MP: An Online Feminist Journal Spring 2013: Vol.4, Issue 1
Women ‘Waking Up’ and Moving the Mountain;
The Feminist Eugenics of Charlotte Perkins Gilman
By Susan Rensing
The 1910s were a period of tremendous visibility of eugenic ideas throughout the United States, in large part because of Progressive Era enthusiasm for scientific solutions to social problems. Americans were concerned with how to improve the hereditary quality of the human race and eugenics was the science dedicated to pursuing that goal.Parallel to this expansion of eugenics in the public sphere was a revitalization of the women's movement that began to be called ‘feminism.’ Both eugenics and feminism were being constructed and expanded in the 1910s, and the interaction between the two ideologies is the focus of this paper. On the one hand, eugenicists attempted to use eugenics to shape the scope of feminism, and limit the roles of women to motherhood and breeding for racial betterment, what the British doctor and widely read science writer Caleb Saleeby termed “eugenic feminism.”
On the other hand, “the foremost American female feminist” during this period, Charlotte Perkins Gilman, argued that the new age of women’s equality would shape eugenics, not the other way around, and articulated a feminist eugenics that separated breeding from motherhood
Feminist eugenics, as Gilman envisioned it, constrained the choices available to men by subverting their role as sexual selectors, taking away their economic power in marriage,and targeting the sexual double standard.
Thursday, January 23, 2020
White Women's Rights - The Radical Origins of Feminism in the United States
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Speaking of Sex: The Rhetorical Strategies of Frances Willard, Victoria Woodhull, and Ida Craddock
2005
SPEAKING OF SEX: THE RHETORICAL STRATEGIESOF FRANCESS WILLARD, VICTORIA WOODHULL, AND IDA CRADDOCK
ABSTRACTWhile a growing body of rhetorical and historical research about American female reformers and the movements in which they were involved exists, little or nothing has been done focusing on the sexual aspects of reform speech. This is a significant omission; just as women's social and legal standing at that time was inexorably bound to their sexual and reproductive capacities, so too did many reform efforts center on issues of women’s sexuality. Defining"public sexual discourse" as reform-oriented text that explicitly or obliquely addressed vaginal intercourse between men and women and that was produced specifically for distribution to an audience via speech or publication, this study first examined the texts of three late nineteenth-century female reformers: Frances Willard, president of the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union; Victoria Woodhull, public speaker and publisher of a free love newspaper; and Ida Craddock, writer and distributor of sex-in-marriage booklets. Rhetorical examination of each text was based in the general biographical information and the sexual experiences and opinions of each rhetoric and was foregrounded against the social and reform climates of her time. A specific historical or rhetorical problem for each rhetoric was also explored based on her public sexual discourse. Next, a model of late nineteenth-century women reformers' public sexual discourse was developed. According the most generalizeable points of the model, nineteenth-century women reformers’ public sexual discourse was based on the perception that men sexually victimized women and that contemporaneous marriage could trap women into sexual,financial, and reproductive abuse. Sexual reform would protect women’s rights to control their own bodies within sexual relationships and to choose when to become pregnant. Reform would also encourage couples to form intimate relationships founded in supportive religious or spiritual belief systems, and those relationships would, in turn, improve the entire culture. Sexual reformers themselves held radical religious beliefs relative to the protestant Christian norm.Finally, the model was interrogated in light of the discourse of white women's sexuality found in the anti-lynching rhetoric of Ida B. Wells
Love's Labour's Lost: A History of the Question
"Why is there No Socialism in the United States?"
Alexander M. Dunphy
Portland State University 2014
BA Honors Thesis
EXCERPT
Marx celebrated the history of the United States’ Working Men’s parties of the 1820s and 1830s as some of the first labor-oriented political organizations in the world. Emanating from the concerns of craftsmen and skilled journeymen over their low social and economic status, the members of the Working Men’s parties, or “Workies,” pressed for universal male suffrage, equal educational opportunities, protection from debtor imprisonment, greater financial security, and shorter working hours. Marx and his partner, the German social scientist, political theorist, and philosopher Friedrich Engels also admired the Knights of Labor (KOL), the first national labor organization in the United States. Organizing along industrial lines, rather than the more conservative craft model, the KOL engaged in struggles for the eight-hour workday without regard to ethnicity, sex, or skill set in the years following the U.S. Civil War. Engels even went as far as to advise the “backwards workers” of Britain to follow their example. The existence of these unions was a sure sign of the advanced level of the working class of the United States.
"Why is there No Socialism in the United States?"
