Wednesday, April 24, 2019

CULTURE

By Jordan Foisy

Apr 23 2019, 1:04pm

What I Learned at the 'Debate' Between Jordan Peterson and Slavoj Žižek

Žižek was less a cognizant thinker and more a pathological sacred cow tipper while Peterson was emo as hell, a bard for the reactionary elite.



Screenshots via YouTube.


It was 8 PM and I was at Toronto’s Sony Center waiting for the start of what was being called the “debate of the century” between Slavoj “I found this shirt” Žižek and Jordan “Why would I leave a good tip if the service was bad” Peterson when I overheard some terrible news.

“Excuse me,” I asked a kindly usher, "did you just say the debate is going to last two hours and 40 minutes?” He nodded.

As a look of horror washed over my face he tried to comfort me, “Since it’s starting late, they might skip some parts so it’s done by 10:15, but it is scheduled for 2 hours and 40 minutes.”

Two hours and 40 minutes! Was this a Ken Burns documentary about ruining parties? There were people in the audience of this thing who have had sex for less cumulative time than this talk would take. Specifically, I am talking about the young guy a few rows back from me dressed in a MAGA hat and a Joy Division t-shirt who was giving off serious “I got kicked off of Reddit” vibes.

Damnit, I had a plan. I wanted to catch Žižek/Peterson Mind Derby 2019 (officially titled “Happiness: Capitalism vs. Marxism”) because I wanted to see Peterson fandom in its element. Who are these guys? What do they get out of listening to the aggrieved meanderings of the dark prince of YouTube? Are their sideburns wild and untamed or curt and efficient? At the same time, my brother was in town visiting and my beloved Raptors, whose playoff run is currently my emotional ballast, were playing. I was thinking the talk would be like an hour. I could swoop in, do a brief character sketch of somebody who spends his days playing Axis & Allies, make fun of Žižek’s slovenliness, and rejoin my brother for the end of Raptors game and grow our familial bond by screaming at lanky millionaires.

Discovering this talk was going to be longer than Infinity War (but thankfully shorter than Endgame) was not my first disappointment of the evening. I had been expecting freaks in attendance; squirrelly-eyed weirdos sporting t-shirts emblazoned with right-wing manifestos and deluded loners with wispy chin-straps and embarrassing necklaces. And sure, there were a couple of delightfully cargo-panted, amateur magician-types roaming the venue, but the actual makeup of the crowd was distressing for a different reason: they were completely normal.

As an acquaintance I ran into described it, “Everyone here just looks like us.” This was a hip, young crowd dress for a goddamn night out. Clear-framed glasses, nice haircuts, shiny shoes, baristas I recognize; this could have been a War On Drugs concert. There was also a surprising amount of dates. I listened to one as I waited in line; him imploring her to at least keep an open mind. There were fancy old couples, moneyed vampires recharging their cultural cache. This was not a gathering of scuzzy commies or crazed alt-righters, no, this was what passed for the Toronto elite: the beautiful, the educated, the privileged.

This isn’t to say there wasn’t something sinister in the air. As I was entering, a group of beefy dudes started wondering if there were going to be any agitators. One of them kept taking quick glances to see what I was writing in my notebook. While a fair chunk of the audience was there due to intellectual or, at least, ironic curiosity, the Peterson fans began to stand out. A huge tell, a friend noticed, was of course posture: ramrod straight as if they had just been rapped across the knuckles by a grumpy nun. A strange phenomenon is how many dressed like him; tie and a blazer, skinny dress pants or dark-washed jeans ending in nice shoes, pointy shoes. Peterson and his flock all dressed like I did the first time I went to a wedding after making a little bit of money, like, “Look at me, I can dress nice now, look at my point shoes.”

While many people were laughing and jovial, there was also a troubling seriousness amongst the Petersonhead. It was in the eyes, equal parts flat but vulnerable. A hollow anticipation, a readiness to be filled with purpose and action. Maybe they unnerved me because it was the first time I was witnessing what a believer looked like.

I took my seat. I had to ask a duo of men, the most common arrangement of people I see tonight to let me through. The were polite. In front of me there was a couple, his arm draped around her in an almost violent fashion, as if he was trying to absorb her. An announcement went over the loudspeaker informing us that any hecklers will be removed immediately. It was met with a roar of approval from the audience, the polite duo beside me bellowing along. I could only imagine the beefy dudes I met earlier cracked their knuckles at the thought of removing the agitators.

A man named Stephen Blackwood, a philosopher, defender of the private sphere and potentially an aristocratic werewolf came out to introduce the pair. Calling them, “towering figures,” Blackwood promised us, “Real thinking about hard questions,” and that’s exactly what we got, if by “real thinking” you mean “ego-driven meanderings” and by “hard questions” you mean Peterson not knowing what books Žižek was talking about. Throughout the debate, Peterson seemed like the kind of guy who purchases many an impressive tome, lies about reading them, and actually rereads Game of Thrones.

