Monday, June 24, 2024

 

Celebrating Yoga Day After Spewing Venom Against Muslims is Travesty of Yoga


S N Sahu 




Delivering hate speeches, which Modi did recently, is contrary to the ethos of Yoga and its foundational ideals of truth and non-violence.



File photo (Image Credit: Wikimedia Commons/PMO)

Yet another International Yoga Day is being celebrated on June 21, 2024. The theme this year is, “Yoga for Self and Society,” with special focus on its vital role in fostering both individual well-being and societal harmony. Prime Minister Narendra Modi on this occasion visited Kashmir and made a meeting organised there to mark Yoga Day, an event management exercise. This is contrary to the ethos of Yoga practiced in quieter surroundings without fanfare and publicity.

 

Yoga Negated Through Modi’s Hate Speeches

The societal harmony being flagged to mark International Yoga Day celebrations this year is negated by Modi’s numerous hate speeches against Muslims delivered just over two weeks ago while campaigning in the recently concluded 18th general elections.

The PM’s diatribes against people pursuing Islamic faith and his repeated utterances that they are “infiltrators” out to take away properties of Hindus if his political opponents acquire power, was contrary to the ideals of societal harmony. Even his repeated false assertions that certain political parties on coming to power would make Muslims entitled to reservation meant for Dalits, Scheduled tribes and Other Backward Classes, were aimed at causing societal disharmony for electoral gains.

Such Islamophobia demonstrated in his speeches shocked the nation and outraged the international community.

 

Vivekananda Linked Yoga With Ability to Fight Tyrants

Had Swami Vivekananda been alive, he would have found it despicable that a person occupying the post of Prime Minister and taking credit for sensitising the UN to celebrate June 21 every year as International Yoga Day, is in his actions and speeches spewing venom against people in the name of faith.

Swami Vivekananda would have recalled one of his remarks on Yoga made while speaking in the US  on the subject “Sadhanas or Preparations for Higher Life.” He said, “No breathing, no physical training of Yoga, nothing is of any use until you reach to the idea, "I am the Witness." Say, when the tyrant hand is on your neck, "I am the Witness! I am the Witness!" Say, "I am the Spirit! Nothing external can touch me." When evil thoughts arise, repeat that, give that sledgehammer blow on their heads, "I am the Spirit!

Tragically, the ruling leadership has dragged our country down to the level of electoral autocracy where the all- pervasive doctrine of frightfulness sustains their rule. 

Swami Vivekananda’s words “the tyrant hand is on your neck” have become a reality in India during the past 10 years. We need to be empowered by Yoga to say “I am the witness” to get our freedom and democracy back. This is the revolutionary meaning of Yoga for emancipation from dictatorial methods of governance being perpetuated in India now in complete contravention of the constitutional vision of country. Mere asanas, Yogic postures, are not enough; we need to imbibe the spirit of Yoga to defy leaders who trample upon our life and liberty.

Yoga Compliments Religious Pluralism

In another speech delivered in the US on the theme “The Goal and Method of Realisation”, Vivekananda referred to the different types of Yoga -- Karma, Bhakti, Raja, Jnana -- and said, “These are all different roads leading to the same centre — God.”

Adding further, he upheld coexistence of all faiths by saying, “Indeed, the varieties of religious belief are an advantage, since all faiths are good, so far as they encourage man to lead a religious life. The more sects there are, the more opportunities there are for making successful appeals to the divine instinct in all men”.

Vivekananda’s ringing words, “…the varieties of religious belief are an advantage, since all faiths are good” articulated by him in the context of explaining the meaning of Yoga, assume greater significance when Modi, as Prime Minister, tramples upon the essence of Yoga by delivering toxic speeches against Muslims, stoking religious disharmony, discord and hatred. Hence, how do Modi’s pronouncements promote “…both individual well-being and societal harmony” one of the themes of this year’s International Yoga Day?

Gandhi and Yoga

Yoga is rooted in the meditative aspects of religion that are integral to the values of ethics and non-violence. In Patanjali’s eight-fold Yoga, the first fold prescribed, among others, truth, non-violence, non-possession and non-stealing. These ideals constitute the first syllable of Yoga. Mahatma Gandhi did not follow any yogic practice but made truth and non-violence the sheet anchor of India’s struggle to attain freedom from British rule.

