Monday, June 24, 2024

 

Three Lessons I Learned on My Visit to Cuba


Amanda Yee 


The Cuban revolution offers key lessons for progressive people in the United States about how to organize society in a way that favors the majority, and not an elite few.


Photo: Gerardo Hernandez Nordelo

Last month, I went to Cuba as part of a 20-person delegation to deliver USD 60,000 in critical life-saving cancer medications and medical supplies to two pediatric hospitals there. This delegation was organized by Hatuey Project, a volunteer-run organization that regularly brings medical and humanitarian aid to Cuba. As part of the 10-day trip, we met with representatives of different Cuban organizations, institutions, and even members of Parliament. Through these exchanges, we learned about how the people of Cuba are engaged in its ongoing revolutionary process, their project of building socialism, and the impacts of US policy on everyday life.

Here are three key lessons I drew from our delegation.

1. All of Cuban society has been impacted by the US blockade

The US blockade on Cuba, in place since the 1960s, is an act of economic warfare. The political motivations behind it have been clear since the very beginning: to make life so miserable on the island that the Cuban people will direct their frustrations against the Communist Party and overthrow it, making way for US business interests to take hold again. This has been US policy toward Cuba for over 60 years.

As representatives we spoke to emphasized, there is no sector of society that the blockade does not touch. Conditions are now worse than ever: The blockade has led to extreme shortages in food, flour, and fuel. Electrical blackouts are becoming more and more frequent.

Meanwhile, farmers cannot grow food on a mass scale, because the blockade denies them the pesticides, fertilizers, and equipment to do so. Many have relied on countries such as Mexico donating tractors, hoes, and other farm supplies.

When receiving our medical delivery, a doctor at a children’s hospital in Santa Clara relayed to us that medicine is what is most needed and yet most affected by the blockade. The blockade not only prevents crucial medications from reaching the island, but also the raw materials and science and technology needed to produce them. And as the most effective cancer treatments are often US-produced and doctors do not have access to those, they often seek alternative treatments that are not as effective. This has an obvious impact on survival rate.

The doctors also lamented that fuel scarcity makes it extremely difficult for families of patients to travel back and forth from their homes to the hospital. On top of that, food scarcity creates even more hardship for these families. As we came to understand, the blockade doesn’t just affect individual things in isolation; it creates overlapping crises with which everyday Cubans must contend.

This is the cruel price that the Cuban people continue to pay for their socialist project.

2. Cuba shows us that another world is possible

Cuba is an example that a future exists beyond capitalism, and that future is worth fighting for.

Cuba’s government represents a democracy virtually unknown to us in the United States. On our last day, we met with several members of Parliament, or the National Assembly of People’s Power—the country’s highest political body. Unlike in the US, these government representatives do not receive a salary nor do they represent any groups with certain political interests. Nor do they have election campaigns or receive campaign funding.

As one member of the Assembly told us, “Policy is not a business. It’s a responsibility of the revolutionary project we have built.”

Popular consultation between government officials and community members is an important democratic principle in Cuba. Every new potential law is debated and refined through this process, including the new Families Code passed in 2022. The high level of political participation among the Cuban people can likely be attributed to their faith in this democratic consultative process.

And in spite of the blockade, Cuba mobilizes what scarce resources it has in service of its people, especially its most vulnerable. We were constantly in awe with how much Cuba did with so little. At the hospitals we visited, our delegation—accustomed to navigating the byzantine for-profit US healthcare and insurance systems—was immensely impressed at the dedication of staff to provide comprehensive and quality care to patients despite the extreme hardships brought by the blockade.

We also visited the Quisicuaba Agricultural Camp in Artemisa Province, an assisted living center for the homeless, as well as the elderly who need support in their later years. Since landlordism was abolished in Cuba after the revolution, the conditions which drive homelessness there are different than in the US In Cuba, homelessness is usually caused by mental health issues, alcoholism, or loss of family support, rather than eviction.

Quisicuaba provides residents with accommodation, clinical and psychological treatment, three meals a day, along with workshops and daily programming. There is a farm on the camp where, together, residents grow bananas, sweet potatoes and cassava, along with livestock. The camp fosters a community setting among residents, and its primary goal is protection and rehabilitation in order for them to be reincorporated back into society. Assisted living centers like Quisicuaba are subsidized by their provincial governments.