Outside of the reference gap, the contrast between the two could not have been more stark. Dressed like a John Wick cosplayer, Jordan Peterson sat in front of an open laptop and a field of San Pellegrino bottles, his legs crossed and fingers splayed across his chin, in a pose that seemed to say, “I’m thinking so hard right now.” When he spoke, he paced and bounded around his podium, his fingers constantly poking at and prodding at the air, or he would hunch over, his face pained with torment as if the marvels of his ideas were just too much for a man to bear.

Žižek meanwhile had all the grace and style of a 90s sitcom dad. Grouchy and slouched, a pale white calf permanently exposed at the bottom of his pants, I would bet money that there was a toothpaste stain somewhere on his person. He was also undeniably charismatic and charming in a way that Peterson is not (Peterson admitted as much, fawning over him at one point, by saying, “You are a character…it’s what makes you attractive” to titters from the audience around me). As his tongue darted from his mouth like some sort of mad ferret, Žižek won over the audience thanks a wily combination of Slovenian dad jokes, self-deprecation, and irreverence. The largest applause breaks and laughs belonged to him throughout the night.

There wasn’t really a debate. That would require points being made. Instead Žižek free-wheeled and riffed around a variety of hazily related ideas: the Chinese social model as a synthesis of tyranny and capitalism; how belief in God or a higher project or morality allow for men to do the most evil things; the occasional Himmler quote; how happiness should never be a goal; the coming ecological crisis that may also not happen because Europe has more forest than ever now; the scourge of political correctness as a sign of the weakness on the left; the cowardice of optimism and insurmountable inner evil of man. Žižek was less a cognizant thinker and more a pathological sacred cow tipper. His main goals seemed to be to provoke and get applause breaks.

But at least he said things that were interesting. Peterson, meanwhile, was completely vacuous. He played his greatest hits: hierarchies are natural; Judeo-Christian values and myths represent fundamental truths; capitalism is making things better for poor people; one of the West’s biggest obstacles is divorce rates going up. It was like getting a Economics 101 lesson from a man who tried peyote exactly once. He made ludicrous claims like no one has ever gotten power through exploiting people (this after boasting about tickets for the event being scalped for higher than Leafs tickets). He lightly denied climate change by saying the crisis, “...is dismal but not as dismal as the people saying it is.” He said profit is an excellent motivator because it discourages people from acting stupid, to a room of people that had paid for tickets (I saw some resale tix that were over four hundred dollars) to hear him speak. He excoriated Marx for ignoring the glorious labor that managers do. At one point he said, 100 percent sincerely: “To reassure the sheep, you invited the dragon into the house.” Will somebody get this guy a sword collection so he will leave us alone?

The biggest thing I took from Peterson, though, is that this guy is emo as hell. For Peterson, human suffering is not a product of society or economics. No, it is our inherited state of being. We are born into it; to be human is to constantly be warring with the evil that resides within us all and the pain that exists outside of us. Again and again he brought up the evil we must overcome. He continually reiterated a vision of life as a slog of sadness and misery. It was all very My Chemical Romance, I would not be surprised if he had a “Life Is Pain” tattoo somewhere.

Beyond everything, I think it is this Bert McCracken-approved theory of life that draws people to Peterson—why he has become the bard of the reactionary elite. If you are one of the privileged, Peterson is here to protect your glorious suffering from any agitators that would question it. He values your pain, it is as valid as anybody else’s. For Peterson, the only political struggle that matters is against your own personal demons. This view of life flattens everything and scrubs out injustice. Oppressor or oppressed, poor or rich; these are meaningless categories. All that matters is your reckoning with your beautiful, mythic suffering. It’s the most important thing, certainly more important than asking if you are part of the problem.

I guess this is all to say, I should’ve just hung out with my brother and yelled at sports. If I’m going to suffer it might as well be fun.



Final tally paints a picture of how Alberta voted

Elections Alberta workers completed their unofficial tally of votes on Friday, giving Albertans the first complete glimpse into how voters marked their ballots on April 16.
An unofficial count of ballots in the 2019 Alberta provincial election is complete. DAVID BLOOM / POSTMEDIA
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Elections Alberta workers completed their unofficial tally of votes on Friday, giving Albertans the first complete glimpse into how voters marked their ballots on April 16.
When it reconvenes in May, the legislature will be dominated by fresh faces since 45 of 87 MLAs will be new. There are 26 women and 61 men, leaving the legislature about 30 per cent female. There will also be five MLAs named Jason, all representing the United Conservative Party — Jason Copping, Jason Stephan, Jason Nixon, Jason Luan and Jason Kenney.
The count last Friday found 1,880,508 Albertans voted in the provincial election, which was a provincial turnout of 71 per cent. That’s a substantial jump in participation from the 2015 election, when 57 per cent of eligible voters marked a ballot.