Modi, on the other hand, has been delivering hate speeches that constitute a travesty of Yoga and its foundational ideals of truth and non-violence. He should redeem himself of the breaches of those ideals first before waxing eloquent on Yoga and societal harmony.

 

The writer served as Officer on Special Duty to President of India K R Narayanan. The views are personal.

 INDIA

Extreme Heat is Here to Stay


D Raghunandan 



Besides efforts to curb emissions, India and other countries must now take decisive action to check heat-related morbidity and mortality, loss of productivity and health impacts.

The year 2023 has officially been declared the hottest year ever since global temperature records were kept in 1850, breaking the previous highest set in 2016. This was not a flash in the pan. Ten of the hottest years ever have been in the decade 2014-23. Average global temperature in 2023 was 1.18 deg C (degrees Celsius) higher than the 20th Century average, and about 1.4 deg C higher than the late 19th century average, almost touching the dreaded 1.5 deg C limit set by the Paris Agreement and beyond which several changes in climate may become irreversible. The record-breaking heat of last year is expected to continue well into 2024 as is being witnessed right now.

Severe and prolonged extreme heat conditions often accompanied by droughts and wildfires have been experienced from March to May, and now June, in many different parts of the world such as West Africa, the Sahel, southern Africa, southern, western and north-eastern US, and southern Europe especially Greece and Italy. West Asia, notably Saudi Arabia, has been hard hit by temperatures exceeding 50C, with over 500 pilgrims reportedly having lost their lives in Makkah during the annual Haj. Pakistan too has seen temperatures of over 50C on several days.

India has been among the worst hit. North and North-West India have suffered severe and prolonged heat waves unbroken over a record three weeks, with some parts experiencing temperatures over 50C. While health records are notoriously poor, as evidenced during the Covid pandemic, health ministry officials have reportedly confirmed over 40,000 cases of suspected heat stroke and about 110 deaths since the beginning of March 2024. One can only guess at the possibly many-fold numbers of heat-related illness and mortality that would have occurred outside of hospitals and clinics.

Repetitive occurrence of extreme heat over the past several years, this year being perhaps the worst, shows beyond doubt that the climate crisis has well and truly set in. Scientists expect things to get worse in the near term as regards both global temperatures and extreme weather. Further, due to the momentum built-up by historic and continuing high greenhouse gas emissions, heat waves and associated extreme events are expected to continue occurring over the next couple of decades even if current emissions are brought under control to requisite levels.

Besides international efforts to curb emissions causing climate change, India and other countries must now take decisive actions to check widespread heat-related morbidity and mortality, loss of productivity and health impacts especially on vulnerable sections of the population.

El Nino                

The extreme heat is exacerbated by what is known as the El Nino (pronounced neenyo, El Nino being the name given to the infant Jesus in Spanish or, more generically, the infant boy) Southern Oscillation, which is a coupled oceanic temperature-atmospheric pressure phenomenon driving global climate and alternating between an, or El Nino warm-phase and an El Nina (pronounced neenya or infant girl) cool phase.

It should be noted that the SO phenomenon is not a cause for high global temperatures or the current heat waves but an added factor to take into account. For instance, the past 10 years have been the hottest ever, but these ten years have been a mixed bag of warm, neutral and cool phases of the Southern Oscillation.

The persistence of El Nino conditions till the middle of this year has also contributed to a relatively weak monsoon in peninsular India so far, with roughly 20% less rainfall in June compared with the long-term average. The reduced rainfall and weak monsoons thus far has exacerbated extreme heat conditions and threatens summer sowing and the kharif crop. Climate scientists predict that the current El Nino warm phase, which has been on-going for the past two years, will transition to a neutral phase by June this year and may thereafter shift to a cool phase later, usually associated with lower temperatures and higher rainfall.

Understanding Extreme Heat

India has a rather rigid and unhelpful definition of heat waves, occurrence of which is then supposed to trigger governmental response.

A heat wave is officially declared when maximum temperatures cross 40C and is 4.5-6.4C higher than normal, or when maximum temperatures cross 45C, these conditions persisting for at least 2 days. The 40C threshold is lowered to 37C for coastal areas with 4.5C departure from normal and 30C for hill areas.

