Friday, June 21, 2024

PRISON NATION U$A

Prison brawl triggered injury, worker's comp payments and now calls for an investigation into Connecticut state senator


Christopher Keating, Hartford Courant on Jun 21, 2024



HARTFORD, Conn. — It all started with a fight in prison.

Paul Cicarella was working in December 2008 as a prison guard at the Hartford Correctional Center, about 10 minutes away from the State Capitol.

A brawl broke out among two unruly inmates, and seven correctional officers — with Cicarella first on the scene — jumped in to break up the fight. During the scuffle, Cicarella slipped on a wet floor and fell to the ground. That night turned out to be his final shift on the job as he was injured and never returned to work as a correction officer.

The incident also started a nearly 16-year odyssey that continues to this day as Cicarella has navigated worker’s compensation payments and a lifelong state disability pension.

Soon after becoming a Republican state senator in 2021, Cicarella received $412,000 in 2022, making him the top-paid Connecticut state employee for pensions. The total included retroactive payments for years when his payments stopped because the Medical Examining Board said he was not permanently disabled.

Now, Democrats are calling for an investigation into Cicarella’s receipt of payments after questions were raised by Hearst Connecticut Media that he received $123,000 in workers’ compensation payments over 4 1/2 years at a time when he had other employment: a job as a high school wrestling coach, his business as a private investigator, and co-ownership of a three-family home that he bought with his father and still owns.

But Cicarella says he did nothing wrong. He showed portions of his federal tax returns to the Hartford Courant that showed he lost $8,865 from his private investigation business in 2011, gained $425 from both the multifamily home and private business in 2012 and lost $14,412 combined between the multifamily home and the business in 2013.

He also released an email saying that he received a stipend of less than $5,000 per year during seven years as a wrestling coach at East Haven High School. He released a second email from the athletic director from 2012 that said, “This is primarily an administrative position, as Coach Cicarella is unable to participate in contact activities due to a back injury sustained while working as a correctional officer. … To the best of my knowledge, Paul never wrestles with the students.”

Cicarella, 40, strongly maintains his innocence and says he will be proven correct.

“The simplest way to say it is I did nothing wrong. Nothing,” Cicarella told the Courant in an interview. “I disclosed everything that was going on in my life to whoever I was talking to at the time. No one told me to do anything different. … From the facts I see in front of me, I did nothing wrong at all.”

But longtime state Democratic Party chairwoman Nancy DiNardo has called for an investigation into Cicarella’s payments, saying that they raise questions.

“Worker’s compensation is intended to replace income for people injured on the job who cannot work, not to provide additional income for people who can continue to earn a living,” DiNardo said.

She added, “If the facts outlined in the June 12 CT Insider story are accurate, Senator Cicarella’s activity should be investigated further. Public servants who violate the public trust are not above the law.”

The North Haven Democratic Town Committee is also calling for a criminal investigation

“The integrity of our public officials is paramount,” said Lori Mansur, the town committee’s chairwoman. “These revelations suggest a clear violation of the law and a breach of public trust. We urge State’s Attorney (John) Doyle to conduct a thorough investigation into Senator Cicarella’s actions.”

With less than five months before Election Day, Cicarella said he expects the issue will be raised during the upcoming campaign in the 34th Senate district, which covers his hometown of North Haven, along with East Haven, Durham, North Branford, and Wallingford.

“I have nothing to hide,” he said. “I don’t know what there would be to investigate.”

Cicarella is running against Brandi Mandato, a Democrat who describes herself as the oldest of eight children who has more than 20 years of experience in workforce and economic development. While she has never run for office and did not have longtime political aspirations, she is a co-founder of North Haven Pride and has pushed for abortion rights, alleviating poverty, improving health care, and ending mass incarceration. She said she will be talking about the issues, and local voters will decide about Cicarella’s situation.

“I think that the public will make a decision based on who they want representing them in Hartford, and I have a record of fighting for more than 20 years for workers and learners outside of politics, and so I hope that is the reason that folks make a decision about voting for me in November,” Mandato told the Courant. “At the same time, the public deserves transparency into how our elected officials are using their public office, and they have a right to demand that that office be used to serve the people of district 34 and the people of Connecticut. If our systems are broken, they need to be investigated and reformed.”

Regarding the political race, Cicarella said it is out of his hands.

“I did not hide anything,” Cicarelli said. “I don’t think it will have an effect on my election.”


Car accident

During the long-running controversy with the disability payments, Cicarella was also injured in a three-car traffic accident when his car was hit at an intersection in New Haven in December 2020, 12 years after he was injured in the prison fight. He said he was hit by a stolen car, and police never found the driver. That accident, he said, is not relevant to the workers’ compensation situation and the disability benefits.

In an ongoing civil lawsuit against Safeco Insurance Company, Cicarella says that he struck his head inside his car, and his attorney offered to settle the case last month for $490,000.

The lawsuit lists 25 different medical problems that Cicarella attributes to the accident, including acute head injury, concussion, “permanent partial impairment of his cervical spine,” whiplash injury to his neck, “post-concussion syndrome,” an “invasive” procedure to heal his right big toe, headaches, difficulty sleeping, “acute anxiety reaction” and “great pain to the mind and body.”

Those injuries have led to costs for physical therapy, chiropractic care, orthopedic surgery, MRIs, X-rays, medications and other medical care, according to the lawsuit.

The car accident was another complication in the long-running timeline of Cicarella’s injuries. Following the prison fight, Cicarella’s disability pension payments were cut off in May 2018 by the Medical Examining Board, and then his appeal was rejected again in 2019.

The payments were reinstated in May 2022, after Cicarella became a senator and after the car accident. But he says the reinstatement had nothing to do with his political position and was part of the multiyear odyssey.

Instead of receiving any special treatment as a senator, Cicarella said the situation has worked in reverse and brought increased scrutiny on him that would not otherwise have occurred if he were not a senator.

“I do believe I should be held to the highest standard of accountability — 100%” he said. “I’ve called for transparency and honesty. I’m not above that. I should be held to that equal standard, but an equal standard.”

Scanlon reforms

Gov. Ned Lamont has declined to comment directly on Cicarella’s specific case, saying he is more interested in broadly improving the overall system. As he has on other issues, Lamont turned to state comptroller Sean Scanlon — known for tackling vexing, complicated problems in state government — to look into reforms of the system.

While reforms have been proposed in the past under other leaders, they have gotten caught up in a sticky wicket of state bureaucracy. The complicated system involves multiple players, including the workers’ compensation law judges, state retirement commission, the Department of Administrative Services, and the comptroller’s office, which oversees the disability payments.

“Due to complex case law, labor negotiations, and statute, these reforms have often been difficult to come to a consensus on,” Scanlon’s office said.

In releasing a package of reforms, Scanlon said change is needed “to ensure this system continues to operate efficiently for those that truly need it, while giving our office the tools we need to better detect, investigate, and eliminate potential abuse within the system.”

One of the problems preventing quick action is that Scanlon’s office lacks the authority to make unilateral changes. Instead, officials must first negotiate with the state employee unions to make changes to the current rules.