Turbulent turnouts

The voters in the riding of Airdrie-Cochrane streamed to the polls, posting the highest turnout in the province at 83 per cent. Almost as enthused were voters in Rimbey-Rocky Mountain House-Sundre, which had a 82.9 per cent turnout.
Least engaged were voters in Calgary-East, only 43.1 per cent of who turned out to vote.
Calgary voters were slightly more likely to head to polling stations than their counterparts in Edmonton. Tallies show 68.3 per cent of electors in Calgary ridings voted, compared with 67.6 per cent of Edmonton voters. Electors outside the major centres were more enthused, with more than three-quarters of those eligible scratching out an X.

Show me some love

Not only do the folks of Rimbey-Rocky Mountain House-Sundre love to vote, they love to vote for Jason Nixon. The returning UCP MLA-designate was Alberta’s top vote magnet with 20,579 ballots, which made up 81.6 per cent of the votes in the riding, despite Nixon facing seven challengers.
Almost as popular was re-elected Olds-Didsbury-Three Hills UCP MLA-designate Nathan Cooper. Cooper was the only other candidate to earn more than 20,000 votes, cruising to a comfortable win with 78.6 per cent of total ballots cast.
Some Calgary candidates, meanwhile, eked out narrow wins. The smallest margin was in Calgary-Falconridge, where the UCP’s Devinder Toor triumphed over the NDP’s Parmeet Singh Boparai by 102 votes, or 0.7 per cent. Turnout in that riding was one of the lowest in the province, at 53 per cent.
Across town, the UCP’s Nicholas Milliken usurped former NDP cabinet minister Brian Malkinson by 188 ballots in Calgary-Currie. The difference was just 0.8 per cent of the vote.
The NDP candidate to win her seat by the largest margin was NDP Leader Rachel Notley, who earned support from 72.1 per cent of Edmonton-Strathcona voters.
Returning officers are now completing a second count of poll votes, Elections Alberta’s deputy chief electoral officer Drew Westwater said Tuesday. The agency will release final counts on Friday.
With files from Anna Junker 


Kenney election promise could spell trouble for in-situ oil sites








These pipelines carry steam to Suncor's Firebag in-situ operations north of Fort McMurray.
POSTMEDIA, FILE
Jason Kenney’s election promise to remove the oilsands emissions cap will likely have far-reaching consequences for Alberta’s in-situ oil projects.

It all stems from federal Bill C-69, which would overhaul Canada’s energy regulatory process and change the rules for project approvals.

In-situ projects extract bitumen too deep to be mined, generally by using steam. They comprise around 80 per cent of Alberta’s oil reserves.

Federal Natural Resources Minister Amarjeet Sohi told Postmedia Tuesday his government had assured Rachel Notley that in-situ sites would not be subject to C-69 — and therefore federal regulations — as long as the NDP’s 100-megaton emissions cap was in place.

But Kenney’s pledge to nix the cap will change all that, making in-situ sites subject to federal review processes, rather than those of the Alberta Energy Regulator.

Tim McMillan, president and CEO of the Canadian Association of Petroleum Producers, is unimpressed.

The emissions cap wasn’t going to affect the industry for years, if not decades, he told Postmedia, adding the province is the best regulator.

“I think it’s inappropriate for the federal government to use that as a lever to put the responsibility into a regulator that doesn’t have the expertise,” he said.
Consultations continue

Canada’s Senate is in the midst of nationwide hearings on Bill C-69.

The Alberta NDP government had a ream of concerns with the bill, and both Notley and her environment minister Shannon Phillips took those worries to Ottawa.

One of their problems was the bill’s perceived over-reach into provincial jurisdiction. Sohi said Tuesday his government “gave an assurance” to Notley that wouldn’t be the case.

“(Notley’s) other concern was that as long as the cap remains on emissions, in-situ projects should not fall under C-69, and we gave her assurance on that,” Sohi said.

And if the cap is lifted, as Kenney has promised?

“Then in-situ will be part of Bill C-69,” he said.
‘Federal sucker punch’


Whether Kenney knew of the implications for in-situ sites before he promised to lift the emissions cap is unclear.

Christine Myatt, spokeswoman for the premier-designate’s office, wanted to know when NDP and federal Liberals agreed to a deal.

“It’s well known the issues with Bill C-69 go far beyond whether in-situ projects are exempted. According to experts, the legislation makes it unlikely that new pipelines can be built,” Myatt said in an email.