Such a definition is unsatisfactory for several reasons. Extreme heat is not only a meteorological phenomenon but is felt by humans (and animals, birds etc) locally relative to their usual experience. With all the difficulties involved, more localized definitions would be better.

Even at a macro-level, the official definition does not account for humidity which amplifies the effects of high temperature on the human body. Dry heat prompts dehydration. However, the higher the humidity, the lower is the ability of the body to cope with the elevated temperature by evaporation of sweat and the resultant cooling effect. Inability of the body to cool itself raises body temperature, and imposes strain on the cardio-vascular system and on vital organs, and may even cause death. 

This year humidity has been significantly higher in India due to a combination of climatic and atmospheric conditions. Conditions over the Arabian Sea during early summer brought more moisture-laden air over peninsular India easing temperatures but raising humidity. Cyclonic conditions over the Bay of Bengal brought extra humidity over West Bengal and Odisha resulting in a debilitating heat wave. North and north-west India saw westerly disturbances from the Mediterranean adding humidity to the extreme heat over this region.

Many countries, therefore, use a Heat Index which combines temperature and humidity to a single “equivalent” number. A Heat Index chart shows what particular temperatures “feel like” at different humidity. For instance, in March April this year, coastal Chennai with higher humidity had higher heat index or “felt hotter” than Delhi even though the latter had consistently higher temperatures. Heat Index may, therefore, provide a better, more localized trigger for official response than a rigidly defined temperature parameter.

As predicted by climate scientists, minimum temperatures have also been much higher than normal during the current heat waves, especially in urban areas, a special case discussed further below. For instance, minimum temperatures have been above 30C in many parts of north India when maximum temperatures have been in the low to mid-40s. Higher minimum temperatures do not allow the body to recover from the high day time temperatures and impose additional stress on the body.

Urban Heat Islands (UHI)

 Urban areas pose special and additional problems, but also offer opportunities for preventive action.

Cities and towns mostly experience 2-4C higher temperatures than surrounding rural areas. This is due to a phenomenon called the Urban Heat Island (UHI) effect. UHI is caused by concrete infrastructure and buildings, tarmac roads, and other surfaces which absorb heat during the day and radiate back into the ambient surroundings. Tall buildings and congested areas block movement of air and trap heat as well as air pollutant is in a sort of bubble around urban areas. The higher minimum temperatures witnessed is largely due to UHI.

The problem is worsened by unplanned urban development and severe depletion of green cover that could have contributed to lowering temperatures through evapo-transpiration, the process which plants release moisture and thus contribute to a cooler environment, simultaneously absorbing carbon dioxide emissions. Depletion of water bodies too has a similar effect. Ensuring around 20% green cover, well distributed so as to provide micro-climate benefits to low-income settlements, could reduce urban temperatures by 2-2.5C in urban areas.

Another major contributor to UHI is waste heat i.e. heat released into the urban environment especially by air-conditioners, automobiles and other machinery. About 50% of electricity in cities is used by ACs alone. It is estimated that city temperatures can be reduced by 1.5-2C just by ensuring that all ACs are energy-efficient and operate at temperatures of 26C or more by mandating such restrictions in offices and commercial establishments. If energy-efficient buildings are also ensured, in conjunction with increased green cover, the UHI could almost totally be neutralized.

Limitations of space do not permit further elaboration here.

Vulnerabilities

It would be readily understood that the elderly, infants and children, pregnant women, and those with pre-existing morbidities especially cardiovascular ailments would be highly susceptible to heat-related ailments. Public health systems may, or at least should be, able to respond to this section of people, who may also be advised to stay indoors and avoid physical exertion as much as possible, hydrate properly and take other precautions.  School children are usually assisted by closing schools during severe heat waves.

All outdoor workers, especially construction workers and those engaged in hard manual labour, street vendors, gig services and delivery workers, unorganized sector workers especially in aptly-named “sweat shops,” maids and domestic help etc are exposed to extreme heat under the open sun and while engaging in strenuous work. The homeless, indigent and disabled too are exposed to harsh conditions with little by way of relief.  These sections need protection and special attention from extreme heat.

Efforts so far have been extreme feeble and disorganised.

Heat Action Plans (HAP)

In order to respond to heat waves, national guidelines have been drawn up by the National Disaster Management Authority (NDMA). Based on these, each State, urban local body and municipality are expected to draw up Heat Action Plans, the first of which was promulgated in Ahmedabad. It is understood that the Guidelines are being reviewed and, hopefully, HAPs would be thoroughly revamped as well.