Scanlon’s reforms, released soon after Cicarella’s case initially became public, include improving the annual survey that recipients of disability payments must complete in order to outline their other income. Since some recipients simply do not respond to the survey, penalties need to be imposed, according to Scanlon’s recommendations. He also wants the authority to start investigations and audits into retiree payments where questions have been raised.

He is also calling for replacing or revising the “suitable and comparable job” standard that is now used, but which Scanlon says is “out-of-line with standards used by other retirement, disability insurance, and workers’ compensation systems.”

Prison fight

While it was nearly 16 years ago, Cicarella clearly remembers the date of Dec. 6, 2008.

He was on duty at the Hartford jail and was the first guard on the scene when the two inmates were fighting in a dormitory setting near the end of the shift.

“It was right after they were mopping, so there was a wet floor sign,” Cicarella recalled. “One inmate started to hit the other inmate with the wet-floor sign. When I went to stop one of the inmates from hitting the other person, they swung it at me. He did not hit me. … We took them into custody. We had to physically restrain them, so we all physically restrained them. After that, I didn’t even realize how bad it was. I just felt a burning in my back. It felt hot. I went to the doctors, and the pain continued to get worse until they realized what it was.”

Noting that there have been much larger and more violent brawls in the prison system, Cicarella described it as a “freak incident” that occurred.

“I don’t know how it happened,” he said. “I don’t know if it was a combination of the wet floor and slipping. I don’t know if it was when I dodged getting hit by the sign. When you’re in there in a situation like that, it’s a lot of things happening at once. In my opinion, it was a freak incident. There was much more serious, gruesome fights in there, but unfortunately, that’s what happened.”

During the interview with the Courant, Cicarella had one attorney with him in a conference room at the state Capitol complex and a second attorney on speaker phone to answer questions about worker’s compensation. Cicarella leaned forward and backward at times during the interview, twisting his body back and forth at times as he sat in a chair.

At that moment in December 2008, Cicarella did not know he would still be talking about it nearly 16 years later.

“We wouldn’t be here if that didn’t happen,” he said. “I didn’t realize this injury was going to take me out of my career forever.”
Bills seek to speed up lawsuits over Camp Lejeune contamination

Mike Magner, CQ-Roll Call on Jun 20, 2024
Published in News & Features


WASHINGTON — Frustrated by the slow pace of more than 1,800 lawsuits filed against the government over harm from decades of contaminated drinking water at Marine Corps Base Camp Lejeune, a bipartisan group in Congress is pushing legislation to try to speed things along.

A bill from Rep. Greg Murphy, R-N.C., with 11 co-sponsors as of Thursday, would broaden the terms of a 2022 law that gave victims of the tainted water the right to sue for damages and would allow plaintiffs to request jury trials despite a February decision by four federal judges in North Carolina that they would hear the cases themselves.

And a bill sponsored by Sen. Thom Tillis, R-N.C., that passed the Senate by unanimous consent on June 4 would offer free services to veterans and attorneys who need “guidance and advice on any disability awards, payments, or benefits” in the Camp Lejeune litigation.

As many as a million people, mostly Marines and family members, were exposed to toxic chemicals in drinking water at the base on the North Carolina coast from the 1950s to the mid-1980s, according to the Department of Defense.

Since the law was enacted in August 2022, giving victims two years to file claims and lawsuits, at least 232,890 administrative claims have been filed with the Navy and more than 1,800 lawsuits have been filed in federal court in North Carolina, according to the Camp Lejeune Claims Center, an advocacy group for veterans exposed to the contamination.

Together the filings seek trillions of dollars in damages, according to the Justice Department, but the claims center says only 58 settlements totaling $14.4 million have been made since September, when the DOJ offered payments of between $100,000 and $550,000 depending on the health effects reported.

The lawsuits, many of which may be seeking higher payouts than what the government offered, are awaiting decisions by the DOJ and plaintiffs’ attorneys on which cases will be heard first.

The lead attorney for plaintiffs in the litigation, Ed Bell of the Bell Legal Group in Georgetown, S.C., said he is hopeful some trials will begin by the end of the year. The lawyers are now selecting 25 bellwether cases, with five for each of the “Tier 1 diseases” established in court proceedings so far: kidney cancer, liver cancer, non-Hodgkin lymphoma, leukemia and bladder cancer, he said.

‘Hallmark’ of the system

A key piece of the House bill is to allow plaintiffs to request jury trials, after the federal judges ruled that Congress did not clearly delineate that right two years ago when it passed the law allowing those harmed by the contamination to file damage claims with the Navy and then lawsuits in federal court if those claims weren’t resolved within six months.

“We have to have at least an ability for veterans, if they wish, to go in front of a jury and tell their story,” Murphy said in an interview. “I think that’s a hallmark of the American judicial system.”

Murphy’s bill would also allow victims to file lawsuits in any of the five states in the jurisdiction of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 4th Circuit — Maryland, Virginia, West Virginia, North Carolina and South Carolina — rather than just in North Carolina’s federal courts as specified in the 2022 law.

It would also set limits on attorneys fees, as the DOJ recommended when it announced the settlement plan last fall: Fees should not exceed 20 percent for administrative claims and 25 percent for lawsuits filed in court.



“As with some of these big bills, sometimes it needs technical corrections,” Murphy said. “This bill helps alleviate some of the heartache that some folks had about attorneys fees, their right to access. I think we’ve been able to work it in a bipartisan manner, and I think it has a good chance of coming through.”

He added that the House bill could be combined with the Senate one. “I’m sure we can work out some agreement where hopefully we can get relief to the veterans,” Murphy said.

Bell said passage of the legislation, particularly the House bill, “would change the dynamics” of the litigation process.

A partner in Bell’s law firm, Eric Flynn, echoed that assessment. “This is the single most important piece of legislation outside of the passage of the 2022 law itself,” Flynn said. “It would give more money to more veterans faster.”

Both Bell and Flynn argued that the government is purposely slowing the process with numerous motions and challenges to plaintiffs’ claims in hopes of reducing its compensation costs as more and more victims of the contamination, many of whom are elderly, die from serious illnesses.

“It seems to me this is a game to them,” Bell said. “They’re trying to find every way they can to interrupt the process and not pay the people. And we have an average of 1.5 to 2 people dying every day in our group. We literally hear about a dozen or so deaths every week.”


He added that most plaintiffs are less concerned about compensation than they are about holding the government accountable. “Most of these Marine families, they want to help others, and they want to have some answer from the government: ‘Why did they do this to us?’” Bell said. “It never has been about the money.”

Asked whether he believes the government is stalling, Murphy said, “I think that’s a valid concern. Hence, we wouldn’t be having to do some of these other things to basically force our own government’s hands.”

He continued: “I can’t speak to motivation. All I can do is speak to the reality that for these veterans, it’s been adjudicated to them that they would have the ability to be compensated for their injuries, and I think our government has been very slow to facilitate that compensation.”

Murphy added that the Defense Department has been downplaying the problems at Camp Lejeune for decades.