Meanwhile in the US, over half a million people experience homelessness with no government support, and faced with the substandard conditions of most homeless shelters, they often choose to remain on the streets rather than seek refuge. This is an unconscionable reality of living in the US—our government spends billions of dollars on war and to bankroll Israel’s genocide in Gaza while homelessness skyrockets, people can’t afford basic necessities, and infrastructure crumbles.

But it doesn’t have to be this way. Cuba shows us that another world is possible, one that centers humanity and dignity of life over profit.

3. We must firmly reject despair in fighting for this new world

Yet despite the hardships created by the blockade, we were struck by how warm the Cuban people were toward us, the pride they exuded when talking about their revolution, and their steadfast commitment not to kneel to US policy. One of my favorite parts of the delegation was a trip to the Center for Genetic Engineering and Biotechnology, a research institute in Havana.

The scientist we spoke to there recalled that one of the proudest moments of his life was contributing to Cuba’s COVID-19 vaccine. They named that vaccine “Abdala,” after a poem written by Cuban national hero José Martí in which the titular character defends his homeland of Nubia against Spanish occupiers. Martí wrote that poem during Cuba’s Ten Years’ War against Spain. At the forefront of people’s minds is their struggle for sovereignty and national liberation, always.

The scientist told us, “When your idea is correct, you must fight to the end.”

This was a key takeaway for me as someone living in the US, especially given the level of cynicism and pessimism among some sectors of the Left here. The US blockade has now been in place for over 60 years. Most Cubans alive now have lived their entire lives under blockade. If the Cuban people remain so determined to defend the gains of their revolution, if they maintain their sense of revolutionary optimism even under the most severe of conditions, what excuse do we have to feel despair about what we are up against? About fighting US imperialism?

I believe that type of pessimism is a luxury afforded to us, but we must reject it. Despair is a shirking of our collective responsibility as those living in the heart of empire. Our own government has robbed the Cuban people of so much over the course of centuries, from occupation to the current blockade. It is our responsibility to combat the vicious policies of the US. Only when US imperialism is overturned will countries like Cuba be allowed to breathe and develop to their full potential. We do this first and foremost through getting organized, so that we can build capacity to weaken imperialism from within. That is a responsibility we all share as those living in the belly of the beast. We owe it to people in places like Cuba.

Amanda Yee is a journalist and organizer based out of Brooklyn. She is the managing editor of Liberation News, and her writing has appeared in Monthly Review Online, The Real News Network, CounterPunch, and Peoples Dispatch. Follow her on X @catcontentonly.

This article was produced by Globetrotter.

Courtesy: Peoples Dispatch

Brazil: Feminists Mobilise Against Bill That Equates Abortion With Murder




The Chamber of Deputies surprised many by pushing forward the discussion on a bill that equates abortion with murder and prohibits abortion even in cases of rape.



Abortion rights demonstrators mobilize in Brasília (Photo: Matheus Alves / Mídia NINJA)

On Wednesday, June 12, Brazil’s Chamber of Deputies approved the urgent discussion of a bill that equates abortion with murder. Officially named Bill 1904/2024, it will now be voted on by the plenary of the Chamber of Deputies, without first going through the relevant committees.

The bill could result in prison sentences as long as 20 years for those who administer abortions after 22 weeks of pregnancy.

The Speaker of the Chamber of Deputies, Arthur Lira, of the Progressive Party, put the matter on the agenda without informing the federal deputies and without announcing the bill’s number. He asked Pastor Henrique Vieira of the left-wing Socialism and Freedom Party about the position of party members on the matter under consideration, but he did not respond. Lira considered the urgency of the matter approved in symbolic voting, in which each deputy’s vote on the electronic panel isn’t recorded, which lasted just 23 seconds. In general, symbolic voting occurs when there is already agreement among parliamentarians on the matter on the agenda.

The bill adds articles to the Penal Code to make the penalties for simple homicide the same as those for abortions carried out after 22 weeks of gestation, even in cases where the practice is legally allowed. The text also prohibits abortion even in cases of pregnancy resulting from rape, if there is fetal viability.  

At the time of the vote, there was no reaction in the plenary. On social media, however, members of the progressive spectrum attacked what they called Lira’s “maneuver”.

