Saturday, May 04, 2024

Caravaggio/Andy Warhol/Keith Haring: Three Cases of Radical Innovation



 
 MAY 3, 2024
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Keith Haring drawing in the New York subway. Image Singulart.

Sometimes development in the history of art involves a break with tradition. Consider three examples. Michelangelo Merisi da Caravaggio (1571-1610) inaugurated his career by painting naturalistic genre scenes. Andy Warhol (1928-1987) started out as a commercial illustrator. And Keith Haring (1959-1990) first become known for making graffiti in the New York subway. They all created new works which were so radical-looking that they were often said not to be art at all. In a creative exercise of deskilling, these artists renounced the accepted ways of understanding art making, in favor of novel conceptions of a painter’s skill. At the time, their works looked all wrong to the connoisseurs. Caravaggio’s figures looked too naturalistic to be artworks, Warhol’s illustrations images of subjects too banal to be acceptable, and Haring’s drawings too simplified to be interesting. Responding to such radical originality can take time.

The Yale art historian George Kubler developed a conceptual tool which is useful here, the entry point. How an artist can develop depends upon the resources available in her or his visual culture. The very diverse achievements of Caravaggio, Warhol and Haring depended upon their very distinctive entry points. And so, to understand their art we need understand the options available within their art worlds. Caravaggio arrived in Rome when there was an established market for small genre paintings, and a place for novel ambitious sacred works. Warhol got to New York when, Abstract Expressionism has created a strong market for contemporary American art. But that movement was spent and so it was time for something new. And Haring arrived there when life down-and-out in downtown Manhattan was very cheap, art school education was affordable and there was an newly developed international market for novel American artworks. Caravaggio’s Rome, like Warhol’s and Haring’s New York was a great place to study recent developments. These entry points created an opening for their radical innovations.

In all three cases there was clearly such an obvious art world destination for an ambitious artist, Rome in 1600 and New York in the mid and late twentieth century. Had Caravaggio remained in Milan, Warhol in Pittsburgh (where he was born), or Haring in Pittsburgh (where he first went to art school), then they would have become at best successful provincial artists. That’s what defines an art world center, which is a place where ambition may be rewarded. Had anyone with their particular skills arrived in the centers of the art world a couple of decades earlier, it is hard to know what they could have made of the situation, for the art world was not yet ready for them. And a couple of decades later, it would have been too late. Needless to say, identifying the character of these entry points is only to pick out the necessary conditions for serious achievement.

In retrospect, the achievement of radically innovative artists can be understood historically. There were precedents for Caravaggio’s naturalism, Warhol’s pop subjects and Haring’s line. And when we do that, then continuity is restored to our history of art. What, however, can be harder to see is what happened right when radically original work appeared. Consider the case of Haring. There was a great deal of graffiti on 1980s subway cars. But he seems to have been the one artist who saw the potential of the blank panels, which waited to be covered by commercial advertising. There was a vast audience for drawing on these sites. And, of course, he had the skill needed to work very quickly, which was necessary because doing this public art making was illegal.

Once their early work attracted attention, these three men entered the art world by upscaling their work. Caravaggio moved from genre painting to sacred narratives; Warhol went onward to making Pop Art; and Haring began doing murals. They thus discovered that their basic skills were adaptable to these novel situations. And so Caravaggio did radically original altarpieces; Warhol a variety of subjects borrowed from mass media; and Haring public street art. There were a lot of ambitious painters in Rome, circa 1600 and in Manhattan in the 1950s. And many gifted young people doing graffiti in New York in the 1980s. But, so far as we can see, none of these contemporaries of Caravaggio, Warhol or Haring had their skills of adaptation. Looking just at Caravaggio’s early genre paintings, Warhol’s commercial work in the 1950s, or Haring’s subway drawings circa 1982, it would not have been easy to predict their later accomplishments.