The Guidelines and hence most HAPs bear the stamp of the NDMA which approaches issues on a post-facto basis as responding to a natural disaster over which one has no control, which has already happened, and which calls for an emergency reaction. At present, the HAPs vary widely from state to state in terms of both what they cover and as regards institutional arrangements. As a result, most of the responses which are triggered by the very formalized and constructed definition of heat waves discussed above are reactive with little or no emphasis on preparation and precautions, let alone longer-term measures.

As a result, recommended measures are a mixed bag of numerous suggestions, and suggested institutional arrangements leave the recommendations toothless.

For instance, several HAPs recommend that construction workers work staggered hours avoiding peak heat hours of 12-4pm during which they are provided shelters with drinking water and cooling arrangements. However, not making these mandatory, or placing responsibility on specific officials or agencies, renders these guidelines ineffective.

In conclusion it is strongly suggested that trade unions, mass organisations, those working with unorganised workers, peoples science movements and other civil society organisations work in a concerted fashion to provide relief and guidance to people especially vulnerable sections, put pressure on authorities to reform and strengthen health systems and Heat Action Plans. Extreme heat is here to stay. Efforts to contain its effects, and lower temperatures where possible such as in urban areas, are essential.

 D. Ragunandan is with the Delhi Science Forum and the All India People’s Science Network. The views are personal.

PAKISTAN

State’s failure

Huma Yusuf 
Published June 24, 2024 
DAWN





A THRONG of men encircle leaping flames. They are energised, holding mobile phones aloft to capture the moment. By now, we all know what they are filming, and we are shocked, sickened, scared. Those who feel distanced from this horrific violence — immune by virtue of their class privilege or majority status — should look again. This is what state failure looks like, and it affects us all.


Mob violence is ascendant in Pakistan. And when mobs gather to beat, break and burn, the public focus is on how the state failed in the moment; how it failed to anticipate the violence, defuse the situation or use law-enforcement tactics to control the mob. Police officials are re-posted and inquiries launched, but often to no avail. And so we also recognise impunity as a form of state failure — from Joseph Colony to Jaranwala, none that have joined mobs have faced the legal consequences.

What we have not yet fully acknowledged is that state failure is evident not only in the state’s inability to control and punish mobs, but in their very existence. The truth is the mob exists because the state is weak and compromised enough that it needs the mob to survive, to perpetuate its power. In her work on Vigilantes and the State, Rebecca Tapscott argues that in low-capacity states, particularly where militaries have dominated, state institutions often collaborate with ‘informal’ and ‘non-state violent groups’ to enforce their writ.

The mob exists because the state is compromised.


In Pakistan, the mob is an extension of a semi-authoritarian, hyper-nationalist security state that has peddled religio-national narratives as a way to ensure political control. The entrenchment of these narratives has required the cultivation of proxies, including violent extremist groups. It has also required the introduction of flawed legislation that is consistently and perversely abused at the expense of the most vulnerable, our religious minorities and other marginalised groups. At the grassroots level, these security policies and laws manifest as the mob.

When mobs in Pakistan mobilise, they do so confident in the knowledge that they are on the side of might, that they are enacting the secret desires of the powers that be, that they are finishing what the state started. The problem with such complicity is that it soon becomes co-option. As the weak response to Madyan and countless similar atrocities have shown, after a point, it’s the mob that’s in control.

We are not alone in this devolution. Across the border, Hindutva vigilantes emboldened by the BJP’s political agenda have carried out lynchings on absurd pretences such as ‘love jihad’ and the treatment of cows. But the prevalence of a problem does not temper its severity.

Indeed, when the mob is an extension of the state, it is normalised, and mob violence becomes a rational means to an end. Think of Karachi, where the police have had to rescue robbers from lynch mobs intent on doling out their own version of justice. Or consider the chaos in Peshawar lately, where a mob took control of a grid station to protest loadshedding. This mob was duly egged on by a parliamentarian who has clearly internalised the fact that where the mob goes, there lies power.

What is to be done? Too often, the focus is on the quick fix to manage the state’s failure in the moment. And so there is lip service to police trainings and judicial reviews of incidents. The more ambitious among us call for a strengthening of the democratic system to ensure better accountability and, ultimately (hopefully) deterrence.