“Lira has just struck a blow against women’s rights. He approved an emergency request without even announcing the vote. The request allows voting on the bill that forces girls and women who suffer sexual violence to have the child of a rapist,” wrote Natália Bonavides of the Workers’ Party.

Congresswoman Sâmia Bomfim of the Socialism and Freedom Party also spoke out on social media. “Using a maneuver, Lira approved the urgency of the Child Pregnancy Bill, so the bill can go to a voting at any time in the plenary,” she posted.

The Nem Presa Nem Morta (Either Jailed nor Killed, in a rough translation) Campaign, which defends the decriminalization of abortion in the country, called Lira’s stance “cowardly.”

The National Front for the Legalization of Abortion described the urgent approval as “dishonest and undemocratic.”

Protesters across Brazil denounce “Child Pregnancy Bill”

On Thursday night, many Brazilian cities saw feminist protests against Bill 1904/2024, dubbed the Child Pregnancy Bill for the impact it could have on young girls who are victims of sexual violence.

The Front Against the Criminalization of Women and For the Legalization of Abortion led protests in 17 Brazilian cities and engaged in mobilizations in many other places.

Hundreds gathered at the Republic’s National Museum in Brasília for the protest. According to Thaísa Magalhães, Women’s Secretary of Brazil’s Central Workers’ Union of the Federal District (CUT-DF, in Portuguese), the protests show that women listened to the call of many feminist and social organizations. “Women expressed their solidarity with the urgency of going to the streets to say no to the Child Pregnancy Bill,” said Thaíssa.

According to Brazilian pedagogue Leila Rebouças, the discussion of this agenda in the Chamber of Deputies represents a negotiation over women’s bodies. She also points out that in election years, such as 2024, when municipal elections will be held, conservative agendas are, once again, debated in Congress. “This is yet another strategy to put these agendas forward to negotiate votes,” she said.

In São Paulo, the demonstration took place at the São Paulo Museum of Art (MASP, in Portuguese) on Paulista Avenue, and brought together hundreds of demonstrators. According to Ana Paula, an activist with the National Front Against the Criminalization of Women and For the Legalization of Abortion, the demonstrations are women’s response to the attack on a right already legally guaranteed.

“It was a moment of revolt for women and all pregnant women about the urgency for the Bill 1904/2024, which was done without any decent consultation with parliament, because it wasn’t even announced. In 23 seconds, Lira has ruined the lives of thousands of girls and women who have access to a legal right guaranteed by the Penal Code, which dates back to 1940: abortion in cases of sexual violence and risk to life. This is truly revolting and led to this movement,” she says.

At Cinelândia, downtown Rio de Janeiro, people gathered to defend the right to legal abortion.

This article was based on two reports originally published in Brasil de Fato.

15 Jun 2024
Courtesy: Peoples Dispatch

 

‘Jailing of Parvez, Meraj has Made Human Rights Work Very Difficult in Kashmir’





Arif Ayaz Parrey 


Since August 2019, and even more so since human rights defender Khurram Parvez’s arrest, it has become incredibly hard to get any systematic information about human rights violations in J&K, FIDH’s Juliette Rousselot tells The Leaflet.

Today, the Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (Forum-Asia), the Asian Federation Against Involuntary Disappearances (AFAD), Martin Ennals AwardsCIVICUSFront Line DefendersThe Observatory, the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and the Kashmir Law and Justice Project have organised a webinar to raise awareness about Khurram Parvez’s arbitrary and prolonged detention, highlight his contributions to the human rights movement, and rally support for his immediate and unconditional release.

Khurram, the most prominent human rights defender of his generation from Jammu and Kashmir (J&K), was arrested on charges under the Indian Penal Code, 1860 and the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967 on November 22, 2021.

Khurram’s house was raided in connection with alleged funding of secessionist and separatist activities in 2020.

His arrest was seen as part of the larger crackdown on human rights defenders and journalists in J&K in the lead-up to and aftermath of the deoperationalisation of Article 370 of the Indian Constitution on August 5, 2019.

Khurram’s house was raided in connection with alleged funding of secessionist and separatist activities in 2020.

Two months prior to the raid, the Jammu & Kashmir Coalition of Civil Societies (JKCCS) released a report Kashmir Internet Siege: an ongoing assault on digital rights, which traced how the disruption of the internet led to the denial of many human rights to the people of J&K.