“The incoming UCP government looks forward to a productive discussion with the federal government on these key issues.”

Kenney has made no secret of his dislike of the bill.

During the election campaign he repeatedly vowed to launch a constitutional challenge to Bill C-69, saying it would prevent the building of future pipelines.

“Bill C-69 is a federal sucker punch to an already reeling Alberta economy,” he said.







Edmonton Pride Festival Cancelled After Organizers Call Police on People of Colour

The Edmonton Pride Festival Society cited the “current political and social environment” in the cancellation.


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Apr 11 2019, 10:44am


Photo via The Canadian Press

Organizers have cancelled this year’s Edmonton Pride festival, citing the “current political and social environment,” according to an internal email that leaked late Wednesday.

“In light of the current political and social environment, it has been determined that any attempt to host a festival will not be successful,” the email states. It says the board of directors voted to cancel the festival, which was scheduled to start June 7.

The Edmonton Pride Festival Society, which organizes Pride and sent the email, hasn’t explained what that means, and hasn’t answered a request for comment from VICE. But for a group representing Black, Indigenous, people of colour within Edmonton’s LGBTQS+ community, it’s pretty clear.

In response to the leaked email, the Shades of Colour Community released a statement expressing “profound disappointment” in the actions of the Edmonton Pride Festival Society, culminating in their decision to cancel Pride.

“We are calling this decision for what it is: namely, a disavowal of deep systematic problems in the framework of EPFS as well as an attempt to dismiss, target, and put out of play the efforts put on the part of Black, Indigenous, and people of colour in the LGBTQ2S+ to point toward alternatives on how this organization carries out its activities.”

At last year’s Pride parade, BIPOC members of the LGBTQS+ community and their allies briefly stopped the parade to demand that police and the military be uninvited to Pride. After the protest, the groups appeared to be working together to resolve the issues.

Two weeks ago, the Shades of Colour Community and refugee-advocacy group RaricaNow published a list of demands sent to the EPFS. They said the society had already agreed to two of their demands, including removing police and military from Pride, and encouraged people to come to a community meeting on April 4. The demands focused on funding and making space for QTBIPOC at Pride.

The meeting didn’t go so well. According to CBC, four representatives of the groups were invited to speak at the meeting, but when 30 people arrived to show support, they were told they had to be a member of the organization to attend. Clayton Hitchcock, co-chair of the EPFS, told CBC the group entered the meeting without permission, prompting board members to call police on them. In comments on the EPFS Facebook page, people who attended the protest said it was peaceful and they were simply standing in the hallway.

In a Facebook post, EPFS said “due to safety concerns, the meeting was moved to another location.”

The decision to cancel Pride also comes only days after the Pride Centre of Edmonton fired Shay Lewis, a transgender person of colour, without giving a reason. Although the centre hired an Indigenous, transgender, two-spirit person to replace Lewis, critics contend the organization is mostly white, with few BIPOC board members, according to CBC.

“What the pride centre has traditionally said and continues to say is well we have one person here so you don’t get to complain,” Lewis told CTV. “And it’s frustrating because it prevents progress but on top of that it’s frustrating because it just shows that lack of faith.”

“Edmonton Pride Festival Society has repeatedly taken multiple steps backwards in reassessing and resserting its commitments to the community—whatever was called progress last year is but an empty statement when they are willing to put communities into further vulnerable positions time and time again,” the Shades of Colour Community statement reads.

Although the festival is cancelled, several other organizations say they will still hold Pride events.

Canadian Oil Companies Might Be Emitting Way More Than Reported

A new study suggests oil sands carbon emissions could be as much as 64 percent higher.





Photo by Larry MacDougal / The Canadian Press


Companies in Canada’s oil sands could be inadvertently painting a sunnier picture of their greenhouse gas emissions than is actually true, according to a new study that could have major implications for Canada’s Paris Agreement commitments.

The peer-reviewed paper in the journal Nature Communications found these companies could be underreporting their emissions by as much as 64 percent, according to measurements gathered from aircraft flying over the oil sands in August and September, 2013.


“The results indicate that CO2 emission intensities for [oil sands] facilities are 13 to 123 percent larger than those estimated using publicly available data. This leads to 64 percent higher annual GHG emissions from surface mining operations, and 30 percent higher overall [oil sands] GHG emissions (17 megatons) compared to that reported by the industry,” the study says.


It’s not that companies are lying about their emissions, the paper says; it’s that the methodology they’re using could be giving inaccurate results. And the authors say the findings indicate that other industrial sources of GHGs could also be reporting inaccurate numbers.