In a classic essay “Other Criteria,” originally presented in 1968, Leo Steinberg argued that the birth of post-modernism, the tradition coming after modernism, required new evaluative criteria. His analysis is highly relevant here, for the same is true, in a more dramatic way, of the painting of Caravaggio, Warhol and Haring. Initially their art was very hard to understand because it broke with accepted standards. In crowded art worlds, the ability to swiftly innovate gets well rewarded, for it allows an artist to stand out. And so it’s the essential task of the art critic to also respond quickly, and prepare the public to understand what is happening. These three men worked in very different situations. And so it’s surprising to see the deep analogies in their situations.

David Carrier is a philosopher who writes art criticism. His Aesthetic Theory, Abstract Art and Lawrence Carroll (Bloomsbury) and with Joachim Pissarro, Aesthetics of the Margins/ The Margins of Aesthetics: Wild Art Explained (Penn State University Press) were published in 2018. He is writing a book about the historic center of Naples, and with Pissarro he conducted a sequence of interviews with museum directors for Brooklyn Rail. He is a regular contributor to Hyperallergic.

MAY 3, 2024
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Photo by Claudio Schwarz

The world has a plastics problem. Never mind the horrifying pictures of a seahorse riding a cotton swab or a beached whale found with hundreds of plastic bags in its stomach. Plastic pollution has now progressed up the food chain to our diets, ingested as microplastic particles and even transferred from mother to fetus.

Each year, 400 million tons of plastic are thrown away, equivalent to 73 million barrels of oil, representing an ongoing threat to ecosystems and waterways across the globe. Landfills are now 25% plastic, while a plastic swathe twice the size of Texas swirls around in an endless gyre in the Pacific Ocean.

Coffee cups, condiment containers, and cutlery have all been plasticized for our convenience. Over one trillion plastic bags were thrown away last year, while massive piles overflow landfills and litter our beaches. Composed of various long-chain hydrocarbon polymers, plastic can take from 20 years (bags) to 500 years (bottles) to decompose, essentially another forever chemical, prodded by an unregulated packaging industry. Only 9% has ever been recycled.

So what to do with all the plastic? Continue burying in ever-increasing dumps (business as usual), reuse as “upscaled” consumer products, reprocess to petroleum feedstock for recycling, convert to fuel in various depolymerization schemes (e.g., steam cracking and pyrolysis), incinerate, or burn as refuse-derived fuel (RDF) to make electricity or heat?

The best is to reduce our reliance and cutdown on plastic packaging, requiring improved governance, education, and infrastructure. Sticking colour-coded recycling bins on the street and wishing for compliance isn’t good enough. The worst is to burn as fuel in a “waste-to-energy” plant, essentially incineration – as toxic as the replaced coal in terms of pollution and greenhouse gases. The exact opposite of decarbonization.

In various waste-collection centers, the plan now is to convert more plastics into RDF pellets. But one of the problems with plastic waste is the varying composition, such as PET (bottles), PVC (tubes), polypropylene (yogurt cups), and Styrofoam (takeout containers and packaging material). All are polymer hydrocarbons, difficult to separate into easily recyclable batches or break down as plastic feedstock or burnable fuel.

After processing, the RDF contains a mix of plastics as well as heavy metals and other toxic contaminants. In one such center in Asturias, Spain, 150,000 tons per year is produced, representing about 40% of household waste, where the reformed fuel will then be sold on to power plants for burning if allowed to proceed, including a nearby biomass plant (Hunosa’s La Pereda plant in Mieres). Other units in the US, the UK, and Sweden have already set up RDF waste-conversion plants to provide plastic fuel for electricity generation, district heating, and high-temperature manufacturing industries (i.e., steel, cement, and fertilizer). Expect more to come as plastic waste continues to increase, disastrous for the environment.

Better solutions are available, although each comes with unique challenges. Plastic recycling is difficult, breaking down the polymers into smaller units for reuse but is mechanically weaker than virgin plastic. As Aachen University professor of fuel engineering Peter Quicker noted, chemical recycling produces “an inferior product, such as a low quality oil that has to be treated with great effort in order to turn it back into plastic.”

Other schemes include plastic-eating bugs and bacteria, plant-based biodegradable plastic, and substitution, such as asphalt-enhanced roads, interlocking mortarless construction blocks, and even upscaled textiles. A UK-based company has created an organically combustible packaging material that breaks down in weeks.