Khurram is a founding member of the JKCCS, one of the only functional organisations in J&K that documents human rights abuses by Indian armed forces and militants belonging to various local and Pakistan-supported outfits.

Khurram is chairman of the Philippine-based AFAD and has been named one of the 100 most influential people of 2022 by Time magazine. He was the recipient of the 2006 Reebok Human Rights Award. He has also been a laureate of the 2023 Martin Ennals Award.

He has been involved in decades of investigative reporting highlighting the impunity enjoyed by Indian armed forces in J&K because of the Armed Forces (Jammu and Kashmir) Special Powers Act, 1990.

The Association of Parents of Disappeared Persons (APDP), of which Khurram is coordinator, is a founding member of the AFAD.

As per the organisers of the webinar, “Khurram’s ongoing detention underscores the severe restrictions on civil liberties in Kashmir and reflects a broader strategy to suppress dissent and visibility of human rights violations in the region.”

The Leaflet spoke with the deputy director (Asia) of FIDH, Juliette Rousselot, about Khurram’s incarceration and its reflection and implications in the larger human rights situation in Kashmir and the wider world.

Can you tell us a little about the work of FIDH, its history and the way in which it engages with human rights?

FIDH is one of the oldest human rights organisations in the world: it was founded over 100 years ago, in 1922. We federate 188 human rights organisations around the world and work with our member organisations to defend all civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights as set out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

Our members are the beating heart of FIDH: they direct our strategy and our actions and are at the center of everything we do.

How did FIDH come to form an association with the Jammu Kashmir Coalition of Civil Society (APDP) and Khurram Parvez? When did it begin and what is the work undertaken by the two human rights defender organisations?

JKCCS and APDP have had links to FIDH and some of our members for a long time, through other networks and connections— including for instance AFAD.

Khurram is chairman of the Philippine-based AFAD and has been named one of the 100 most influential people of 2022 by Time magazine.

We started officially working together in 2018, and APDP became an official FIDH member during our congress in 2019 in Taiwan. Having a member organisation in Kashmir made a lot of sense for FIDH, as it allowed us to really deepen our understanding of the human rights violations in the region and to be able to support APDP and JKCCS to raise awareness of these violations.

We published a number of briefing notes and statements together, highlighting some of the key violations that were occurring at the time in J&K. The abrogation of J&K’s statehood in August 2019 and the ensuing months-long internet shutdown significantly impacted a lot of the plans we had for joint activities.

How does FIDH view the human rights situation in J&K? What were the reasons behind including APDP as a member organisation? How has the work of JKCCS and APDP helped FIDH understand the situation in J&K?

The human rights situation in J&K is dire. This is obviously nothing new: human rights organisations in J&K had been documenting serious human rights abuses for decades: enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, torture, arbitrary detentions, severe curbs on freedom of expression and the press … the list goes on.

Having active human rights organisations on the ground was crucial for FIDH and others to really be able to understand the scope and nature of the violations, but also the root causes and the political dynamics on the ground, especially since the Indian government has not given international organisations or even the United Nations access to J&K to conduct their own monitoring.

The incredibly detailed, in-depth monitoring and documentation of human rights violations that JKCCS and APDP have done over the years, such as the 2019 report on torture— if one were to cite just one example— is really what has permitted us to convey to a broader audience the extent to which impunity had taken hold and to refocus the discussion in international policy circles on human rights, and on the people who are impacted by State policies.

What has been the impact of Khurram Parvez and his colleague Irfan Mehraj’s arrest on the Kashmir component of FIDH work?

Since August 2019, and even more so since Khurram’s arrest, it has become incredibly hard to get any systematic information about violations. We are no longer talking about ‘shrinking civic space’ but rather ‘shrunk civic space’; civil society and the media have been threatened and intimidated into silence.

The consequences of speaking out are grave. We know violations are ongoing, but the complete repression of civic space has made it impossible to get a complete picture of what is going on. We still track violations and legal developments in the region and alert the international community, but it is incredibly hard. And, of course, a lot of our attention has turned to trying to secure Khurram’s and Irfan’s release.