The global energy industry alone makes up about 35 percent of human-caused emissions, and most of that is the upstream oil and gas sector, the paper states. The large contribution of the industry “underscores the need” for accurate reporting, the authors say.

The findings are a big deal because, as the authors point out, the Paris Agreement that Canada signed onto sets out a goal of limiting the increase in global temperature to less than 1.5 degrees Celsius. Figuring out where we can make those cuts relies on accurate emissions estimates and reporting. And under the Paris Agreement, Canada has to submit emissions data every year. The study suggests that data from the oil and gas industry “may be more uncertain than previously considered”—meaning the data we’re submitting could be inaccurate.


This is especially worrying for Canada, which a government study published April 1 found is warming at more than double the global rate. Much of that warming is locked-in, meaning we can’t stop it.


Already, the government study found, Canada’s glaciers and sea ice are thinning quickly, permafrost temperatures are increasing, there is a higher risk of water shortages in summer, and the number of heat waves is climbing along with risk of drought and fire weather. Flooding in cities is increasing, and sea level rise is threatening the east coast.


Under an ambitious scenario in which we rapidly decrease our emissions, Canada could cap its emissions to 2 degrees Celsius of warming above pre-industrial rates, the government study said. But if we continue with business as usual, Canada’s temperature would warm by 6 degrees Celsius.







PEI·PEI Votes


Minority government uncharted territory for P.E.I.
This is 1st minority government for P.E.I. in modern times


A Provincial Green Party is the Official Opposition for the first time in Canadian History 

NDP wiped out  

(Ex) Premier loses his seat 

PR; Proportional Representation Referendum Fails


Kevin Yarr · CBC News · Posted: Apr 24, 2019 6:00 AM AT | Last Updated: 3 hours ago



Dennis King, P.E.I.'s premier-designate, has promised a more collaborative form of government. (Brian McInnis/CBC)

P.E.I. is waking up to a new government Wednesday morning, but it is not entirely clear how that government will come together.

In one sense, the Progressive Conservative victory is exactly what history would have expected. The trend since the 1960s has been for the Liberals and the Tories to trade government back and forth after three terms, and the Liberals were seeking a fourth term.


In other ways, it is unprecedented.
It is the first minority government for the Island in modern times. The most recent coalition governments were in the 1870s.
And the Green Party, led by Peter Bevan-Baker, is set to form the first official Opposition for the Greens in Canada.

PEI VOTESPC minority, Green Opposition will be 'a new era in Island politics'

The final results on the night wereProgressive Conservative: 12.Green: 8.Liberal: 6.
The NDP failed to win a seat, and outgoing premier Wade MacLauchlan was defeated in his district.

Liberal Leader Wade MacLauchlan loses seat

There is still a byelection to come. The election in District 9, Charlottetown-Hillsborough Park, was suspended when Green candidate Josh Underhay died in an accident on Friday.

The referendum on electoral reform failed to pass.

Islanders vote to keep first past the post

Premier-designate Dennis King now faces a task that has never before been faced by a P.E.I. premier. He needs to figure out how to form a consensus in the legislature without having a majority of his own party there.

King promised a more collaborative approach to government during the campaign, and he will now be forced to make good on that promise. King said the results showed Islanders are looking for a new kind of politics.

"It shows that Prince Edward Island wants the parties of Prince Edward Island to put partisan nature behind them, to work together," he said in his victory speech.

"I'm looking forward to working with all elected officials in the legislature to make that happen for Prince Edward Island."