“This whole thing started because the Navy basically washed its hands of what was going on with the veterans, which in retrospect was a very big missed opportunity that we could have had to admit wrongdoing and move forward. Instead, it had to drag out longer,” he said. “I sure hope those get adjudicated a lot quicker. It’s not right for our veterans. We’re not doing our veterans any justice by delaying things.”

The post Bills seek to speed up lawsuits over Camp Lejeune contamination appeared first on Roll Call.


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COMMENTS

Declining Fertility Rates Put Prosperity Of Future Generations At Risk

Fertility rates have declined by half in OECD countries over the past 60 years, posing the risk of population decline and serious economic and social challenges for future generations, according to a new OECD report.

The 2024 edition of Society at a Glance shows that the total fertility rate dropped from 3.3 children per woman in 1960 to just 1.5 children per woman in 2022, on average across OECD countries. This is significantly below the “replacement level” of 2.1 children per woman needed to keep population constant in the absence of migration. The total fertility rate is low in Italy and Spain, at 1.2 children per woman in 2022, and lowest in Korea, at an estimated 0.7 children per woman in 2023.

Low fertility rates could lead to population decline starting in the coming decade, with deaths outpacing births for the first time in at least half a century. The number of individuals aged 65 and over for every 100 people of working age is also projected to double from 30 in 2020 to 59 in 2060 across the OECD area. The resulting shrinking working populations could lead to ageing societies that place significant social and economic pressures on governments, notably to increase expenditures on pension and health services.

A second major trend identified in Society at a Glance is later parenthood, with the average age of women giving birth rising from 28.6 in 2000 to 30.9 in 2022. When comparing women born in 1935 and 1975, the percentage of women without a child about doubled in Estonia, Italy, Japan, Lithuania, Poland, Portugal and Spain.

Personal choices of having children are influenced by a range of factors, including economic and social parenting pressures, as well as changing social attitudes, such as the de-stigmatisation of having no children. Multifaceted policy approaches will be needed to assist people’s decision to have children.

“While OECD countries are using a range of policy options to support families, the economic cost and long-term financial uncertainty of having children continue to significantly influence people’s decision to become parents,” Stefano Scarpetta, Director of the OECD’s Employment, Labour and Social Affairs Directorate, said. “Facilitating parenthood decisions requires comprehensive and reliable support to families. This includes affordable housing, family policies that help reconcile work and family life, and coherence with other public policies that promote access to quality jobs and career progression of women.”

Society at a Glance shows that increased housing costs since the mid-2010s have complicated the formation of long-term relationships and families, with an ever-increasing number of young people in their 20s and 30s living with their parents for financial reasons. Access to more affordable housing would make it easier for young individuals to start families.

With the number of dual-earner households growing, better family policies that help reconcile work and family life would help improve fertility. Historically, higher employment rates among women were linked to low fertility, while they are now positively correlated across the OECD on average.

Countries also need to consider how to adapt their policy strategies to a new “low-fertility future”. This includes a proactive approach to migration and integration and facilitating access to employment for under-represented groups. Increasing productivity would also help mitigate the economic and fiscal consequences of a potentially shrinking workforce.

© Scoop Media

How France’s far right changed the debate on immigration

For the first time since its founding, France’s anti-immigration National Rally (RN) party has clawed its way to within arm’s reach of governing. The far-right party’s rise has fundamentally changed France’s immigration debate, dragging besieged President Emmanuel Macron's once-liberal coalition far to the right while bringing together a bloc of left-wing parties united by the desire to give undocumented migrants a pathway to legal work.


A protester holds a paper reading: "Le Pen dreamed of it, Darmanin does it" during a demonstration in front of the Senate in Paris, Monday, November 6, 2023. 
© Michel Euler, AP
Issued on: 20/06/2024 -

Speaking on the island of Sein off Brittany’s coast, whose men famously took to their boats to join the rag-tag Free French forces in neighbouring Britain following General Charles de Gaulle’s call to resist Nazi occupation, French President Emmanuel Macron on Tuesday made his own appeal to the French people. Amid his usual calls to the public to reject the “extremes” of the far-right National Rally (Rassemblement national, or RN) party and the left-wing New Popular Front, the pro-business president let slip a word he’d never said before – at least in public. The New Popular Front (NFP)’s programme, he stressed, was “totally immigrationist”.

“They’re proposing to abolish all the laws that allow us to control immigration,” he said.

Macron is no stranger to the word "immigrationist" – it’s been spat at him and other liberal or left-wing politicians many times over the years by figures from France’s far-right nativist movements, including then-National Front co-founder and convicted anti-Semite Jean-Marie Le Pen. The word itself implies conspiracy: a supposed political plot to open France’s borders to an “invasion” of migrants bent on out-breeding France’s white Gallic majority. Now, it seems, Macron is launching those same accusations to his left.

The RN’s unprecedented success in this month’s European elections, which pushed Macron to call snap legislative elections at home on June 30 and July 7, has been a stark reminder of how central immigration has become to Europe’s political debates since the 2015 refugee crisis. Uprooted by worsening wars in Syria, Afghanistan and Iraq, hundreds of thousands of migrants and asylum seekers sought new lives in Europe, their arrival causing chaos across the continent as governments scrambled to coordinate a response.

Read moreEU parliament adopts stricter migration rules in landmark asylum reform

Ariadna Ripoll Servent, professor for politics of the European Union at University of Salzburg’s Salzburg Centre of European Union Studies, said that the refugee crisis had allowed far-right responses to migration to find increasing support across the EU, including among mainstream parties such as former French president Nicolas Sarkozy’s conservative Les Républicains.

“[One of the repercussions] has been a legitimation of their nativist views, which has often been used by mainstream political parties, especially in the centre-right of the political spectrum,” she said. “This was particularly visible among French MEPs from Les Républicains, who copied the same ideas and messages as Rassemblement National in the European Parliament. Many of the changes they proposed to [last year’s] EU Migration Pact were almost identical to those proposed by Rassemblement National and other nativist parties.”

Marta Lorimer, lecturer in politics at Cardiff University, said that the far right’s resurgence in Europe had not happened overnight.

“The RN’s success in the EU elections shows both how able the party has been to win the loyalty of a strong core of voters – and win over new ones – and how normalised the far right has become,” she said. “We have already seen more and more far right parties form in the EU and become more successful. We have also seen mainstream parties copy their policies.”
Blood or soil

In 2022, immigrants made up just over 10 percent of France’s population, with a little over a third having already obtained French nationality. Interior Minister Gérald Darmanin said in November 2021 that between 600,000 and 700,000 undocumented migrants were living in France – potentially half as many, he stressed, as in the neighbouring UK.

Unsurprisingly for a party that has painted what it calls “uncontrolled immigration” as a relentless assault on French culture, identity and heritage since its co-founding by a former member of the Waffen-SS, Marine Le Pen’s National Rally has had a great deal to say on the subject of foreigners in France over the years.

Although current RN president and prime ministerial candidate Jordan Bardella has yet to fully articulate his party’s policies, the RN’s policy objectives on immigration have remained largely unchanged since the days of Le Pen senior's National Front. During the 2022 presidential elections, the party proposed big changes to France’s immigration system to fight against what the RN describes as a flood of migration that threatens to submerge the nation.