Reduction is something we can all do. Carrying a reusable cotton grocery bag in our pocket is simple. Do bananas, oranges, and apples need to be wrapped? We can all start by cutting down and watching what we use and throw away. Of course, the packaging industry must be held to account via globally accepted regulations, which may not apply for years, even decades.

The fourth session of the Intergovernmental Negotiating Committee (INC-4) met in Ottawa in April to develop an international legally binding policy on plastic pollution. As noted by Inger Andersen, the UN executive director of the UN Environment Programme, “the public is heartsick of plastic pollution,” adding that circularity is needed to avoid exposure to harmful chemicals and protect human and ecosystem health.

Indeed, we have to do something to stop the excess. But we should never burn plastic for fuel or heat. We need a new model to generate energy, not more wasteful power plants that produce even more pollution and greenhouse gases. When countries have started to phase out coal, it is retrograde in the extreme to burn plastic refuse as a replacement. We need only look to the sun and wind to meet our energy needs.

John K. Whitea former lecturer in physics and education at University College Dublin and the University of Oviedo. He is the editor of the energy news service E21NS and author of The Truth About Energy: Our Fossil-Fuel Addiction and the Transition to Renewables (Cambridge University Press, 2024) and Do The Math!: On Growth, Greed, and Strategic Thinking (Sage, 2013). He can be reached at: johnkingstonwhite@gmail.com

Why Does the US Government Support And Fund Israel?
May 1, 2024
Source: Originally published by Z. Feel free to share widely.


Environmentalists have learned the investigative rule to “follow the money”. At the core of important environmental issues, it is NOT good vs bad guys, nor cultural wokeness vs anti-wokeness, nor smart vs stupid, nor Republican vs Democrat. Rather, at the core, somebody or something (a group, a corporation, an individual) is making money or acquiring power by supporting environmental destruction. The capitalist economic system allows for that, even encourages it.

The same rule applies to foreign relations. This is no surprise, since foreign relations and environmental destruction are often intimately connected. “Follow the money” is a guide to understanding some of today’s most awful events, such as the ongoing massacre of Gaza. Who gains? Who loses? In particular, why does the US government support and fund Israel? Most Democrat and Republican politicians say the bond between the US and Israel is “ironclad”, “unbreakable”, with “no daylight” between them. Why?

At the core, the motivation is NOT concern over which side hit back against the other side’s retaliation first, nor a “clash of civilizations”, nor a dispute over supposed property rights granted in the Bible.1 It is NOT important that (as Trump’s Middle East envoy and son-in-law Jared Kushner said), “Gaza’s waterfront property could be very valuable”2. It is even NOT the desire to claim control of a pocket of underwater natural gas recently discovered off the coast of Gaza. Rather, for the US government and the wealthy corporate and financial elite circles that populate its policymaking bodies, the core issue is a source of far greater private wealth: Middle Eastern oil.

At first this conclusion seems all wrong because Israel itself has no oil, so what is the evidence? One clue comes from a 1995 statement by past right-wing senator from North Carolina and chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Jesse Helms: “If Israel did not exist, what would U.S. defense costs in the Middle East be? Israel is at least the equivalent of a U.S. aircraft carrier in the Middle East.”3 Helms was referring specifically to costs, but the meaning can be generalized: Israel is essentially a major US military outpost, a forward base, an “aircraft carrier” for power projection.

Iran is the target

The main target of this power projection has long been Iran, which is oil rich. Iran has been a major target of world powers since 1946, when the US and the Soviet Union made competing oil concession claims, which devolved into one of the very first nuclear bombing threats. The Soviets had tried to enforce, with tanks, a WWII agreement between the US, Britain, and the USSR to split Iran’s oil. Backtracking on the prior agreement, the US delivered an ultimatum in March, 1946: either remove your Soviet troops from northern Iran in 48 hours or “we” (the US) will nuke “you” (the USSR). The USSR withdrew in 24 hours.4 (Some historians believe, with good evidence, that the earlier nuclear bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki was done mainly to impress the Soviets in anticipated situations such as this.)