Historic election for Greens


Voters in P.E.I. have shed their century-old embrace of the Island's two-party system, electing a Tory minority government and handing the upstart Green party official Opposition status for the first time.
With all polls reporting Tuesday, the Tories won 12 seats, the Greens held nine, and the incumbent Liberals, led by Premier Wade MacLauchlan, had won five.
The Greens had led in opinion polls since August, prompting speculation they could be poised to form Canada's first Green government.
Still, their strong showing on election night proved to be a breakthrough for a party that did not hold a seat in the legislature until 2015. That's when party Leader Peter Bevan-Baker won in the general election — after nine unsuccessful runs for office on the Island and in Ontario.
"Islanders responded (to us) by granting us a record number of seats — by far the most seats ever by a Green party in Canada," he told a boisterous crowd at the PEI Brewing Company in Charlottetown.
"I'm a strong believer in the capacity of minority government to create a collaborative environment where competing parties can put the interests of constituents and Islanders first."
Progressive Conservative Leader Dennis King, a former political staffer and consultant, was elected to lead the party only two months ago. He won the riding of Brackley-Hunter River.
The Tories enjoyed a boost in the polls last month, leaving them in a virtual dead heat with the Greens and Liberals as the campaign began.
The Tory victory represents the latest in a series of gains for right-leaning parties, including wins in Alberta, Quebec, New Brunswick and Ontario — all within the last year.
Earlier this year, the Island's Progressive Conservatives were largely regarded as a dysfunctional organization, having churned through no less than six leaders in the past eight years.
Despite past infighting within Tory ranks, King was lauded for running a solid campaign, mainly by reinforcing a relentlessly positive message — a tried-and-true tactic among Island politicians.
A former communications director for former Tory premier Pat Binns, King performed well on the hustings and in a series of decidedly polite leaders debates.
However, the rookie leader's run for office was marred by a mild controversy over a series of tweets that were supposed to be funny, but instead offended some, who criticized them for being sexist and homophobic.
King, who also describes himself as a comedian and story-teller with a progressive political outlook, admitted that some of the tweets were inappropriate.
Among other things, King promised to expand beer and wine sales to convenience stores.
Access to family doctors emerged as a key issue in the campaign. All four parties talked about recruiting more physicians. According to Health PEI, there are 13,083 Islanders on the waiting list for a family doctor
The Greens' rise in popularity generated a national buzz during an otherwise lacklustre campaign.
During the race, Bevan-Baker — a Scottish-born dentist — tried to persuade Islanders that the Greens care about more than just the environment, offering a platform that focused on a range of social issues.
The Green leader, who was elected to the legislature as the first Green member in 2015, won his riding of New Haven-Rocky Point.
The Liberals were seeking a fourth term in office, having repeatedly reminded Islanders that the province's economy remains the strongest in the country.
MacLauchlan failed to win his seat.
"It's simple: the tide turned. We've had four years of good government, responsible government and exceptionally good management of the province's finances," he told reporters.
"We left no stone unturned. We presented good policy. We presented a good team and we went and did the work that candidates do."
It wouldn't be a stretch to say P.E.I. is on a tear, posting impressive numbers for higher wages, employment, immigration, housing starts, exports, retail sales and tourism.
However, voters appeared reluctant to give MacLauchlan credit for boosting the economy, a sentiment that was reflected in his relatively low personal popularity ratings.
The Island's New Democrats, led by 57-year-old Joe Byrne, were not in contention in any ridings.
When the legislature was dissolved, the Liberals held 16 seats in the 27-seat legislature, the Tories had eight and the Green party had two seats. There was one Independent.
A total of 14 seats are needed for a majority, but only 26 of the 27 seats were contested Tuesday.
On Saturday, Elections P.E.I. postponed the vote in the district of Charlottetown-Hillsborough Park following the deaths of Green party candidate, Josh Underhay, and his young son in a boating mishap on the Hillsborough River.
A byelection will be held in the riding within the next three months.
Aside from the election outcome, voters will also learn the results of a binding referendum on electoral reform, which will determine if Islanders want to keep the first-past-the-post system or change to a mixed member proportional representation model.



P.E.I. makes history by vaulting the Greens to second place behind Tories

By Justin Ling in News, Politics | April 23rd 2019

Peter Bevan-Baker, leader of the Green party, votes in the
 Prince Edward Island provincial election in Bonshaw, P.E.I. 
on Tuesday, April 23, 2019. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Andrew Vaughan


Voters in Prince Edward Island have given the Progressive Conservatives the most seats in the legislature following an unprecedented election that saw the Green Party jump to become the second-largest party in the province.

It is, perhaps, an apropos result. After a particularly collegial and respectful campaign, parties will need to cooperate and negotiate to form government.

The Progressive Conservative party, led by Dennis King, took 12 seats to the Greens’ eight. Premier Wade MacLauchlan lost his own seat as his governing Liberals ended the night on Tuesday with six seats.

Speaking to supporters from his election night party, a grinning King vowed he would go forward in a less partisan, more positive fashion.

King is just the most recent provincial conservative to come out on top in recent months, but he is a distinctly different leader than premier-designate Jason Kenney of Alberta or Premier Doug Ford of Ontario. Unlike other conservatives in the country, King has not pledged to fight the federal carbon price, and has even pledged to turn P.E.I. into a carbon-neutral society.

King’s PCs fell just two seats short of a majority government, meaning he will either have to curry support from the Greens or Liberals — or else the Greens will have a crack at forming government.

“One of the leaders has to win the confidence of the house,” P.E.I. Green Party Leader Peter Bevan-Baker tells @Justin_Ling, adding that he’d be talking to both other leaders. “There are all sorts of permutations that are possible.”


Overall, King's Tories ended the evening with about 36.5 per cent of the popular vote, followed by the Greens at 30.6 per cent and the Liberals at 29.5 per cent. The NDP had about three per cent of the vote and didn't win a seat.