But strengthening democracy is no easy task. As Francis Fukuyama wrote, “before you can have a democracy, you must have a state, but to have a legitimate and therefore durable state you must have dem­ocracy”. Mad­y­­an highlights how advanced our st­­a­­te failure is, and so, how much more challenging the task of building an inclusive democratic system.

We can achieve little until we shift our understanding of mob violence as a moment of madness in which state control failed to the recognition of mob violence as an extension of the state. To address the problem, we must diagnose it, and this will require a full reckoning with our political history, a rewriting of our national policies and narratives, starting with a review of the public curriculum.

To his credit, Ahsan Iqbal started on this path by recommending to parliament that a committee including ulema be formed to consider how religion is being weaponised in Pakistan.

His remarks were shushed and side-lined by the speaker, emphasising how the state and the mob are conflated. It is difficult to confront and disperse a mob — especially one rallied over decades, even centuries, of postcolonial history. But we must find a way, starting with seeing the mob for what it is: our state, and so by extension, us.

The writer is a political and integrity risk analyst.
X: @humayusuf

Published in Dawn, June 24th, 2024
18 Chinese among 22 dead in South Korea battery plant fire


AFP Published June 24, 2024 
Emergency personnel work at the site of a deadly fire at a lithium battery factory owned by South Korean battery maker Aricell, in Hwaseong, South Korea on June 24, 2024. — Reuters


Twenty-two people were killed — including 18 Chinese nationals — in a massive fire at a South Korean lithium battery factory, the fire department said Monday, one of the country’s worst factory disasters in years.

Over 100 people were working in the factory when workers heard a series of explosions from the second floor, where lithium-ion batteries were being inspected and packaged, firefighter Kim Jin-young told media.

In the massive blaze that ensued, twenty-two people were killed, including 20 foreign nationals — 18 Chinese, one from Laos, and one of unknown nationality, he said.

“Most of the bodies are badly burned so it will take some time to identify each one,” he added.

Firefighters are still searching for one more person who remains unaccounted for, he said, adding that they had managed to contain the largest blaze at the plant and get inside.

Firefighters were “doing cooling operations to prevent the fire from expanding to nearby factories,” Kim said.

Dozens of fire trucks were lined up outside the factory, an AFP reporter saw, with rescue workers carrying bodies, covered by blue blankets, out of the building on stretchers.

Images shared by Yonhap after the fire broke out showed huge plumes of billowing grey smoke rising into the sky above the factory, with orange flames inside the building.

The vast factory had an estimated 35,000 battery cells on the second floor in storage, with more batteries stored in other areas.

Lithium batteries burn hot and fast, and are difficult to control with conventional fire extinguishing methods.

“Due to fears of additional explosions, it was difficult to enter,” Kim said, describing the tricky rescue operation.

“As it is a lithium battery manufacturer, we (had) determined that spraying water will not extinguish the fire, so we (used) dry sand,” he added.

The lithium battery plant is owned by Aricell, a South Korean primary battery manufacturer. It is located in Hwaseong city, just south of the capital Seoul.

Shares of Aricell’s parent company, S-connect, plunged by over 20 percent on the Seoul exchange by close on Monday. S-connect owns 96 percent of Aricell.

Lithium batteries are used in everything from laptops to electric vehicles — but can be highly explosive, with airlines, for example, imposing strict regulations on checking devices containing them.
‘Mobilise all personnel’

South Korea’s President Yoon Suk Yeol issued emergency instructions to authorities, telling them to “mobilise all available personnel and equipment to focus on searching for and rescuing people,” his office said.

The president also warned authorities that they should “ensure the safety of firefighters considering the rapid spread of fire”.

Authorities in Hwaseong sent out a series of alerts to residents warning them to stay inside.

“There is a lot of smoke due to factory fires. Please pay attention to safety, such as refraining from going out,” one alert sent by text message said.

“Factory fire. Please detour to surrounding roads and nearby citizens please close windows,” another one read.

South Korea is a major producer of batteries, including those used in electric vehicles.

Its battery makers supply EV makers around the world, including Tesla.

The fire is one of South Korea’s worst factory disasters in years.

Previously, it’s worst chemical plant accident was in 1989 at the Lucky Chemical factory in Yeosu, Southern Jeolla Province, which resulted in 16 deaths and 17 injuries.