Then years of hypocrisy and eventually savagery ensued. On September 11, 1947, U.S. ambassador George V. Allen publicly decried intimidation and coercion used by foreign governments to secure commercial concessions in Iran, and he even promised full U.S. support for Iran to freely decide about its own natural resources. All that sounds good and fair. But then in 1952, a progressive nationalist non-secular government was elected by the Iranian people, headed by Mohammed Mosaddegh. His administration instituted social security, land reforms, and women’s rights. His government’s most significant policy was the nationalization of the Iranian oil industry. Evidently, the US saw this “freely decided” decision about natural resources as going way too far. The US CIA thereby was deployed to overthrow the progressive Mosaddegh government and institute a harsh, basically fascist dictatorship under a previous royal family member (the Shah Pahlavi). The Shah then provided Western oil companies with 50% ownership of Iranian oil production. The Iranian Revolution in 1979 re-nationalized Iran’s own oil, much to the chagrin of the U.S.

Ever since 1979, the US has tried to overthrow the Iranian government and seize back control of Iranian oil, including CIA subversion, kidnappings, and attempted invasions through proxy armies.5 One proxy army was that of neighboring Iraq, under Saddam Hussein, who the US supported at the time although he was known as a dictator. In 1982, the US supplied Iraq with arms, money, and materials to make chemical weapons with which to attack Iran in the Iraq-Iran War that began in 1980. The direct US invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq from 2001 to 2021 had direct motivations (in part, control of Iraq’s oil and control of Afghanistan’s rich lodes of lithium and rare earth minerals). Neither nation was defeated. But if they had been defeated, that would have enabled the US to militarily surround Iran, with Iraq on the long western border and Afghanistan on the long eastern border. The US also imposed a long series of severe economic and banking sanctions on Iran ever since 1979, in an effort to foment a counter-revolution.

Prior to 1979, Israel was friendly with the dictator Shah regime in Iran. But since then, Israel (like the U.S.), has viewed Iran as an enemy with both Israel and Iran accusing the other of terrorist attacks, including multiple covert assassinations and bombing operations by Israel on Iranian soil. Back in 1986, then Senator Joseph Biden announced how Israel provided the US with an essential military foothold in the Middle East. He said that supporting Israel “is the best three billion dollar investment we make. Were there not an Israel, the United States of America would have to invent an Israel to protect her (U.S.) interests in the region. The United States would have to go out and invent an Israel”.6 The U.S. and Israel share an extensive and deep overlap in military, intelligence, military secrets, surveillance, and high tech weaponry industries.

An ironclad ally

The U.S. now views Israel as a committed (“ironclad”) ally, should they decide upon a military attack against Iran. Behind the scenes, the two nations’ war planners may or may not have different views on when and how to initiate such an attack. Israel clearly wants to attack now and presumes the US will join, a case of the tail wagging the dog. The US is somewhat more cautious, perhaps waiting for the opportunity to establish public acquiescence with a phony pretext, much as it did in the 1964 Gulf of Tonkin “incident” (to escalate in Vietnam), or the 2003 allegation of weapons of mass destruction (to invade Iraq), or even the Sept. 11, 2001 commercial airliner attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon (which were real but falsely blamed on Afghanistan, which had little to do with the attacks). Or perhaps the U.S. government is waiting for an opportunity to promote a subversion and assassination program in Iran (typical of its attempts at regime change around the world) in coordination with Israel, all with plausible deniability.

Israel and the U.S. are likely to act as one in an attack upon Iran, making sure each has the other’s back. Indeed, such an attack has now begun in slo-mo, with a lethal Israeli attack against the Iranian consulate in Damascus, and the US providing defense against the fully expected retaliation. Fortunately, the Iranian retaliation, with several days’ warning against purely military targets, has been restrained and designed to “make a statement” without killing anyone and without (they hope) escalating the situation.

Given the history, it is no surprise that Iran feels threatened by both the US and Israel and especially by the combination of the two. As a defense, Iran has established close ties with foreign political parties and resident armed militant groups in the Middle East including Hezbollah (in Lebanon), Houthis (in Yemen) and Hamas (in Palestine).