Perhaps the most drastic of these measures would be the abolition of France’s “droit de sol”, or ius soli, which automatically grants French nationality at 18 to people born on French soil to foreign parents (provided they have lived in France for at least five years since the age of 11). Instead, automatic French nationality would be restricted by blood, granted only to people born to at least one French parent. Without this change, the proposal reads, “no condition is put (on obtaining French nationality), no love of the homeland needs to be shown”.

“It is unacceptable to become French under these conditions,” it reads.

Just what the acceptable way to become French would look like remains open to interpretation. Under the proposed programme, these measures would go hand-in-hand with further restrictions on attaining French nationality, with the party describing “very strict conditions” for naturalisation based on guarantees of assimilation, mastery of the French language and respect for French laws and customs. This hard-won privilege would also be withdrawn in cases where naturalised French citizens commit acts “incompatible with French nationality or prejudicial to the nation’s interests”.

This fundamental change would be accompanied by what Bardella continues to call a “drastic” cut in immigration levels through measures such as withdrawing residency from migrants who haven’t worked in more than a year, ending family reunification visas, the systematic deportation of irregular migrants or migrants convicted of criminal acts and the total off-shoring of asylum applications. A thwarted amendment to Macron’s sprawling immigration law passed last year also put forward fixed migration quotas – soon struck down as unconstitutional.

Read moreFrench immigration law: What are the measures deemed unconstitutional?

Finally, these changes would be accompanied by the realisation of a long-held RN dream: a legal regime of “national preference” that would give French citizens priority access to housing and employment and restrict a range of welfare benefits to French nationals.

These wide-reaching reforms to France’s immigration programme would, following Le Pen’s presidential campaign, be put to a nation-wide referendum. As well as seemingly giving the RN a popular mandate for what would be a total break with France’s post-war consensus on immigration, this measure could also allow the party to potentially side-step challenges from the Constitutional Council, which has previously ruled that RN-proposed changes to French immigration law were unconstitutional.

Lorimer said that much of the RN’s programme built on broader fears that people migrating to France were failing to fit in with French society.

“In European debates on multiculturalism, there is frequently a distinction drawn between ‘integration’ and ‘assimilation’,” she said. “To put it as simply as possible ... with integration, migrants are ‘integrated’ in majority culture and may retain aspects of their native identity; with assimilation, they are expected to adopt the culture of the country they moved to. France has been frequently defined as a country that pursues ‘assimilation’.”

“This is a simplification of a more complex picture, but the RN draws on this idea to argue that new migrants to France should ‘assimilate’, leave behind the elements of their native identity and adopt the mores and values of France,” she explained. “Those who do not do so are presented as dangerous threats to French identity because they import foreign cultures into France and fail to integrate into the majority culture.”
Macron in the middle

With rising popular support for Le Pen pushing her into the second round of the past two presidential elections, Macron seems to have felt the ground shifting beneath his feet. The president’s Ensemble coalition has increasingly linked the question of immigration with public safety, speaking less and less of much-needed migrant workers and foreign students and more and more of irregular immigration as a threat to the Republic and its citizens. Macron’s full-throated commitment to laïcité, France’s strict separation of church and state, has been increasingly invoked in opposition to what the far right has for years trumpeted as the creeping Islamism rampant in France’s immigrant communities – many of whom come from France’s Muslim-majority former colonies in North and West Africa.

Although Macron’s Prime Minister Gabriel Attal spends more words on cost-of-living issues than immigration, a look at the past seven years of Macron’s presidency shows a camp that has lurched – or let itself be led – sharply to the right on the subject.

Macron’s calls for voters to support his candidacy as a barricade against the rise of the far right seemed to ring hollow after the president agreed to a series of stark amendments championed by the conservative Les Républicains and the RN in order to pass his landmark immigration bill late last year. Although the country’s highest constitutional authority struck down the additions, it was nevertheless a dizzying victory for the far right to see its long-cherished policy of national preference passed by the National Assembly.

Watch moreFrance's dress code dispute: What's behind back-to-school ban on abayas?

Camille Le Coz, associate director and senior policy analyst at the Migration Policy Institute Europe, said that Macron’s two terms in office had seen a narrowing of the terms of public debate around immigration.

“I would say there’s really been an increasing focus on irregular migration. The immigration law that was passed late last year was initially presented as a project that was more balanced, with measures to control irregular migration, but also with measures encouraging labour migration,” she said.

“The debate took such a turn in the past year that it really became much more about fighting irregular migration, which is a much more narrow view of the issue.”

“We will continue to expel from our national territory any delinquent or radicalised foreigner who represents a threat to public order”, the Ensemble coalition’s 2024 programme said, adding that nearly 12,000 such people had been deported since 2017. “Any issuance of a long-term residence permit will be conditional on mastery of the French language and respect for republican values. Otherwise, prefects will be able to withdraw the residence permit.”

Macron also played a leading role in the negotiations around the EU’s long-awaited Pact on Migration and Asylum, voted through the European Parliament earlier this year after months of tense bargaining. The Pact, which denies asylum seekers the right to enter the EU while their claims are being processed, has not been without its critics.

“The new Pact strengthens the wishes of right-wing parties to see borders strengthened and to have more restrictive asylum policies,” Ripoll Servent said. “It also links more tightly asylum and other forms of migration, particularly irregular migration. There are some potential balancing elements, such as the crisis regulation and resettlement measures, but they are relatively weak – and might not get to be used by member states.”

With the legislative elections fast approaching, Le Coz said that Macron’s camp was likely to continue trying to thread the needle between addressing public concerns about France’s changing demography and upholding its long-cherished liberal credentials.

“I expect them to position themselves as the ‘reasonable centrists’,” she said. “Being tough on migration – the focus on return – but ready to abide by our international obligations, for example, against externalisation proposals, and for a European perspective, for example standing for the implementation of the Pact, which is really central in their positioning.”

Alongside this rhetoric of irregular immigration as a security threat to French citizens and a cultural threat to French values, the RN has stubbornly connected rising levels of migration with the economic hardships facing French nationals. Within its promise to put French nationals first for work and housing and strip migrants of social security benefits lies the once-unspoken conclusion that more voters seem to be drawing: more migrants means less to go around. But Lorimer said that the idea that migration was coming at the expense of French nationals was far from clear-cut.

“The exact impact of migration on receiving societies is hard to assess,” Lorimer said. “Migrants typically contribute to the economy and frequently put in more than they take out. There may be more localised effects of migration in certain places, but it is not usually the places that have the highest number of migrants that oppose migration. In many cases, what citizens are blaming on the migrants is more the result of state under-investment in key sectors such as social housing.”
Popular discontent

It is just this belief that underlines the immigration policies put forth by the NFP left-wing coalition. Having campaigned heavily against Macron’s immigration law, the common programme announced by the hastily assembled grouping of left-wing and social-democratic parties in the chaotic wake of the European elections prominently promises to repeal the legislation.