A fire at a warehouse in Icheon in 2020 killed 38 people.
All-women Indonesian metal band Voice of Baceprot to perform at Glastonbury Festival

The trio will be the first Indonesians to perform at the music festival and has earned plaudits from former Rage Against the Machine guitarist Tom Morello.

Reuters
24 Jun, 2024

With their hijabs and high-octane metal music, the women of the Indonesian band Voice of Baceprot have played stages from the United States to France. But they are nervous about this week.

In England on Friday, the trio will be the first Indonesians to play at the Glastonbury Festival, one of the world’s biggest, sharing space with the likes of Coldplay and Shania Twain.

This is the biggest stage yet for the young women, far from their home village of Garut in West Java province of the sprawling Southeast Asian nation.

“Not only do we carry the Voice of Baceprot, but also our country,” bassist Widi Rahmawati, 23, told Reuters.






With the brash strums of their guitars and intricate drumming, the Voice of Baceprot — a word meaning “noise” — has made the cover of Britain’s New Musical Express magazine and earned plaudits from former Rage Against the Machine guitarist Tom Morello.

Beyond the music, the three have set out to challenge the stereotypes that Muslim women are demure and weak, or that Muslims in general are violent militants, said vocalist and guitarist Firda Marsya Kurnia, 24.

Indonesia is the world’s largest Muslim-majority nation, with Muslims comprising 90 per cent of its 270 million people. The nation is secular and the vast majority practise a moderate form of Islam, although there are some conservative strongholds.





The band sings of female empowerment - lamenting a fixation on looks instead of the music - and the environment, Marsya said.

Widi, Marsya and drummer Euis Siti Aisyah, 24, met at an Islamic school, forming the band in 2014. They were immersed in Indonesian pop and Islamic music as kids, said Widi.

Their love for metal came after they heard the album Toxicity by the American band System of a Down. They listened to it on the computer of their school guidance counsellor, who they said was their biggest supporter.

It filled them with an adrenaline rush, Marsya said, so they started playing music of their own.

Marsya said the most difficult challenge for Voice of Baceprot was dealing with stigmas, at home as well as overseas.






“In our village, metal is considered satanic — not suitable for women, let alone women in hijabs,” Widi said, referring to the headscarves. Marsya said her family once suggested she seek an Islamic healing ritual, hoping to expel her love for metal.

“In the beginning, we felt like we did not have a home to go back to,” she said.

People in a US audience once called them militants, she said. “It was as if we were criminals.”






After Glastonbury, Marsya said the three would work on a new album and a song ‘Mighty Island’, which she said was about corruption in Indonesia. They also want to build a community with aspiring musicians back home, she said.

“We’d like to empower the community there,” Marsya said.
Ailing democracy

Published June 24, 2024 
DAWN


AT a time when democracy across the world is under challenge, there have recently been a number of developments, some that may shape its future trajectory.

Elections in India saw the BJP lose it majority and its leader Narendra Modi cut down to size — a verdict widely viewed as voters salvaging India’s democracy from the authoritarian, autocratic direction a populist demagogue was taking the country in. India may have started to buck the global trend of democratic erosion but elsewhere developments have reinforced this trend.

Europe has just seen far-right parties make stunning gains in the European Parliament polls at the cost of French President Emmanuel Macron and German Chancellor Olaf Scholz’s parties.

This prompted Macron to call snap legislative elections in a high-stakes effort to contain Marine Le Pen’s National Rally party by turning it into a referendum on the far right. But the spectre looms of Le Pen’s party winning power. Opinion polls now show that less than half of French voters see that as a threat to democracy. In the US, former president Donald Trump is the front-runner in the presidential election due in November. Barring any legal impediment, he is poised to regain the presidency. In Britain, Nigel Farage’s Reform party is expected to make gains in next month’s elections at the expense of the Conservative party.

The resurgence of the far right in the West comes at a time when democracy is already under threat across the world. Democratic regression is now a worldwide phenomenon. Democratic backsliding has been pervasive in countries facing challenges from polarisation, intolerance, anti-minority sentiment and toxic politics. This global trend has been recorded by many international organisations.