The totals do not include results from one riding in Charlottetown, where voting was suspended following the passing of Green candidate Josh Underhay, who died in a tragic boat accident with his six-year-old son, days before the vote. The tragedy brought the campaign to a halt.

A byelection is expected in that riding within the next few months.

Under Westminster rules, outgoing Premier MacLauchlan would normally have the first crack at forming government. But he wound up losing his own seat to Tory Bloyce Thompson by about 100 votes, as his Liberals became the third party in the legislature.

Speaking to reporters on Tuesday night, MacLauchlan conceded the "tide turned" on the Liberals after three consecutive terms in government.

The likely scenario is that King forms government with support of either the Liberals or Greens, or tries his luck on a vote-by-vote basis. But, given this is unprecedented on the island, anything is possible.

I spoke with Green leader Peter Bevan-Baker after most of the votes were counted Tuesday, and he played coy about exactly where he saw the chips falling.

“One of the leaders has to win the confidence of the house,” Bevan-Baker said, adding that he’d be talking to both MacLauchlan and King. “There are all sorts of permutations that are possible,” he said, adding that a coalition with the PCs is definitely an option — especially given there is significant overlap between both parties’ platforms.

When he took the stage Tuesday night, he pledged that the legislature would be a “cooperative” one, punctuating it with kind words for King, whom he called “a good friend.” Bevan-Baker contrasted that with the “rancour and nastiness” seen in “other” elections that were held recently, he said, without mentioning Alberta by name.

When Bevan-Baker took the stage on Tuesday night, he began by paying tribute to Underhay. “I don’t think I’ve ever felt so overwhelmed by joy and grief simultaneously,” he told supporters.

The Greens didn’t come out on top, as some pollsters projected, but it did deliver more seats than a Green Party has ever received in Canada.

P.E.I. opted not to make history, however, when it came to a referendum on electoral reform. Only 49 per cent of the province voted for a mixed-member proportional system. Both King and Bevan-Baker are supporters of the system, however, meaning the idea could still live on.

Editor's note: This article was updated at 12:06 a.m. ET on April 24, 2019 with additional information about Wade MacLauchlan losing his seat.



P.E.I. made history with this election—just not the kind everyone expected
David Moscrop: The Greens are travelling Canada’s political landscape without the excess baggage other parties carry—and they’re making serious headway

by David Moscrop

Apr 23, 2019



Green Party leader Peter Bevan-Baker and his wife Ann leave a polling station after voting in the Prince Edward Island provincial election on Tuesday (Andrew Vaughan/CP)


Prince Edward Island is home to just over 153,000 Canadians and a provincial legislature of 27 seats. On Tuesday night, the birthplace of Confederation drew considerable attention, returning 12 Progressive Conservatives, who are likely to form government—the first minority government in the province since the 1890 election, defeating the premier in his riding, electing Canada’s first Green Party Official Opposition, and nearly voting to change the electoral systemto mixed member proportional system.

The most remarkable storyline of the election is the Green vote. In 2015, Islanders elected one Green MLA on the strength of 11 per cent of the popular vote. Four years later, with 31 per cent of the vote, the Greens won nine seats and will take on the task of holding the Tory government to account—officially. In a minority situation, they will wield considerable power along with five Liberals.


RELATED: Prince Edward Island, where two lost lives matter more than politics

What explains the Green rise? Jason Markusoff, Maclean’s own, suggested to me that outside of P.E.I., the Greens would have suffered considerable damage from negative attacks by the Tories and Liberals, but the political culture of the province prohibited such barbarism. Also, the Greens didn’t have to worry quite as much about voter mobilization as they would elsewhere—though a more effective get-out-the-vote might have helped them—since over 80 per cent of P.E.I. residents cast a ballot. Islanders mobilize themselves.

It also didn’t hurt that Green leader Peter Bevan-Baker is a patently decent and affable fellow. Once the votes were in, he made clear that he looked forward to working with the government for the next four years, noting that he is “a strong believer in the capacity of minority government to create a collaborative environment where competing parties can put the interests of constituents and Islanders first.” People like that. Political culture and the quality of the Green leader explain a lot. But there’s more to it.

As the votes were counted Tuesday night, observers and politicians talked about a changing tide, a reset, or another routine switcheroo in a province that has gone back and forth between Red and Blue for many, many, many years. There is surely plenty of that. But the Red and Blue back and forth has been joined by a different colour.

The word “different” is important. While P.E.I. is unique in returning a Green Official Opposition, it’s not unique in expressing interest in a the Green brand. In 2017, British Columbia elected three Green MLAs in a minority-government legislature. In 2018, Ontario returned its first Green member of Provincial Parliament, Mike Shreiner. The current CBC Poll Tracker has the federal Greens under leader Elizabeth May drawing 8.5 percent support and projected to win three seats—and as many as seven—up from the one they have now. Voters are shopping around a bit. And some of them will be willing to change brands. Some of them want something different.