In its place, the NFP is proposing a radical departure from the language of scarcity and insecurity that has dominated discussions around immigration these past few years. The group’s platform pledges guaranteed access to state medical aid for undocumented migrants as well as pathways to regularisation for irregular workers, students, and parents of children in school.

If they win a majority in the elections, the group would also push to give people waiting for their asylum seeker claims to be processed the right to work legally, create a status for people displaced by the worsening climate crisis and introduce a ten-year residence permit.

“[The New Popular Front] do have a number of measures on integration and inclusion that I think will resonate with the public,” Le Coz said. “Polls show that the public are not against welcoming people, they’re just anxious about the way it’s being done.”

With almost half of French voters in the EU elections saying that immigration was the main issue determining how they cast their ballot, though, it’s easy to see why Macron is accusing left-wing parties who want to make it easier rather than harder for migrants to settle in France of being out-of-touch with the public.

“As for the NFP, I’d say … it’s about standing for common values, including the core republican principles,” Le Coz said. “So yes, they will be attacked on this, especially LFI (left-wing France Unbowed party), but that’s what’s coming out from the union they’ve forged.”

Whether the NFP can successfully disentangle the issues of migration, public safety and economic hardship in the minds of voters is far from clear. Ripoll Servent said that years of letting the far right lead the discussion on immigration in Europe had made left and liberal parties alike in danger of losing far more than the argument.

“Migration has also been characterised by NIMBY logic – 'not in my backyard',” she said. “So, it is very difficult to win elections with positive messages on migration and it is very easy to lose elections if the topic is left to nativist populist parties
India: 'Illegal' Mosque demolished for the cameras

A Mosque was demolished by Indian authorities after it was deemed to have been built 'illegally'. The buildings were lit up at night for cameras to capture them being razed with controlled explosions and bulldozers. The demolitions took place in Lucknow, the capital of Uttar Pradesh, where Muslim homes have been repeatedly demolished on the orders of the chief minister of UP, Yogi Adityanath, who has earned the nickname Bulldozer Baba for his policies.

June 20, 2024 


 

One hundred years after his death, a play tells the story of Franz Kafka

The perception most hold about the writer is far from the truth

Franz Kafka in a cafe in Prague 1910
Franz Kafka in a cafe in Prague 1910

How did a German-speaking Jewish lawyer from Prague end up with the linguistic accolade of an eponymous adjective listed in the dictionary, namely ‘Kafkaesque’, meaning “of, relating to, or suggestive of Franz Kafka or his writings and having a nightmarishly complex, bizarre, or illogical quality”.

Kafka, born 3 July 1883 to Julie and Hermann, is the author of some remarkable works, notably The MetamorphosisThe Trial and The Castle. Many believe the man was as tortured as the characters he created. Jack Klaff, the writer and performer of the play Kafka, which is showing at Finborough Theatre, says that this perception is far from the truth.

“Yes, Kafka had this prodigious talent, and he was an extraordinary person, but he wasn’t that much of a freak or weirdo. He was deeply sensitive, but we now know he could be gregarious – a popular, pretty regular guy. He came from an ordinary Jewish family, he had loves and passions just like most people do. And, at first, he followed a conventional path. He applied to study chemistry then, after two weeks, switched to study law and went on to become a Doctor of Law.

“But it was while this was all happening that he started to write. And it was this that changed his life and eventually turned him into a household name. A miraculous observer of people, he had, even as a youngster, noticed people’s features, gestures, and mannerisms. He had an intuitive understanding of the feelings of others, and this was one of the many sparks that inspired his writings.

“Kafka certainly was prescient. He never set himself up as any kind of prophet. But simply by delving deep within himself and by being so profound, so wise, he was able somehow to sense situations long before they became a reality. And when one looks at his works, and one considers he was writing over 100 years ago, his writing is still relevant and feels remarkably contemporary. His creativity and innovation have influenced many generations of artists, including scores of playwrights.”

Max Brod and Franz Kafka were friends

The play transports us back in time to early 20th century Prague. Kafka and his writing are brought to life and given perspective in a journey that spans many decades and includes encounters with many notable people including scientist Albert Einstein and author Albert Camus.

Multi-award-winning actor Jack plays 49 characters. As he seamlessly changes roles the audience learns about the real Kafka – his family, his life, his loves, and his phenomenal talent. A one-man show, the story is told not by Kafka but through the eyes of his close friend, the Israeli-born author and biographer Max Brod. And it is to Max that the literary world owes a huge debt. When Kafka died, he left instructions for Max, as his executor, to destroy all his work. Not only did Max refuse to comply with this request, but he also managed to preserve the writings for future generations. Max protected the papers from Nazi hands during the Second World War by transporting them to Palestine. Then, when war in the Middle East looked imminent in 1956, he transported them to safety in the UK.

The idea of the play came to Jack in 1983. “I started to research Kafka and I realised how little I knew about him. I was mightily confused by the different views about him I came across,” says Jack. “The fact that Kafka was Jewish wasn’t mentioned at that time as much as it should have been. Jewishness permeates everything he writes. It’s quite right that he belongs to the world. But it’s magnificent that he is such a credit to the Jewish people.”

Kafka was brought up in Prague, the city of the Golem, and Jewish mysticism drew him in, “as did the Talmudic approach to any question, yet simultaneously he had a feeling, as a Jew, of somehow being an alien. In his life and in his writings many of his characters experience unease and awkwardness”, says Jack. “He was excited by Yiddish as a language. He wasn’t a campaigning Zionist, but he worked hard to learn Hebrew. And at the time that he was dying he talked seriously about moving to Palestine. His experiences as lawyer involved with workers’ compensation bolstered his unique insights into the worlds, the perspectives, the sufferings, and the agonies of many other people too.”

When the Yiddish theatre folk visited Prague, Kafka was a regular in the audience for their performances at the Café Savoy. Some Prague Jews looked down on these impoverished artists, but for Kafka they were full of life and he loved their spirit. “They brought to him what he felt Jewishness should be: the beautiful words, the wonderful, convoluted tales, and the laughter. They were modern people, but they carried within their souls a great tradition. He loved them,” says Jack. “The performances were diverse, and he was fascinated by performers such as Mrs Klug – a male impersonator – and in particular the actress Mania Czyzyk, for whom he carried a torch. He writes pages about her in his diaries,” says Jack. “He saw all humanity in one human being. He understood that there is a universal longing people have, in their deepest moments, when they want to understand what life is, why we are here, how we should live and where we are going.”

Jack Klaff plays 49 roles in Kafka the play

In some ways there are similarities between elements of Kafka’s and South African- born Jack’s lives. Both were brought up in traditional Jewish homes, but neither was particularly religious. Both studied law and then diversified into theatre and performance.

Jack came to the UK in 1973 to study at the Bristol Vic Theatre School. Originally intending to become a director, his tutors, recognising his acting talent, persuaded him to first tread the boards then to subsequently become a writer and director. His film credits include Star Wars and he has appeared in countless films, television and radio shows.