In its annual Democracy Report 2024, the Swedish V-Dem Institute finds democracy has declined in almost all regions of the world with “the wave of autocratisation” becoming more pronounced. Its research shows a rollback of democratic rights and institutions. It says the level of democracy enjoyed by citizens worldwide is down to levels last seen in 1985 — almost 40 years ago. According to the report 71pc of the world’s population — 5.7 billion people — live in autocracies — an increase from 48pc 10 years ago.

Similarly, the latest edition of the Global State of Democracy 2023 report by the Stockholm-based International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance sees democracies continuing to contract globally with erosion in checks and balances and constitutional freedoms in nominally democratic states. It finds that for six consecutive years “more countries experienced net declines in democratic processes than net improvements”.

Like many other countries Pakistan has also seen democratic regression in recent years.

Democratic weakening is also the finding by the Economist Intelligence Unit, which conducts an annual survey of the health of democracy in 165 countries, assessing them across five measures. Its report, published earlier this year, says conflict and polarisation have driven a new low for global democracy. Its democracy index shows less than 8pc of the world’s population now reside in full democracies, and that 39pc are under authoritarian rule — up from 37pc in 2022. It designates Pakistan as a country under authoritarian rule, downgraded from the previous year when it was classified as a hybrid democracy. The report classifies India and America as flawed democracies. It finds 37pc of people living in a flawed democracy and 15pc in hybrid regimes.

The rise of the far right or ultra-nationalist populist leaders has much to do with democratic reversals. In countries witnessing this phenomenon elected leaders have acted with impunity to erode civil liberties, curb freedom of expression, suppress dissent, persecute minority groups and undermine any check-and-balance system that holds governments to account. They have shown disregard for democratic institutions and norms, engaged in authoritarian conduct and used hyper-nationalism to rally support, orchestrating anti-minority sentiment that often triggered violence. This has turned their political systems into illiberal or flawed democracies and deeply divided their societies.

In a recent op-ed in the Financial Times, Gideon Rachman makes a distinction between the far right and the right, which is helpful to keep in mind. The dividing line is their attitudes to democracy. He writes, “If a political leader refuses to accept the results of an election and wants to smash the ‘deep state’ (in reality, the state itself), then he or she is clearly on the far right.” But leaders who pursue reactionary, even racist policies (he includes Italy’s Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni) but “within the framework of democratic politics and the rule of law”, cannot be regarded as far right. Sometimes, he argues, the line between a new form of authoritarian conservatism and the far right becomes “blurry.”

The global trend of democratic regression in the last decade or more raises the question of the underlying factors responsible for this and for the rise of far-right populist leaders. This cannot be attributed to any uniform set of reasons as each country’s case is different with distinct factors shaping its political trajectory.

Some common features can still be identified although this is not an exhaustive list. They include the failure of traditional political parties and their policies to meet heightened public expectations, growing disconnect between political elites and the people, poor governance, increasing inequality, lack of responsiveness by institutions to public concerns, political polarisation, as well as economic and social discontent spawned by globalisation and the cost-of-living crisis. Many analysts ascribe the far right’s surge in Europe to public discontent with soaring inflation, fallout of the war in Ukraine, anti-immigrant sentiment and the cost of green policies.

Pakistan too has seen democratic decline, but for reasons different from those challenging de­­mocracy elsewhere. The 2018 election led to a form of hybrid democracy that increasingly shif­ted the civil-military power balance and gave way to a greater establishment role in governance, the political system and even economic management. This has been accompanied by po­­larised politics and an unbroken political deadlock that has marginalised parliament and ruled out resolution of disputes by political means.

While efforts to curtail the freedom of expression have been resisted, the media is still subject to ‘informal’ controls. Meanwhile, the opposition continues to face coercive actions. This makes the outlook for democracy in Pakistan as cloudy as it is in other parts of the world.

The writer is a former ambassador to the US, UK and UN.

Published in Dawn, June 24th, 2024
PAKISTAN

Drivers of extremism
Published June 24, 2024
DAWN




WHAT compels a mob to burn someone to death? What explains such amplified levels of anger that an accusation against some person from a marginalised group leads to a lynching?

What reasoning dictates why groups of people — including state functionaries — engage in the violent policing of a minority group, arresting its members and taking away their sacrificial animals from the private confines of their homes?