FIDH has intervened in numerous human rights situations and conflicts across the world. How does one understand the work of JKCCS and APDP in this wider context as it draws inspiration from and at the same time contributes to the ongoing movement for the application of international law, justice and against impunity?

Regardless of the complexity of any given situation, or of the circumstances leading to human rights violations, local human rights organisations are a cornerstone of the fight against impunity.

This is certainly the case for JKCCS and APDP, even in the face of widespread impunity and a complete absence of accountability for human rights violations committed by the Indian authorities. It is in these times of need though, that we need to stand in solidarity with them and their fight. Conversely, there is a need to learn from other situations of grave violations of international law.

Unfortunately, India is far from being the only country in the world that uses anti-terrorism legislation and the excuse of conflict to restrict human rights organisations and silence human rights defenders.

Domestic laws are passed to justify these actions, to give them a veneer of legality— despite completely flying in the face of international human rights law.

The Association of Parents of Disappeared Persons (APDP), of which Khurram is coordinator, is a founding member of the AFAD.

The commendable work done by the JKCCS and APDP— and by extension Khurram— in this regard over the years work has been exemplary in its use of international law to reframe the situation, to refocus the discussion on the illegality of these actions, despite all of the justifications made by the Indian authorities under domestic law. There is much to be learned from this framing of the situation.

What are the interventions FIDH hopes to make in the upcoming 56th session of the Human Rights Council (June 18 to July 12, 2024) and at the UN Human Rights Committee (CCPR) ahead of the review of India’s fifth periodic report under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR)?

India’s upcoming review by the UN Human Rights Committee is a much-welcome opportunity to shed some light on India’s disastrous human rights record and the extent to which the country is failing to live up to its obligations under the ICCPR.

We have submitted a report— with OMCT and Front Line Defenders— for that review, where we shed light on the systematic repression of human rights defenders and civil society under incumbent Prime Minister of India Narendra Modi’s leadership, including by using anti-terrorism legislation such as the UAPA.

The judicial persecution of human rights defenders is a clear violation of the ICCPR, and we are confident that the Human Rights Committee will echo this.

The question will be whether India is willing to listen to constructive feedback and change its practices.

It is also crucial for the UN Human Rights Council to take the human rights situation in J&K more seriously. In 2018 and 2019, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) released scathing reports on the human rights situation in Kashmir— but, unfortunately, the Human Rights Council failed to act and follow up on these reports.

Member states of the Human Rights Council have a responsibility to ensure that human rights in Kashmir are not pushed aside because the situation is seen as too complicated politically.

The UN and human rights groups including FIDH have called for the release of Khurram Parvez and Irfan Mehraj. Can you share the reasons for doing so?

We are calling for their release because we truly believe that they are human rights defenders and that they are being detained and charged simply for documenting human rights violations that the Indian government does not want brought to light. This is not just us saying it: last year, the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention opined that Khurram’s detention was indeed arbitrary.

“We are no longer talking about ‘shrinking civic space’ but rather ‘shrunk civic space’ in Kashmir,” FIDH’s Juliette Rousselot.

But looking beyond personal motivation to see them released, it would certainly be in India’s best interest to release them and all the other HRDs currently being detained on politically-motivated charges. If India really wants to maintain its reputation as the world’s biggest democracy, then it is high time it also starts to rebuild the rule of law in the country, restore faith in the judiciary, and respect its international legal obligations.

India is certainly on a downward trajectory when it comes to the protection of human rights but this trajectory can be reversed with political will and respect for the law.

Why does FIDH believe that the stringent Indian law UAPA must not be applied against Khurram Parvez, Irfan Mehraj and the work of JKCCS and APDP?

The UAPA is being systematically used to arbitrarily detain human rights defenders and silence critics. The 2019 amendments to the law only made it easier for the authorities to use it against human rights defenders, by increasing the scope of the UAPA and enabling the authorities to designate individuals and not just organisations as terrorists.

The definition of “unlawful activity” under the law is so broad that it allows authorities to go after anyone who the authorities deem to be a thorn in their side. This is a law that urgently needs to be repealed or amended to bring it in line with India’s international legal obligations.

India is certainly on a downward trajectory when it comes to the protection of human rights but this trajectory can be reversed with political will and respect for the law.

