withdrawing the license of any news outlet that they consider to have strayed from the party line. Nowhere is this strategy more manifest than in state-led efforts to increase and centralise state control over the media by axing or merging hundreds of press organisations. Hanoi aims to slash around 180 press organisations across the country by 2025.

The authorities have justified this move as essential to the revamping of the bloated bureaucracy and overlapping ownership that have plagued the news industry. While the plan is legitimate to some extent, its critics have lamented that authorities are using it as a smokescreen to crack down on news outlets perceived to be straying from the party line.

Such strong controls epitomise how the Vietnamese party-state has sought to engineer a superficial openness to camouflage a tighter grip on public discourse in both the mainstream press and cyberspace. But the move to control the official narrative on all fronts is likely to come back to bite Vietnamese authorities.

The intensification of news uniformity could further nudge an already disenchanted public towards alternative sources of information, that, while welcome, are not uniformly reliable. Too much reliance on these sources, exacerbated by the lack of trust in official narratives, could leave the public primed to believe any criticism of the Vietnamese government, even if such criticism is not well substantiated.

To aggravate the problem, in an era of swelling social media, the Vietnamese public is all the more vulnerable to a deluge of fake news, disinformation and propaganda. That dynamic could fuel and perpetuate a vicious cycle — the more people are exposed to fake news, the more they lose trust in the mainstream media and its narratives. This would fly in the face of fanfare government rhetoric about stemming the onslaught of fake news and misinformation.

If the government means to walk the talk on curbing misinformation, it has to begin with empowering the mainstream media to produce more critical, objective and relatable journalism, instead of making it churn out uniform coverage.

A more critical and robust press will not necessarily translate into any intent to undermine the Communist Party’s leadership. Rather it plays a crucial role in improving effective policymaking — bolstering the country’s ability to tackle rampant corruption and boosting incentives to reform the economy — all of which would fortify the regime’s legitimacy.

While social media has become an incubator of fake news and misinformation, sanitising it altogether is likely to cost the Vietnamese government a useful online feedback loop.

If the authorities view popular discontent as a source of instability, shutting down all venues for the public to air their grievances may be a source of instability as well. As the political scientist Martin Dimitrov pointed out — any regime should be on edge when its people stop bringing forward their complaints, as it is evident of public disregard for that state’s legitimacy.

Dien Luong is visiting fellow at the ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, Singapore.

This piece is an abridged version of two articles, originally published in Fulcrum and ISEAS Perspective.

Brazilians remember Pelé for the 'sense of identity' he gave them

December 30, 2022
THE ASSOCIATED PRESS




Antonio da Paz (left) and Renato Souza stand in front of the Albert Einstein Hospital holding memorabilia honoring Brazilian soccer star Pelé, in Sao Paulo on Friday.Marcelo Chello/AP

Bocaina de Minas, BRAZIL — Down a dirt road in the mountains of Minas Gerais, Pelé's home state, Jorge Tavares received the news of the star's death from a 4 a.m. newscast.

As a boy, Tavares and his cousins listened to Pelé's World Cup games on the radio. His dazzling performance inspired them to play a game they had never seen, at first using a ball of socks and string.

OBITUARIES
Pelé, who made soccer 'The Beautiful Game,' dies at 82

"He leaves a legacy, a person of color who was crowned king of soccer, and he also brought a lot of peace outside Brazil," Tavares, a 67-year-old school-van driver, said at the barbed-wire fence outside his home. "He represented Brazil to everyone abroad."

With Pelé's death, Brazilians have lost a piece of their hearts.

On Rio de Janeiro's Ipanema beach, the news broke when Paulo Vinicius was playing soccer with his 9-year-old nephew.

"Pelé represents the best of Brazil: its people, its working class," said Vinicius, 38, a physical-education instructor. "Pelé gives a sense of identity to the Brazilian people."



A girl walks among a floral arrangement for the late Brazilian soccer star Pelé at the City Hall in Santos, Brazil, on Friday.Matias Delacroix/AP

Roseli Augusto, 55, was at her little bar in the mountains of Minas Gerais when she heard the news.

"Pelé is an idol, the best player in the world," said Augusto. She recalls her father taking a bus to the coastal city of Santos to watch Pelé play. "Many kids, many players, were inspired by him. He is our biggest sports idol."

As a girl, Lucia Cunha listened to Pelé's World Cup exploits while huddled around a radio with her siblings. She read about him in newspapers used to wrap bread.



PARALLELS
For Brazil's Soccer Stars, Careers Often Begin On Makeshift Fields

"He was a symbol of soccer, a great player, a simple, humble person, a person of God, a good person, who did everything that he could," Cunha said.

In Santos, Nicolas Oliveira, 18, was outside the stadium along with about 200 other people. Oliveira said that even replays of Pelé's sensational playing make him swell with emotion.

"Pelé is a Black man from the interior of Minas Gerais state," Oliveira said. "I'm here because of what he did, for the soccer he played, for the soccer he improved and for the future players he helped mold and inspire."


FIFA WORLD CUP 2022
Brazil's soccer star Vinícius Júnior wants to give back to schools in his hometown

Everton Luz, a 41-year-old lawyer, was crying outside the hospital with a Santos club flag wrapped around him. He had come directly from work to pay tribute to the player whose performances had electrified his own dad, and prompted decades of stories.

Luz recounts those stories to his own two children, and shows them videos of the idol. He recalled seeing Pelé in person once, watching a game at a stadium.

"We managed to get close to his box, and he waved goodbye," Luz said. "He was an example of the Brazilian, of what we could become."