All three incidents took place recently. Last week, a man was burnt to death in Swat over the alleged desecration of a holy text. In May, a 72-year-old Christian man was lynched in Sargodha on a blasphemy-related accusation. And during Eid, several Ahmadis across Punjab — the number reportedly as high as 36 — were detained by the police on accusations of practising ‘Muslim rituals’ levelled by Barelvi extremist activists.

Much ink has been spilled trying to understand religious extremism and its outcomes, both in Pakistan and abroad. Existing research points out two sets of factors here — the societal organisation and drivers of extremism; and the role of the state.

On societal organisation, it is well documented that such indoctrination is carried out by clerics, not just through in-person contact in sermons and in madressahs, but also through highly localised WhatsApp and Facebook groups, as well as content on TikTok. They do it because they believe in it and because it sustains their social status within communities. People pay them respect, provide them with gifts, turn to them for advice and for dispute resolution.

There is a wider segment of people in every community who think the objectives of zealots are worthy.

Their words and actions help develop followers of various types. Their closest adherents are socialised into believing that certain events are an affront to religion. Such events require a coercive response. That the response must be immediate. And that it will help further some vague faith-inspired objective, protect the purity of religion, or help restore the natural order of society.

Beyond the immediate actions of violent activists, there is a wider segment of people in every community who think the objectives of these zealots are worthy. Perhaps they have not yet been socialised to such a great degree that they take matters into their own hands. However, they frequently appreciate those who do. These people are the ones who will stand on the side while someone is burnt, lynched, or attacked. Their passive support helps sustain this enterprise of violence.

Broadly speaking, this is the organisation of violent religious extremism at the community level. Every case of violence will reveal actors of these three types — the ideologue, the activist, and the passive supporter.

Let’s assume that ideologues exist everywhere. Extremist preachers who try to outdo each other by being more extreme are a reality in every society. It is less useful trying to understand why they exist. As long as beliefs and ideologies exist, violent interpretations will likely persist.

But what explains the level of support for their messaging? Here, research often turns to existing social and economic conditions. One popular interpretation is that poverty, material distress, and other forms of economic anxiety push people towards extremism.

In Pakistan, religious extremism seems to have an implicit class character. TLP’s street cadres, for example, are overwhelmingly young men from working-class backgrounds, many of whom are un/underemployed. It is likely that associating with a movement adds purpose to a listless existence. Sometimes it goes as far as to become a source of power, prestige, and status mobility in a supremely unequal society.

Class politics, however, is not just a preserve of the poor. Relatively better-off traders, merchants, contractors etc also offer support (financial and otherwise) for fundamentalist ideology. In my conversations with bazaar traders in Lahore, I found that these groups are motivated for both self-serving objectives — to gain local respect and status — as well as a way to push back against what they think is the hedonistic agenda of Westernised upper classes. There is thus a different type of class-based politics also at play here, one that pits un-Islamic elites against pious middling sorts.

The second set of factors concerns the role of the Pakistani state in creating fertile conditions for extremism. National identity and the concept of state authority are tied to Islam, which gives plenty of space to non-state actors to weigh in on how it should be interpreted.

School and even higher education curriculum content is devoted to the creation of ideal (Sunni) Muslim citizens, which casts minority sects and non-Muslims as deviants. Laws have been put in place that police religious practice and create punitive conditions for heterodoxy, which perpetuates vigilantism.

And governance failures and the expedient use of religious actors for political ends — such as geostrategic goals in neighbouring countries or taking down a popular government domestically — ensure that law and order responses to religious violence are either belated or entirely inadequate.

Combining both sets of factors — societal and state-specific — the future does not look optimistic:

On the societal front, there are no mass movements that can challenge religious extremism. Mainstream parties are either complicit or too risk-averse to take this issue on, especially when they are in government. Preachers who attempt more pacifist interpretations find themselves irrelevant or at risk of violence. Economic conditions are worsening, leaving more young people stuck in social stagnation and precarity.

As far as the state is concerned, it has not demonstrated any serious intent at reforming its protocols around religious extremism. Police responses are often belated, and biased against minority groups. Prosecution is largely absent. There is not even a modicum of intention to revisit laws that catalyse violent acts. And extremist groups remain valuable as a strategic asset, especially when needed to stifle democratic processes and teach some non-conforming party a lesson.

The writer teaches sociology at Lums.
X: @umairjav

Published in Dawn, June 24th, 2024