Unfortunately, the UAPA is only one of the ways in which the Indian government instrumentalises anti-terrorism discourse to go after human rights defenders. Anyone who disagrees with the government’s policies is called secessionist, or anti-national, or accused of sedition.

Arif Ayaz Parrey is Editor, The Leaflet.

Courtesy: The Leaflet
INDIA

Odisha: Unbridled Commercial Activities May Take Heavy Toll on Bhitarkanika Flora, Fauna

DN Singh | 21 Jun 2024


Destruction of the Inner Kanika (core area) looks imminent if the government’s proposed drinking water project through Kharasrota river goes ahead, warn experts.

After Sundarbans in West Bengal, the Bhitarkanika National Park in Odisha is the second-largest mangrove forest in India. There are 55 different types of mangroves in the sanctuary, where migrant birds from Central Asia and Europe camp.

More famous for being a home to about 1,671 saltwater crocodiles, this National Park is spread over 145 sq km in North East of Kendrapara district.

Being a rich repository of innumerable flora and fauna, this park is supposedly one of the best among many such treasures in the world. Unfortunately, uncontrolled commercial activities are gradually becoming a death knell for the park.

The rich biodiversity of this park is evident from its pride possession of more than 70% of the country’s saltwater crocodile population that remain the flagship species in the meandering tidal creeks and mangrove forests.


The largest among the crocodiles in the park’s creek was measured 23 feet and still rules.

“In a way, the crocodiles are doing the job of protecting the park, else people could rummage through the park’s eco-system if the fear of the crocodiles was not there” said a forest official in Bhitarkanika, requesting anonymity.

The threat to these crocodiles comes from the expanding human population coupled with a drop in freshwater from the promontory source, the Kharasrota river, endangering the health the National Park and the flora and fauna,” said Biswajit Mohanty, an environmental activist.

Destruction of the Inner Kanika (core area) looks imminent if the government’s proposed drinking water project through Kharasrota river goes ahead, as that may bring an end to the eco-system and biodiversity of the park in another 25 years from now, he added.

If there is no balance between the saltwater coming from the ocean’s mouth and the freshwater from the river in the mangroves, then this system will collapse, experts warned.

The role of mangroves is important in battling the threat of cyclones that has been increasing along the coast of Odisha. This was amply proved during the 1999 Supercyclone that protected the entire Rajnagar block fortified by thick clusters of mangrove forest.

Besides saltwater crocodiles, the national park is also a home to the Indian python, king cobra, wild boars, chital, jackals, fishing cats and a huge population of water monitor lizards and many other species.

On the mud flats of the creek one can notice a number of mud-skippers who play a crucial role in the pool and food chain. These red crabs crawling on the mud flats play a vital role in the food chain, making this national park resilient in the self-support mechanism.

The mangrove forest also plays a significant role. A large-scale initiative was taken three-four years ago to plant mangrove saplings to replenish the loss, but that has not succeeded as expected.

“Most of the exercise remains on pen and paper and the job given to selective organisations are an eyewash” said a forest official.

Pink Rush

A few years ago, prawn farming became a big threat for the estuarine flow of water from the tidal creek, which is a major lifeline for the park.

Those who do prawn farming in the outer ring of the park and even inside areas usually dump toxic effluents into the rivers and ponds, causing severe pollution.

This went on despite an order from the Odisha High Court in 2017 when illegal prawn farms were removed.

“But the rot did not stop at that and a nexus between the prawn mafia and some forest officials saw to it that illegal farming restarted after a hiatus. Experts tell us that prawn farms impact the health of mangrove forests almost by combing the spread of mangrove” rued Mohanty, who also heads Wildlife Society of Odisha.

But the way the national park is being honey-combed by human activities through artificially created shrimp cultivation by siphoning brackish water from the adjoining creeks has been impacting the creeks and endangering the life cycle of the inmates around it.

There is a view that illegal immigrants from Bangladesh and Bengal have added to the problems.

“It has become a political problem and the forest department does not have a handle to check it. Each family that comes illegally, builds its own shelter for which a patch of mangrove is razed. One can imagine the rapidity at which the forest cover is reducing”, said Mohanty.

“In Bhitarkanika’s entire expanse, there is a rich layer of biomass on which many herbivores like Chital, wild boars feed themselves. That is being reduced by construction of rest houses and bungalows in Dangamal, which is drastically destroying the biomass reserves” said Mohan Rout, an activist working on the conservation of Bhitarkanika for the past 15 years.