In all of this, it has become clear that a major purpose of US support for Israel has been to use it as the tip of the spear in a long-desired invasion of Iran. Needless to say, being used in this manner by the U.S. does not increase Israel’s actual security at all, no more than a hired hit man achieves a secure life.

One could argue that the U.S.’s “ironclad” loyalty to Israel is all about the election contributions from the billionaire “Israel Lobby” in the US, or about biblical support for Zionism or opposition to Islamic fundamentalism, or about DOD contracts to U.S. weapons manufacturers, or about blame for who committed which terrorist act first. But at the core, US involvement is really about control of oil. The US itself already has a lot of oil (because of environmentally destructive fracking), but to control the international supply provides the controller the power to turn on or off the spigot and affect prices at will to both “adversaries” and competitors. Without the U.S. seeking that control, conflicts in the Middle East more likely would remain local and not involve horrendous massacres funded by outside interests, such as the Gaza massacre, which has been bankrolled and supplied mainly by the U.S.

It is indeed unfortunate that the people of Israel, of Gaza, Iraq, and Afghanistan and (soon) of Iran have been caught in the middle of natural resource extraction and military target zones. US support of Israel is not “ironclad”; it is “oilclad”. And if the war escalates to nuclear (which is likely, if Israel uses any of its nuclear weapons in the attack on Iran with US support and if Russia then gets involved in Iran’s defense), then the registry of unfortunate populations may well expand to everyone in the world. And all this for corporate control of a resource that, in the interest of environmental protection, we should not be using anymore.
College Administrators are Falling Into a Tried and True Trap Laid by the Right

Source: The Conversation

Image by Fuzheado, Creative Commons Zero

Interrogations of university leaders spearheaded by conservative congressional representatives. Calls from right-wing senators for troops to intervene in campus demonstrations. Hundreds of student and faculty arrests, with nonviolent dissenters thrown to the ground, tear-gassed and tased.

We’ve been here before. In my book “Resistance from the Right: Conservatives and the Campus Wars in Modern America,” I detail how, throughout the 1960s and into the 1970s, conservative activists led a counterattack against campus antiwar and civil rights demonstrators by demanding action from college presidents and police.

They made a number of familiar claims about student protesters: They were at once coddled elitists, out-of-state agitators and violent communists who sowed discord to destroy America. Conservatives claimed that the protests interfered with the course of university activities and that administrators had a duty to guarantee daily operations paid for by tuition.

Back then, college presidents routinely caved to the demands of conservative legislators, angry taxpayers and other wellsprings of anticommunist outrage against students striking for peace and civil rights.

Today, university leaders are twisting themselves in knots to appease angry donors and legislators. But when Columbia University President Minouche Shafik called in the NYPD to quell protests, she was met with a firm rebuke from the American Association of University Professors.

If the past is any indication, the road ahead won’t be any easier for college presidents like Shafik.

Lawfare from the right

Throughout the 1960s, students organized a host of anti-war and civil rights protests, and many conservatives characterized the demonstrators as communist sympathizers.

Students spoke out against American involvement in the Vietnam War, the draft and compulsory ROTC participation. They demanded civil rights protections and racially representative curricula. The intervention of police and the National Guard often escalated what were peaceful protests into violent riots and total campus shutdowns.

From 1968 into the 1970s, conservative lawyers coordinated a national campaign to sue “indecisive and gutless” college presidents and trustees whose approach to campus demonstrations was, in conservatives’ estimation, too lenient.

The right-wing organization Young Americans for Freedom hit 32 colleges with lawsuits, including private Ivy League schools like Columbia, Harvard and Princeton, as well as public land-grant universities like Michigan State and the University of Wisconsin.

The legal claim was for breach of contract: that presidents were failing to follow through on their end of the tuition agreement by not keeping campuses open and breaking up the protests. Young Americans for Freedom sought to set legal precedent for students, parents and broadly defined “taxpayers” to be able to compel private and public institutions to remain open.

Conservative students further demanded that their supposedly communist peers be expelled indefinitely, arrested for trespassing and prosecuted.