RELATED: Where in Canada will the Greens win next?

Throughout Canada, the Greens may be the beneficiaries of both their own hard work and, for lack of a better word, luck. They have been working for years on party-building efforts, some of them carefully targeted campaigns to build capacity in specific spots. But they are also a party associated primarily with environmentalism during a time of growing green consciousness. A recent Abacus Data poll suggested that climate change is on the minds of Canadians and will be a federal ballot box issue in the fall of 2019.

Additionally, the party is both an outsider and honest broker who move throughout the political world without the baggage of the traditional top parties—the Liberals, Tories, and even the New Democrats. In an era of distrust, rising populism, and dissatisfaction with status-quo, the Greens are just familiar enough to be a reputable option while not being too closely associated with any of the ancien regime parties. What’s that old bit about luck? It’s when preparation and opportunity meet?

Prince Edward Island might have made more history on Tuesday night than they know. By electing a Green opposition, the province might have put the party on the register as a viable option for voters who have noticed their achievement, offering a proof-of-concept for other provinces and for the country, allowing the party to say to voters, borrowing from greats James Brown and Van Morrison, “If you’re tired of what you got, try me.” Voters might do just that.

The Greens in P.E.I. must now perform, though. Eyes will be on them and their failures and successes may end up being more than their own—they may be Green failures and successes writ large. But if they manage to impress, they could end up as the pace car for others like them across the country to follow. And that might get the party where it needs to be beyond the home of Confederation.






Nathan Cullen @nathancullen
Wow - was that close. Not only did PEI choose a minority parliament they also voted 51.2% (No) - 48.3% (Yes) & voted Yes in 15 out of 27 ridings voted for proportional voting. That’s about as close as it comes. With one district to vote in a by election.. https://t.co/rTtIENnshp
Twitter

THE HORROR, THE HORROR, THE MEDIEVAL BARBARISM THEY SAID 

OF DAESH, ISIS, ISIL, AL QAEDA, ETC.
FOR BEHEADING THEIR VICTIMS, 
LET'S JUST SAY THEY LEARNED IT FROM THEIR ELDERS 


Saudi Arabia crucifies a prisoner and executes 36 others in largest mass killing in over 3 years
Rosie Perper


Reuters/XXSTRINGERXX Xxxxx



Rights groups have expressed alarm after Saudi Arabia carried out mass executions of 37 prisoners on charges it says are related to terrorism.

One of the men was crucified after his death, a punishment usually reserved for the most heinous crimes.

Tuesday's executions were the largest mass execution in the kingdom since January 2016.
Executions are common in Saudi Arabia, which follows a strict interpretation of Islamic law.
Saudi Arabia is on track to set a new record for beheading people in 2019 based on its patterns of convictions in this year alone.

Rights groups have expressed alarm after Saudi Arabia carried out mass executions of 37 prisoners on charges it says are related to terrorism.




Saudi Arabia's official press agency said that it carried out 37 executions on Tuesday in several regions including the capital Riyadh as well as Mecca and Medina.

According to Saudi Press Agency, those executed were accused of "forming a terrorist cell" and attacking a security outpost, killing a number of officers. One of the men was crucified after his death, a punishment usually reserved for the most heinous crimes.

Executions are common in Saudi Arabia, which follows a strict interpretation of Islamic law. In August, a man accused of murder, theft, and attempted rape was allegedly crucified in Mecca.

The mass execution was the largest since January 2016, when Saudi Arabia executed 47 people in relation to alleged terrorism offences, ABC News reported.

Following the death sentences, rights groups called out Saudi Arabia for the execution spree.

Read more: This chart shows how Saudi Arabia is on course to behead more people than ever before in 2019


Amnesty International released a statement on Wednesday, claiming the convictions were being used as a political tool to crush dissenting voices from its minority Shi'a population.

"Today's mass execution is a chilling demonstration of the Saudi Arabian authorities callous disregard for human life," said Lynn Maalouf, the group's Middle East Research Director.

According to the group, many of the men executed were subjected to unfair mass trials, or were convicted of violent offenses related to their participation in anti-government protests and were tortured and interrogated. Some of them were members of the Shi'a population.

One of the men arrested was a Shi'a man named Abdulkareem al-Hawaj, the group said, who was arrested at the age of 16 for his participation in an anti-government protest.

Amnesty says the Kingdom has already carried out at least 104 executions this year. Last year, it carried out 149 in total.

According to INSIDER's Bill Bostock, Saudi Arabia is on track to set a new record for beheading people in 2019 based on its patterns of convictions in this year alone.Read the original article on INSIDER.


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