As the Sun sets, sitting in the verandah of the forest bungalow, one can witness dozens of wild boars and chitals grazing on the surrounding biomass which is a rich and salty layer of earth they feed on. How long will this last, remains to be seen.

The writer is a freelance journalist based in Odisha.


Odisha: Women and Machine: How Gender-Friendly Equipment Bring Ease to Farmwork


Abhijit Mohanty 




Modifications in equipment to suit women millet farmers under the flagship Odisha Millet Mission reduce their drudgery, save time.


A woman farmer using cycle weeder in her farm in Parvathipuram under Manyam district of Andhra Pradesh (Photo - Abhijit Mohanty, 101Reporters).

Koraput, Odisha: Bati Bhumia (46) and her colleagues at Shree Maa Women’s Self-help Group (SHG) in Boipariguda block of Koraput now get some free time for themselves, thanks to the gender-friendly farm machinery and equipment introduced with an aim to reduce the drudgery of millet growing women farmers.

Traditionally, women process millets and it is a labour-intensive job where they spend hours separating the grain from straws, removing the outer cover of the grain, cleaning, grading, polishing and pounding it into flour. The cultivation of millets also involves much work.

“Every day, we used to spend five to six hours removing weeds from the farm. That has come down to three hours now as we use cycle weeders,’’ said Bhumia. What has made life easier for Bhumia is a crucial modification to include horizontal handlebars to cycle weeder, thereby enhancing its ergonomics.

Under Odisha Millets Mission (OMM), ragi thresher-cum-pearler, cleaner-cum-grader and cycle weeder were provided to 10 women SHGs in Koraput. However, after operating them, SHG members and farmers reported several challenges.


A tribal woman standing on her farm where she has grown little millet in Kundra block under Koraput district in Odisha (Photo - Abhijit Mohanty, 101Reporters).

“Cleaning ragi thresher-cum-pearler used to be a hassle because the sieves were not removable,” said Malati Jani (42), a member of Maa Tarini women’s SHG in Koraput block.

“Moving the thresher was also tough. The machine is very heavy. It required more hands to move it from one place to another,” added Parima Badnayak (23), another member.

When such challenges came to the fore, the Department of Agriculture and Farmers’ Empowerment (DA&FE) formed a Gender Analysis Committee (GAC) by involving gender specialists in 2022. It observed that machinery used in agriculture catered only to male biological aspects. It consulted SHG members and women farmers to comprehensively document their operational challenges as well as suggested modifications to the machine. Based on this, the manufacturers made modifications to make the machines women friendly.

Participatory machinery development (PMD) under OMM was one of the suggestions given by the GAC. The DA&FE has been promoting it under OMM since last year in Gajapati, Nuapada, Kendujhar, Koraput and Sundargarh districts, where it has reached out to 75 farmers in 15 villages in its first phase to create farm equipment that address their specific needs, preferences and challenges, with a special focus on women. In the subsequent phases, more farmers will be reached and the PMD initiative will be scaled up to all operational districts under OMM.

Therefore, when horizontal handlebars were introduced in cycle weeder, it allowed for a more natural and comfortable grip that facilitated pushing and pulling and reduced physical strain during prolonged deweeding operations. The cycle weeder is operated in a standing posture, whereas women stay bent for hours to uproot weeds in the traditional approach. Besides the transition from one to three tyne configuration, the blades have enabled more effective soil penetration, ensuring thorough coverage and effective weed control.

Similarly, the thresher has got wheels. “We can easily load it in a vehicle now and transport it to the farm and remote villages,” beamed Badnayak.

Jani too said that things have improved. “The sieves are removable now. We can easily clean the machine in less time,” she said.

Feminisation of agriculture

India is the largest producer and second-largest exporter of millets in the world. According to the Economic Survey of India, 2023, India alone produced 80% of the millets in Asia and accounted for 20% of its global production. According to the Annual Periodic Labour Force Survey, 2021-22, agriculture has the highest estimated female labour force participation of 62.9%.

“Rural men generally find it easy to operate most of the farm machines after receiving orientation and training,’’ said Usha Dharamraj, Principal Scientist, Central Food Technological Research Institute, Mysuru. She added that women farmers faced numerous challenges in operating farm machines as they are heavy and women unfriendly, often resulting in health hazards.