The staging of Kafka is a rare opportunity for audiences to see the impeccably researched play that Jack is reprising after its earlier run 35 years ago. This latest iteration of Kafka is true to the original version but has been slightly updated to include more recent research.

Jack says: “In Kafka we have before us the modern mind at its best. So I’m hoping to present all of humanity in this one wise human being. Kafka understood there is a universal longing people have, in their deepest moments, when they want to understand what life is, why we are here and how we should live.”

Kafka runs until 6 July at Finborough Theatre, Earls Court, with some performances already sold out. finboroughtheatre.co.uk

No real alternative: The failure of opposition parties in Iraq’s Kurdistan Region

Analysis
June 20, 2024
Winthrop Rodgers
The Middle East Institute (MEI)



Politics in Iraq’s Kurdistan Region is centered on the ruling duopoly of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK). Both parties wield significant influence over the administration of state institutions, the economy, and the media. Tens of thousands of Peshmerga, security forces, and Asayish are at their disposal and hundreds of thousands of public servants are part of their patronage networks. Despite these advantages, they are deeply unpopular with wide swathes of the population, who view them as corrupt, incompetent, and oppressive. An Arab Barometer survey released in 2022 found that 63% of respondents in the Kurdistan Region had “no trust at all” in the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG).

Other political parties — broadly referred to as the opposition — offer themselves as alternatives to the KDP and the PUK, but are disorganized, divided, and largely unable to capitalize on public grievances about governance. At present, they do not constitute a viable alternative to the ruling parties.

This weakness is due to constraints imposed by the Kurdistan Region’s political culture and system, as well as the uninspiring profiles of the current crop of opposition parties. As a result, voters who are disillusioned with the KDP and the PUK have little to gain — and much to lose — by supporting the opposition. Many people opt out of electoral politics altogether.

Nevertheless, opposition groups represent a tantalizing part of the Kurdistan Region’s political landscape. Their dynamics and potential are critical to a comprehensive understanding of Iraqi Kurdish politics. This analysis will look at some of the main opposition groups and explain each group’s positioning and prospects in the upcoming regional elections, which were initially scheduled for October 2022 but repeatedly delayed. They are currently expected in the autumn.

Collectively, the opposition faces three main challenges. First, patronage networks and partisan control of the security forces and the state more generally reinforce the power of the ruling parties and give them decisive advantages over the opposition. Second, the current opposition parties have failed to unite as a broad front and, as a result, compete with each other for supporters, which dilutes their influence. Third, the opposition’s failure to articulate a strategic vision does not inspire confidence. Moreover, voters have learned lessons from the failure of the Gorran Movement and are wary of its successors.

A map of the opposition parties

Overall, the opposition can be divided into five groups: 1) The Gorran Movement, 2) The New Generation Movement, 3) the Islamist parties, 4) newly founded, personality-driven parties, and 5) the voters and activists who have become turned off from electoral politics, but nevertheless stand in opposition to the ruling parties.

The Gorran Movement

The most consequential opposition party in the Kurdistan Region during the post-2003 era is the Change Movement, usually known by its Kurdish name Gorran. It was founded in 2009 by Nawshirwan Mustafa, who had been a major figure in the PUK for decades. The new party declared that its explicit goal was to dismantle the KDP-PUK duopoly and bring about constitutional changes that would establish the KRG as a parliamentary democracy, in contrast to the presidential system favored by the KDP. It also promised to combat corruption and unify and depoliticize the Peshmerga and the security forces.

The new party sparked hope for many people that reform was possible. It quickly drew interest from across the population, with its support concentrated in Sulaymaniyah city. Several months after its establishment, it contested an election for the regional assembly in July 2009. While the KDP and the PUK — running on a joint list — won 30 and 29 seats respectively, out of the total of 111, Gorran managed a remarkable campaign and won 25 seats. This gave it a major platform to pursue its agenda, even if it could be overruled in the Kurdistan Parliament by the duopoly parties’ majority.

Later, Gorran earned some criticism for not standing more closely with anti-corruption protesters during the months-long demonstrations in 2011, but maintained its upstart reputation ahead of the 2013 elections. In those polls, the movement became the second-largest party in parliament: The KDP won 38 seats, Gorran took 24, and the PUK was shunted into third with 18 seats.

Somewhat paradoxically, this posed a major problem for Gorran and one that has haunted it ever since. It decided to abandon its opposition stance and go into government with the KDP and the PUK. It took over the speakership of the Kurdistan Parliament and supplied ministers to the eighth cabinet. In part, this decision was made in order to take the reins at the Peshmerga ministry and work on one of its major policy goals. Ultimately, Gorran proved ineffective at achieving anything substantive and crashed out of the cabinet amid a major dispute with the KDP in 2015 over the extension of Masoud Barzani’s term as president.

At this point, the party began to lose steam, winning just 12 seats in the 2018 elections for the Kurdistan Parliament and re-entering government with the KDP and the PUK. Its supporters began to feel that it had been co-opted into the system it proposed to dismantle. The party was subsequently wiped out at the federal level in the 2021 elections for the Iraqi parliament. Currently, the party is wracked with internal disagreements and disputes over its leadership structure. Its elected officials have largely left the party and joined new opposition groups. Heading into the next elections, it looks like an utterly spent force.

It is hard to overstate how disappointing this has been for opposition politics in the Kurdistan Region. Gorran’s trajectory dashed the hopes of many voters and produced deep wounds that have hurt not just the party itself, but all other opposition groups. If Gorran, with its unique leader and widespread support, could not achieve its goals, then it seems to most people that the other groups have little hope of succeeding where it failed.

The New Generation Movement

The New Generation Movement, known in Kurdish as Naway Nwe, was founded in early 2018 by Shaswar Abdulwahid, a real estate developer and owner of prominent Kurdish satellite TV channel NRT. (Full disclosure: The author worked as Senior English Editor at NRT between 2018 and 2021.) Abdulwahid was already well-known as a result of NRT’s outspoken coverage that frequently criticized the KDP and the PUK. During the 2017 independence referendum, he again played the role of foil by backing the “No For Now” campaign, which argued that Kurdish independence is the ultimate goal but the timing of the vote was ill-judged. While the campaign failed to make much headway — 92% of voters supported “yes” — the experience encouraged Abdulwahid to jump into electoral politics.

New Generation participated in both the May 2018 federal elections and the September 2018 Kurdistan Parliament elections, winning four and eight seats respectively. However, disagreements between Abdulwahid and the party’s newly elected MPs in Baghdad and Erbil quickly arose. Eventually, none of the MPs elected to the federal Council of Representatives and just three of the MPs in the Kurdistan Parliament would remain a part of the party. In the October 2021 federal elections, the party rallied and won nine seats, mostly by taking advantage of the collapse in support for Gorran.

Seven years after its establishment, it is unclear what New Generation has accomplished. Its policy program is vague at best and, historically, it has relied on petty stunts to attract media attention. For the most part, the party’s stance is reactive, following whatever story is angering the public at a given moment (public sector salaries, gasoline prices, migration, water shortages, etc.), rather than driving the conversation, which seems odd for an organization with a prominent TV station. Strategically, its leadership is cognizant that voters roundly punished Gorran for working with the KDP and the PUK. As a result, Abdulwahid almost obsessively turns down opportunities to engage pragmatically with other parties — both ruling or opposition — who then respond in kind by ignoring New Generation.