Expulsions, of course, carried implications for the draft during these years. A running joke among right-wing activists and politicians was that protesters should be given a “McNamara Scholarship” to Hanoi, referencing Robert McNamara, the U.S. secretary of defense and an architect of the Vietnam War.

Meanwhile, right-wing activists hounded college leaders with public pressure campaigns by collecting signatures from students and alumni that called on them to put an end to campus demonstrations. Conservatives also urged donors to withhold financial support until administrators subdued protesting students.

Cops on campus

Following the massacre at Kent State in 1970, when the National Guard fired at students, killing four and wounding nine, nearly half of all colleges shut down temporarily amid a wave of nationwide youth outrage. With only a week or two left of the semester, many colleges canceled remaining classes and even some commencement ceremonies.

In response, conservatives launched a new wave of post-Kent State injunctions against those universities to force them back open.

With protests ongoing – and continued calls from the right to crack down on them – many university administrators resorted to calling on the police and the National Guard, working with them to remove student protesters from campus.

In fact, this very moment brought about the birth of the modern campus police force.

Administrators and lawmakers, afraid that local police could not handle the sheer number of student demonstrators, arranged to deputize campus police – who had historically been parking guards and residence hall curfew enforcers – with the authority to make arrests and carry firearms.

State and federal lawmakers attempted to further stifle student dissent with reams of legislation. In 1969, legislators in seven states passed laws to punish student activists who had been arrested during protests through the revocation of financial aid, expulsion and jail sentences.

President Richard Nixon, who had excoriated campus disruptions during his successful White House run in 1968, encouraged college presidents to heed the laws and applauded them for following through with expulsions.

Is ‘antisemitism’ the new ‘communism’?


As the U.S. presidential election approaches, I’ll be watching to see how the Trump and Biden campaigns respond to ongoing student protests.

For now, Trump has called the recent protests “antisemitic” and “far worse” than the 2017 white nationalist rally in Charlottesville. Biden has similarly condemned “the antisemitic protests” and “those who don’t understand what’s going on with the Palestinians.”

Both are repeating the false framework laid out by GOP Reps. Elise Stefanik and Virginia Foxx, a trap that university administrators have fallen into during House inquiries since Hamas’ Oct. 7, 2023, attack on Israel.

There indeed have been antisemitic incidents associated with pro-Palestinian demonstrations on university campuses.

But in these hearings, Stefanik and Foxx have baited four women presidents into affirming the right’s politicized framing of the protests as rife with antisemitism, leading the public to believe that isolated incidents are instead representative and rampant.

Like their association of civil rights and peace demonstrators with communism throughout the Cold War, politicians on both sides of the aisle are now broadly hurling claims of antisemitism against anyone protesting Israel’s war in Gaza, many of whom are Jewish.

The purpose then, as it is now, is to intimidate administrators into a false political choice: Will they protect students’ right to demonstrate or be seen as acquiescent to antisemitism?

The Curious Case of the Freedom Flotilla

May 2, 2024
Source: Craig Murray Blog



The departure of the spectacular “Freedom Flotilla” to Gaza carrying 5,500 tonnes of aid has been postponed (again), because the flag state of the major vessels, Guinea Bissau, has withdrawn their registration.

The key question is why the organisers were proceeding with such an unreliable flag state in the first place?



In the 2010 Freedom Flotilla, the vessel Mavi Marmara was boarded by Israeli troops and ten aid workers were executed in cold blood. Just days before sailing, the Mavi Marmara had changed its flag from Turkey to the Comoros Islands.

On a vessel at sea outside the twelve mile territorial limit of a state (as the Mavi Marmara was when boarded), the law that applies is that of the flag state. Had the vessel still been Turkish flagged, the murderers would have been within Turkish jurisdiction and subject to investigation by Turkey and prosecution in Turkish courts.

I flew to Izmir to investigate the case and I concluded that it was Turkish security services who had obliged the change of flag to the Comoros Islands, thus facilitating the Israeli murderous attack.