“Increasing feminisation of agricultural operations and ageing farmers are two fundamental social transformations taking place in rural heartlands. While developing plans for increasing productivity through mechanisation, the government should acknowledge and integrate this major social transformation,” Arabinda Kumar Padhee, Principal Secretary, DA&FE, told 101Reporters.

According to him, a pragmatic way of doing this is to promote customising suitability of technologies and tools through participatory approaches. “We will be gender and age testing every machinery that is used in the field, especially in millets and other crop operations.’’


Mini millet mixer used by local SHGs in Telangana (Photo - Abhijit Mohanty, 101Reporters).

A recent study conducted by Mahila Kisan Adhikaar Manch (MAKAAM) in neighbouring Telangana revealed that majority of women farmers suffered from body aches, pains and musculoskeletal disorders due to intensive manual farm labour. “There is a need to explore new ways of design and development of machinery through participatory approach. Involving women farmers and elderly people, and incorporating their suggestions are the key,’’ said Dr V Rukmini Rao, a member of the national facilitation team of MAKAAM.

Private participation  

The private sector can play a major role in delivering affordable and accessible farm solutions for women farmers. For instance, Farm Easy, a Hyderabad-based social enterprise founded by Watershed Support Services and Activities Network (WASSAN) is promoting innovative technology in farm implements to reduce manual workload of small and marginal farmers, especially women.

“We aim to ensure accessibility and availability of farm machines without compromising scientific rigour at a reasonable price,” said Farm Easy director Gembali Goutham. They are easy to operate and suitable for both men and women. They are also environment friendly as we ensure integration of decentralised renewable energy (solar energy), he added.

Farm Easy’s mini millet mixer efficiently removes husk from foxtail and little millets and processes them, including destoning and sieving. It is suitable for small-scale millet processing at household level. According to Goutham, several successful pilots to dehusk minor millets have been carried out. Azim Premji Foundation supported the research and development of the mixer.

Arika Ismeri (33) at Achapuvalasa village in Andhra Pradesh’s Manyam district is very happy with the mixer. “Earlier, we dehulled millets by pounding them in a wooden mortar.  It is an extremely tedious process. It usually took half a day to prepare 2 kg of grain. But now, with the help of this mixer, we could process 4 kg of little millet in an hour.”

Similarly, combo sprayer designed ergonomically by Farm Easy reduces fatigue and back strain associated with the work. “As it is solar-powered, we can use it even when there is no power supply,’’ said Pallala Saraswati, a woman farmer at Thuruvada in Alluri Sitharamaraju district of Andhra Pradesh.

Farm Easy has designed and improved several other farm equipment as well. “These include a motorised baby pulper for coffee, a comprehensive and automated solution of preparing bio-inputs through fermenter-controller, and solar energy mobile carts that enable access to irrigation in uneven terrains,” said Gijivisha Khattry, senior programme officer, WASSAN, Hyderabad.

Policy concerns

“Amidst the changing climate, men in large numbers are migrating to cities in search of jobs,’’ said Sabarmatee, a Padma Shri recipient and founding member of Sambhav, an NGO working in Odisha’s Nayagarh district on gender justice and regenerative agriculture. “Left behind, women in villages bear the burden of agriculture alone. They spend a lot of time in their farms, but very little effort has been made to design equipment based on women's ergonomics and gender perception,’’ she added.

Sabarmatee said various factors, including the size of land holding, availability of replacement parts locally and power efficiency, should be kept in mind while agritech companies design farm machines, which are crop, operation and region specific.

According to the Food and Agriculture Organization estimates, if women had the same access to productive resources as men, they could increase yields on their farms by 20 to 30%, potentially resulting in a fall in hungry people globally by 100 to 150 million.

Peter Bakos has worked extensively with smallholders in India to develop appropriate technologies and multipurpose implements for agriculture and post-harvest mechanisation. “There should be a balance between men and women in agriculture to make it sustainable. The first step should be to involve men and initiate discussions on redefining masculinity and sharing agricultural responsibilities,” he said.

Abhijit Mohanty is an Odisha-based freelance journalist and a member of 101Reporters, a pan-India network of grassroots reporters.