Despite this poor track record, New Generation will likely end up as the largest opposition party in the next elections. The deficiencies of the other parties are enough to make it the most attractive option in an underwhelming field. Few of its supporters believe that it will make a substantial impact both because it has not articulated a coherent vision for the Kurdistan Region and its leadership is deeply mistrustful. There are decent, principled figures within the party, but it is evident to most voters and observers that New Generation is not the real deal.

The Islamist parties

The Kurdistan Region has always had a significant Islamist movement, which stands in contrast to the relative secularism of the KDP and the PUK. The movement largely operates at a social and grassroots level, but is also active in electoral politics. There have been several Islamist parties, which have splintered, merged, and reorganized themselves over time. At present, there are two main Islamist parties: the Kurdistan Islamic Union (KIU) and the Kurdistan Justice Group (KJG).

The KIU, which is known in Kurdish as Yekgirtu, was founded in 1994 and is led by Salahaddin Bahaaddin. It is particularly strong in Duhok governorate. In the 2021 elections for the Iraqi parliament, Jamal Kocher, a KIU member running as an independent, won 56,702 votes. This was the most of any individual candidate across the whole country that cycle. The party currently has four seats in Baghdad and had five seats in the last Kurdistan Parliament. Some observers have linked the KIU with the Muslim Brotherhood.

The KJG was formed in 2001 by Ali Bapir. It used to be known as the Kurdistan Islamic Group before a rebranding in 2021 and is referred to in Kurdish as Komal. It currently has one seat in Baghdad and had seven in the last Kurdistan Parliament. The KJG tends to be more socially conservative and outspoken than the KIU.

On their own and collectively, the Islamist parties do not represent a significant threat to the ruling duopoly. Instead, their approach emphasizes building support within society for Islamist attitudes. For example, both parties have proposed and supported measures that attack the LGBTQ+ community. However, they seem largely uninterested in seeking higher-level positions within the government beyond a few seats in parliament. By doing so, they maintain a seat at the broad table of governance in the Kurdistan Region and the ability to influence the ruling parties, while avoiding the responsibilities of actual governing. This pragmatic approach starkly contrasts with New Generation.

New personality-driven parties

With election season approaching, two disaffected figures from established parties have sensed an opportunity and formed their own political vehicles. These new parties are largely defined by their leaders, rather than being driven by a specific ideology or set of policies. They are viewed by voters as bids for continued relevance, rather than the kind of broad-based movements that could pose a real challenge to the ruling parties, at least for now.

The most authentically opposition of the two is Ali Hama Salih’s National Stance Movement. Hama Salih is a former Gorran MP with a reputation for exposing alleged instances of corruption on the part of KDP and PUK officials. As his former party crumbled, Salih was able to keep his political reputation intact by distancing himself from the Gorran leadership and resigning from parliament in February 2023. Out of office, he attempted to bring together other Gorran dissidents to form a new party that could recapture the old energy. This was largely unsuccessful because of the personal differences between the ex-Gorran factions, but he went ahead and established a new party anyway in March 2024. Hama Salih’s rhetoric often skews conservative. Recently, he has decried the “new, strange norms” being introduced into Kurdish society from outside.

The other personality-driven party is led by former PUK co-leader Lahur Sheikh Jangi. He had been popular with the party’s grassroots, particularly for his strong criticism of the KDP and the Barzanis. In July 2021, however, he was ousted by his estranged cousin (and now uncontested PUK leader) Bafel Talabani. For several years afterwards, it was unclear whether Sheikh Jangi would form a new party or seek accommodation and reconciliation within the PUK. Eventually, he chose the former and announced the establishment of the People's Front in January 2024.

Both of these parties are defined by their leaders. This is not unusual in the patriarchal, top-down party structures common in the Kurdistan Region, but it exposes a deep flaw in their strategies. Their success is dependent on the personal appeal of their leaders, which is necessarily limiting. In Hama Salih’s case, his inability to convince the other Gorran dissidents, who are his natural political allies, to join him suggests that he does not have the leadership skills to manage a party organization. Meanwhile, Sheikh Jangi carries the baggage of his split with the PUK and will have difficulty bringing his former comrades with him into the new party or attracting authentic opposition supporters. Moreover, he is perceived as having grown close with Masrour Barzani of the KDP as part of his struggle with Bafel Talabani. The mere appearance of working with such a hated figure undercuts his personal and political reputation, whatever the truth may actually be about their relationship. As a result, it seems unlikely that either new party will have much of an impact at the ballot box or in sparking policy change.

Turning away from partisan politics

The dominance of the ruling duopoly, the disillusionment with Gorran, and the perceived unsuitability of the other opposition parties mean that many voters are left without a party that they can enthusiastically support. As a result, they stay at home on election day. Turnout has been steadily dropping in each election for the Kurdistan Parliament since 1992, when 87% of eligible voters cast ballots. Turnout was 75% during both of the “Gorran elections” in 2009 and 2013, but dropped to 60% in 2018. This is comparatively better than the turnout in recent federal elections, but the trendline is not encouraging. Moreover, low-turnout elections tend to benefit the ruling parties.

This says more about elections in the Kurdistan Region and their ability to create legitimacy than it does about overall levels of political activity within society. Across social and class groups, Iraqi Kurds have a high degree of political engagement and sophistication — in many ways, far greater than their counterparts in the West. Decreasing turnout and a lack of support for opposition groups reflects a fundamental disconnect in Kurdish politics between the electoral process and the prospects for actually creating change. Looking at the situation, it is hard to blame people for feeling that their vote does not matter.

Many people are actively looking for alternatives to party politics. This is clearly seen in the experience of the Dissenting Teachers Council. Over the past year, it organized a strike in Sulaymaniyah governorate to pressure the KRG about unpaid public sector salaries that lasted for five months. What the public saw was a highly disciplined and effective political movement that drove the popular conversation about its signature issue. Members of the Council told The Middle East Institute in recent interviews that they have been repeatedly approached by both the ruling and opposition parties about running for parliament. They consistently refused such entreaties and have also resisted calls from supporters to form their own electoral list. This shows that opposition politics is still active, but that the ballot box currently holds little appeal.

Conclusion

Voters are deeply frustrated about the political direction of the Kurdistan Region and disillusioned about the prospect for creating change through elections. On the one hand, this reflects the significant challenges that any opposition group faces in competing with the ruling parties and their structural advantages. The KDP and the PUK control the security forces — and are not shy about using violence and intimidation to enforce their political will — and oversee pervasive patronage networks that shape political behavior in insidious ways. The ruling parties largely control the media, with notable exceptions like New Generation-owned NRT, and are deeply embedded in state institutions like the judiciary. Even when opposition groups like Gorran make a play for power, the prospects for success are low and the risk of co-option is high.