Plainly the Mavi Marmara incident should indicate to organisers of aid to Gaza the vital necessity of having a vessel registered to a flag state which would be able to react strongly to an attack by Israel on its ship, and indeed whose flag might deter Israel from such an attack.

So it makes no sense to me that the organisers intended to proceed under the flag of Guinea Bissau.

On 8 April I received a Whatsapp message from organisers asking me to publicise the flotilla. This was my reply.


Hi Irfan and thank you. May I ask what are the flag states of the four vessels?
This is extremely important.
The Mavi Marmara organisers made the literally fatal mistake of allowing the ship to reflag to the Comoros Islands before sailing. Outside the 12 mile territorial sea the vessels are under the law of and entitled to the protection of the flag state

After a holding reply I received


Sorry for the late reply. It is still to be confirmed sir

I reiterated


OK, I am very keen that people understand that it is crucially important.
I have always believed pro Israeli security services influenced the change of flag of the Mavi Marmara.
Any Israeli forces boarding the ships beyond the 12 mile territorial limit are subject to the law of the flag state of the vessel. I should be grateful if you confirm to me the organisers fully understand this.

The reply was simply


Thank you sir

I am therefore entirely perplexed that the organisers went with Guinea Bissau as the flag state rather than a state likely to stand up to Israel and the US. Of course it failed.

Is the problem incompetence, or is it again security service influence?

I should make plain that I absolutely support the aims and the strategy of the Gaza Freedom Flotilla. I have several friends on board, and I believe my good colleague Ann Wright is among the organisers. I am however intensely frustrated.


The Little Flotilla that Almost Could


The flotilla cargo ship in Istanbul (Photo credit: Medea Benjamin)

Two gutsy activists from the Twin Cities flew to Istanbul, Turkey April 17 to join over three-hundred others from about 40 countries on an eleven-hundred mile voyage across the Mediterranean Sea to raise awareness and bring lifesaving aid to Gaza.

Vietnam Vet and member of Veterans For Peace (VFP) Barry Riesch was nervous about signing on with the Freedom Flotilla Coalition (FFC), but felt he should try to do something for the vast majority of Gazans lacking medical care and being deliberately starved. Apart from the mission’s goal of delivering over five-thousand tons of urgently needed food, water and medical supplies (including five ambulances, and an abundance of baby formula), Reisch said he wanted to do this for his grandkids in hopes “they won’t have to grow up in a world that would ignore such a tragedy.”

Riesch has good reasons to be nervous. Since the Free Gaza Movement began in 2006, only a handful of small ships have been allowed to bring humanitarian aid to Gazans. Retired U.S. Army Colonel and former diplomat Ann Wright is a member of the 2024 FFC Steering Committee. She was a participant (resistor) on five previous flotillas that never reached Gaza. In 2010 she watched Israeli troops rappelling from helicopters onto the deck of the Mavi Marmara from a nearby boat. Ten resistors were killed and 50 more wounded after some of them allegedly tried to fight back in international waters against the Israeli invaders who were using pressurized water hoses on them. In a video, Wright gave other accounts of Israeli troops harassing and beating resistors before confiscating their belongs and taking them against their will to Israeli jails until they could be deported.

Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu contends that Israel has been unfairly targeted by resistors trying to break his country’s illegal navel blockade and bring humanitarian aid into Gaza. During a 2015 speech in Tel Aviv he told the Jewisih Agency Assembly “They send flotillas to Gaza, they don’t send flotillas to Syria. It’s amazing, this travesty of justice, this violation of the truth, the rape of truth.”

Former FBI agent and whistleblower Coleen Rowley is a member of VFP and Women Against Military Madness (WAMM) couldn’t disagree with Netanyahu more. She hopes that he and his cronies will be called to answer for their criminal behavior sooner than later. Rowley has been speaking at academic and other professional venues with an emphasis on ethical decision-making for twenty years. Before flying to Istanbul she talked over the phone with me about the “berserk Israelis” who have “shredded the law” — not only breaking the rules of the high seas for murder and kidnapping, but with their ongoing violations of international humanitarian law and war crimes on land. In a recent television interview she said “ I told people I can’t help seeing the faces of my own grandchildren (I have five grandchildren now) in the faces of these poor Gazan children who are being orphaned, starved and murdered.”