A man walks his dog past a mural of Brazilian soccer stars Pelé (left) and Garrincha in Rio de Janerio on Friday.Bruna Prado/AP

Christmas in Israel
Culture war over the Christian holiday

Christmas is becoming increasingly popular among secular Israelis. It spreads a festive atmosphere that promotes understanding between people of different faiths. Orthodox Jews, however, view the holiday as a threat. By Joseph Croitoru

Setting the tone is the major supermarket chain Tiv Taam (Good Taste), which reports that sales of Christmas goods have increased almost every year. Customers are particularly keen on purchasing Christmas trees, which in Israel are usually artificial products made of brightly coloured plastic.

The rising popularity of the Christian festival of lights is also evident from the growing number of Christmas markets in Israel. More and more markets have opened in recent years in Arab-Christian towns, especially in Galilee. Thanks to an upswing in the number of Jewish visitors, they are often overcrowded.

When Israelis were unable to travel abroad during the COVID-19 pandemic, the town of Nazareth even felt compelled to extend the Christmas season to fifty days to cater to the crowds.

The Christmas atmosphere helps promote a feeling of understanding in both Arab and mixed Jewish-Arab towns and cities. Efforts are now being made to combine the Jewish Hanukkah festival with Christmas under the new Hebrew portmanteau "Chanuchristmas" not only in mixed Jewish-Arab towns and cities, but also this year in Haifa, Jaffa and the city of Acre, a centre of the medieval Crusades.

Indeed Christmas markets and related events have long been marketed as "Chanuchristmas" events in quite a few predominantly Jewish cities and at universities.


"The rising popularity of the Christian festival of lights is also evident from
 the growing number of Christmas markets in Israel. More and more markets
 have opened in recent years in Arab-Christian towns, especially in Galilee," writes Joseph Croitoru

Criticism of "Chanuchristmas"

From religious quarters, however, the new secular "cult" of "Chanuchristmas" is coming under serious fire for blurring the "Jewish identity". Although the secular camp has become inured to such criticism, this year the mood of Christmas cheer among liberal Israelis has been dimmed by growing concerns about the incoming, strongly right-wing new Netanyahu government. Fears are that the country's cultural diversity will be threatened by policies aimed at limiting its culture and identity to what is Jewish.

An appeal by Anat Kamm, an editor at the liberal left-wing Israeli newspaper Haaretz, recently made waves. She called on Israelis to celebrate Christmas and demonstratively put up Christmas trees on their balconies and terraces as a symbol of protest and "civil uprising" against the country's renewed political shift to the right.

However, her appeal was not applauded everywhere, even in secular circles. Orly Noy, chair of the board of the prominent Israeli human rights organisation B'tselem, accused Kamm of indulging in "commercialised kitsch", saying she should display a Palestinian flag on her balcony rather than a Christmas tree. 

In the right-wing media, Kamm's appeal was cast as part of a development that is corroding the country's Jewish culture. Very recently, there was an outcry in the Hebrew-language Twitter community when a female member of the ultra-nationalist Israeli organisation Im Tirzu posted a complaint about a branch of the supermarket chain Tiv Taam.


Sweet treat at the centre of a culture row: very recently, a member of the
 ultra-nationalist Israeli organisation Im Tirzu caused an outcry on Twitter when she 
complained that a supermarket chain had a prominent display of Christmas good while
 "Sufganiyot" (filled doughnuts that are eaten during Hanukkah) were relegated to a corner

Christmas items or Hanukkah baked goods?

She had been angered by how the shop displayed a broad assortment of Christmas articles in its entrance area, while only a few sufganiyot (doughnuts with various fillings which are eaten during Hanukkah) were on offer in a small corner. Tiv Taam responded to the criticism with a campaign of full-page ads (in Haaretz, for example), wishing the public a "Happy Chanuchristmas". 

Another right-wing activist, this time from an NGO that agitates against "illegal immigration", expressed outrage that the Tel Aviv-Jaffa city administration was offering "Chanuchristmas city tours". "I just want to remind people," she wrote on Twitter, "that for generations Jews were persecuted, abused, murdered and massacred in the name of the man whose birth the Tel Aviv city fathers are now celebrating under the sycophantic label 'Chanuchristmas'."

But Tel Aviv-Jaffa, which has held an increasingly well-frequented Christmas market under the "Chanucristmas" label for the past five years, was not daunted by these reactions. The city administration parried the fierce attacks posted on its Facebook page, where it was accused of heretical and unpatriotic behaviour, with the statement: "Tel Aviv-Jaffa is home to Jews and Christians, and we celebrate the holidays of different religions with the conviction that all have their place – this is what pluralism looks like."

"Right-wing populist fear-mongering" over a Christmas tree

The dispute over the enthusiasm for Christmas among the secular population also reached the Knesset, Israel's parliament, this year. It all began with criticism voiced by Yinon Magal, a radio journalist who is popular in right-wing nationalist and religious circles, that a Christmas tree but no hanukkiah (Hanukkah candelabrum) had been set up in the entrance hall of the Faculty of Law at the Hebrew University in Jerusalem.

Outgoing Deputy Foreign Minister Idan Roll of the liberal "There Is a Future" party felt compelled to respond to the criticism in a speech before the Knesset. He said that the outcry by right-wing populist fear-mongers over a Christmas tree was an expression of an exaggerated Diaspora mentality that had long been out of place in a consolidated Jewish democratic state like Israel. Those who are secure in their faith, he went on, cannot be scared or put on the defensive by a Christmas tree.

"On the contrary," the deputy minister appealed, "go out and have a look at the Christmas celebrations, which are beautiful and colourful. And it can only be a good thing to learn about and respect other religions." Roll posted his speech on Twitter, setting off a storm of mostly hateful comments. They raise fears that the dispute over Christmas could mushroom into a full-blown culture war under the incoming government. 

Joseph Croitoru

© Qantara.de 2022

Translated from the German by Jennifer Taylor