The recent controversy over the timing of the upcoming elections to the Kurdistan Parliament is instructive. Elections are moments of maximum exposure and leverage for opposition groups, when the ruling parties actually have to face their constituents. There are real questions about how free and fair these elections are, but they offer opposition groups time and space to make appeals to voters. After an election, the ruling parties either co-opt opposition groups, as they did with Gorran, or ignore them, as they do with New Generation.

Yet, the opposition has been a total non-factor in the dynamics around the repeatedly postponed elections, which were initially supposed to take place in October 2022. Other than issuing the occasional statement urging elections to go ahead as planned, the opposition was invisible. If there had been a groundswell of support for these parties, they may have been able to organize street protests or exert other kinds of pressure on Baghdad, the KDP, and the PUK to force them into action. However, this was not at all in evidence. As of writing, a new date has not been announced, but informed speculation suggests that the elections will be held by November at the latest. Depending on the results, the opposition parties may or may not be a factor in the government formation process, which is likely to be long, difficult, and divisive.

The opposition’s failure to grasp this moment is due to its inability to present a united front or to articulate a compelling vision for what exactly they would do if given power. As a result, opposition support is naturally diluted. Fractured voting patterns pose little threat to the ruling parties and overt division between opposition groups turns off potential supporters, as does their inability to propose realistic plans for reform. To that end, opposition parties have a tough hill to climb because of the outsize power of the ruling parties, but ultimately blame must fall on opposition groups themselves for failing to address their own flaws.


Winthrop Rodgers is a journalist and researcher who focuses on politics, human rights, and political economy. His past work has appeared in Foreign Policy, the Index on Censorship, Al-Monitor, and Rest of World.

Photo by SHWAN MOHAMMED/AFP via Getty Images

The Middle East Institute (MEI) is an independent, non-partisan, non-for-profit, educational organization. It does not engage in advocacy and its scholars’ opinions are their own. MEI welcomes financial donations, but retains sole editorial control over its work and its publications reflect only the authors’ views. For a listing of MEI donors, please click here.
SPACE

Scientists record roar of supermassive black hole

20 June 2024



By Alimat Aliyeva

At the center of the Milky Way galaxy is a supermassive black hole called Sagittarius A*, whose mass is four million times the mass of the Sun, and some astronomers call it a soft giant because of its silence. But one day he may become extremely active, Azernews reports.

According to the researchers, they observed in real time an amazing brightness caused by the awakening of a supermassive black hole in the center of another galaxy from a state of rest and the beginning of rotation along with nearby material. The roar of a black hole was also recorded at this time.

Ground-based and orbiting telescopes were used to observe events in the core of the galaxy SDSS1335+0728, located about 360 million light-years away in the constellation Virgo. A light—year is the distance that light travels in one year (9.5 trillion kilometers).

Black holes are extremely dense objects, and their gravity is so strong that even light cannot escape the attraction of these giants. Their sizes range from a mass equivalent to one star to monsters existing in the centers of many galaxies, millions or even billions of times larger than celestial bodies. The mass of the supermassive black hole in the galaxy SDSS1335+0728 is about a million times the mass of the Sun.

The environment around a supermassive black hole can be unusually "creepy" as it tears apart stars and absorbs any other material within its gravitational pull. The researchers reported that a rotating disk of diffuse material had formed around the supermassive black hole SDSS1335+0728, and that some of the matter had been depleted. This is called an accretion disk and emits energy at very high temperatures, sometimes exceeding the temperature of the entire galaxy.

Such a bright and compact region, powered by a supermassive black hole in the center of the galaxy, is called the "active galactic core." According to astrophysicist Paula Sanchez Saes of the European Southern Observatory in Germany, these nuclei emit large amounts of energy at wavelengths from radio to gamma rays. He added that such nuclei are considered to be among the brightest objects in the universe. The study of active galactic nuclei is crucial for understanding the evolution of galaxies and the physics of supermassive black holes.

Astronomers believe that the black hole in question is located far enough from Earth and does not pose a threat to our planet.

 

Galaxy NGC 4696 hosts a complex globular cluster system, observations find

Galaxy NGC 4696 hosts a complex globular cluster system, observations find
g′ band image centered on NGC 4696 obtained at the Magellan telescope. 
Credit: arXiv (2024). DOI: 10.48550/arxiv.2406.08635

Using the Magellan Telescopes in Chile, astronomers have performed photometric observations of a giant elliptical galaxy known as NGC 4696. The observations reveal that the galaxy has a complex globular cluster system. The finding was detailed in a paper published June 12 on the pre-print server arXiv.

NGC 4696 is an  at a distance of about 145 million light years. It is the brightest galaxy of the Centaurus Cluster of galaxies, has an apparent size of 4.5 by 3.2 arcminutes, and a heliocentric velocity of approximately 2,958 km/s.

Previous observations of NGC 4696 have detected a  crossing its central region and extending towards a nearby galaxy designated NGC 4696B. This suggests that NGC 4696 may have undergone a merger in the past or that the material was acquired by ram-pressure stripping of NGC 4696B.

Study of  (GCs) in and around NGC 4696 has the potential to provide more hints about its history, in particular its assembly and evolution. That is why a team of astronomers led by Sara Federle of the Andrés Bello National University in Chile has investigated NGC 4696, focusing mainly on its globular cluster system (GCS).

"We presented the analysis of the GCS of the giant elliptical NGC 4696. The measurements are based on deep Magellan 6.5m/MegaCam (g′, r′, i′) photometry," the researchers wrote in the paper.

First of all, Federle's team selected a sample of 3,973 globular cluster candidates in the field of NGC 4696. Afterward, by applying a two color selection, they identified a total of 3,818 GC candidates.

By analyzing the sample of identified GC candidates, the astronomers found that the GCS of NGC 4696 is disturbed, which suggests a complex evolution with other neighboring members of the Centaurus Cluster.

It turned out that the GCS of NGC 4696 has a bimodal color distribution with the blue peak at 0.763 mag and the red peak at 1.012 mag. The blue and red populations are divided at approximately 0.905 mag.

Furthermore, the study found that the color distribution in the GCS does not show the presence of a significant blue tilt—when blue peaks become redder for increasing cluster's luminosities. However, it exhibits a trend with the radius, where at small galactocentric distances, a unimodal distribution is preferable to a bimodal one, which points to the presence of an intermediate GC population.

The study also found that the GCS' metallicity distribution also showcases a bimodal trend and that the radial density profiles show different slopes for the blue and red populations. In addition, it appears that the azimuthal distributions for the total, red and blue populations of GC candidates are well fitted by an asymmetrical sinusoidal distribution, suggesting that interactions between NGC 4696 and its two nearby galaxies may have played a role in shaping its GCS.

"All these results point toward a complex GCS, strongly influenced by the interaction history of NGC 4696 with the other galaxies of the Centaurus cluster," the authors of the paper concluded.

More information: Federle et al, The turbulent life of NGC 4696 as told by its globular cluster system, arXiv (2024). DOI: 10.48550/arxiv.2406.08635

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Journal information: arXiv 


© 2024 Science X NetworkObservations explore globular cluster system in the galaxy NGC 4262