Riesch and Rowley attended intensive nonviolence training shortly after arriving in Istanbul. “The most frightening part of the training was a simulation replete with deafening booms of gunfire and exploding percussion grenades and masked soldiers screaming at us, hitting us with simulated rifles, dragging us across the floor, and arresting us” author/activist Medea Benjamin wrote in a Counterpunch article. During an April 19 Zoom meeting in Istanbul, resistors discussed their fears about the trip. One recalled a mock situation where three doctors from New Zealand laid on the floor during a seminar and instructed resistors on what to do if their heads are stepped on in the dark. Lawyers provided legal advice about separating “false authority” from “legitimate authority” along with tips for walking away from precarious situations. Despite their fears, resistors believe what they are doing not only has to be done, it is morally and legally justifiable, citing a recent ruling by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) that it is “plausible” Israel has committed acts of genocide: The court further maintains, that it is now incumbent upon citizens and governments of the world to do what they can to stop the genocide.

The location of the launch was kept secret due to Israel’s history of sabotaging boats in port and the departure dates were pushed back repeatedly because of outside pressures — mostly from the Israeli and U.S. governments. Last week the Israelis made an announcement about intercepting the flotilla that prompted Huwaida Arraf, U.S. human rights attorney and FFC Steering Committee member to say “Governments must refuse to collaborate in maintaining Israel’s illegal siege on Gaza by obstructing the flotilla in any way. We call on the governments of the 40 countries represented on the Freedom Flotilla to uphold their obligations under international law and demand that Israel guarantee the flotilla safe passage to Gaza.” Soon after, UN experts reaffirmed Arraf’s demand  “As the Freedom Flotilla approaches Palestinian territorial waters off Gaza, Israel must adhere to international law, including recent orders from the International Court of Justice to insure unimpeded access for humanitarian aid.”

But on April 26, the doubts crept home. During a morning call, Riesch talked about his dwindling hopes that the flotilla would make it to Gaza “Now there’s a problem with ship flags” — this is the fourth delay.” According to Reuters, Guinea-Bissau made a decision to remove its flag from flotilla boats. Istanbul activists answered with this:  “The Guinea-Bissau International Ships Registry (GBISR), in a blatantly political move, informed the Freedom Flotilla Coalition that it had withdrawn the Guinea Bissau flag from two of the Freedom Flotilla’s ships, one of which is our cargo ship.”

Riesch mentioned that frustrated resistors were already drifting away and during last night’s FFC meeting, he found out numerous other boats loaded with activists were preparing to join the flotilla in a show of solidarity, even though Israelis planned to stop them with a blockade. So, it was decided the flotilla would meet up with the blockade and wait a few days before turning around. The earliest departure time he said would be Sunday April 28 — if they could clear customs. Later that evening he sent a text saying the trip was canceled.

During a follow-up Q&A TikTok post, Wright told Benjamin that Israel always uses delay tactics before flotilla launches and the State Department invariably issues travel warnings and cautions Americans about challenging the Israeli government — especially now since the U.S. has been so openly complicit with the ongoing ethnic cleansing in Gaza. While support for the flotilla remains high from Turkish nationals, Wright strongly believes the U.S. is using economic pressures including military aid, ito derail the project in Turkey.

If nothing else, those who traveled to Istanbul succeeded in bringing much-needed attention to the plight of captive and undernourished Palestinians waiting in refugee camps for the next bombing campaign. About 45% of the people living in Gaza are children under the age of 15. So far, well over one hundred fifteen thousand Palestinians have been killed or wounded — most were women and children. It may take decades to rebuild the parts of Gaza already destroyed but for now, resistors are packing their bags — some hope to return this summer.

First row — Coleen Rowley far left and Barry Riesch third from left

Ann Wright second from left, and Medea Benjamin second from back in Istanbul FacebookTwitter

Craig Wood is a Minneapolis writer and member of Veterans For Peace. He can be reached at craig2mpls@yahoo.comRead other articles by Craig.