Alexander M. Dunphy
Portland State University 2014
BA Honors Thesis
EXCERPT
Marx celebrated the history of the United States’ Working Men’s parties of the 1820s and 1830s as some of the first labor-oriented political organizations in the world. Emanating from the concerns of craftsmen and skilled journeymen over their low social and economic status, the members of the Working Men’s parties, or “Workies,” pressed for universal male suffrage, equal educational opportunities, protection from debtor imprisonment, greater financial security, and shorter working hours. Marx and his partner, the German social scientist, political theorist, and philosopher Friedrich Engels also admired the Knights of Labor (KOL), the first national labor organization in the United States. Organizing along industrial lines, rather than the more conservative craft model, the KOL engaged in struggles for the eight-hour workday without regard to ethnicity, sex, or skill set in the years following the U.S. Civil War. Engels even went as far as to advise the “backwards workers” of Britain to follow their example. The existence of these unions was a sure sign of the advanced level of the working class of the United States.
Socialism and Modernity
This first collection of Peter Beilharz's highly influential thought traces the themes and problems, manifestations, and trajectories of socialism and modernity as they connect and shift over a twenty-year period. Woven throughout Beilharz's analysis is the urgent question of modern utopia: how do we imagine freedom and equality in modernity?
The essays in this volume explore the relationship between socialism and modernity across the United States, Europe, and Australia from the mid-1980s to the turn of the twenty-first century, a time that witnessed the global triumph of capitalism and the dramatic turn away from Marxism and socialism to modernity as the dominant perspective. According to Beilharz, we have seen the expansion of a kind of Weberian Marxism, with the concept of revolution giving way to the idea of pluralized forms of power and the idea of rupture giving way to the postmodern sense of difference. These changes come together with the discourse of modernism, both aesthetic and technological.Socialism and modernity, Beilharz argues, are fundamentally interrelated. In correcting the conflation of Marxism, Bolshevism, and socialism that occludes contemporary political thinking, he reopens a space for discussion of what socialist politics might look like now-in the postcommunist-postcolonial-postmodern moment.
Contents
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| 50 |
| 72 |
| 87 |
| 95 |
| 116 |
| 142 |
| 167 |
| 179 |
| 189 |
| 201 |
| 221 |
| 223 |
| 107 |
Marxism and the Union Bureaucracy:Karl Kautsky on Samuel Gompers and the German Free Trade Unions
© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2008 DOI: 10.1163/156920608X315266
Historical Materialism 16 (2008) 115–136 www.brill.nl/hima Archive
Marxism and the Union Bureaucracy: Karl Kautsky on Samuel Gompers and the German Free Trade Unions
Daniel Gaido
National Research Council (CONICE), Argentina danielgaid@gmail.com
Abstract
This work is a companion piece to ‘The American Worker’, Karl Kautsky’s reply to Werner Sombart’s Why Is There No Socialism in the United States?
(1906), first published in English in the November 2003 edition of this journal. In August 1909 Kautsky wrote an article on Samuel Gompers, the president of the American Federation of Labor, on the occasion of the latter’s first European tour. Te article was not only a criticism of Gompers’s anti-socialist ‘pure-and-simple’unionism but also part of an ongoing battle between the revolutionary wing of German Social Democracy and the German trade-union officials. In this critical English edition we provide the historical background to the document as well as an overview of the issues raised by Gompers’visit to Germany, such as the bureaucratization and increasing conservatism of the union leadership in both Germany and the United States, the role of the General Commission of Free Trade Unions in the abandonment of Marxism by the German Social-Democratic Party and the socialists’ attitude toward institutions promoting class collaboration like the National Civic Federation.
Historical Materialism 16 (2008) 115–136 www.brill.nl/hima Archive
Marxism and the Union Bureaucracy: Karl Kautsky on Samuel Gompers and the German Free Trade Unions
Daniel Gaido
National Research Council (CONICE), Argentina danielgaid@gmail.com
Abstract
This work is a companion piece to ‘The American Worker’, Karl Kautsky’s reply to Werner Sombart’s Why Is There No Socialism in the United States?
(1906), first published in English in the November 2003 edition of this journal. In August 1909 Kautsky wrote an article on Samuel Gompers, the president of the American Federation of Labor, on the occasion of the latter’s first European tour. Te article was not only a criticism of Gompers’s anti-socialist ‘pure-and-simple’unionism but also part of an ongoing battle between the revolutionary wing of German Social Democracy and the German trade-union officials. In this critical English edition we provide the historical background to the document as well as an overview of the issues raised by Gompers’visit to Germany, such as the bureaucratization and increasing conservatism of the union leadership in both Germany and the United States, the role of the General Commission of Free Trade Unions in the abandonment of Marxism by the German Social-Democratic Party and the socialists’ attitude toward institutions promoting class collaboration like the National Civic Federation.
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LuXemburg. Gesellschaftsanalyse und linke Praxis,
2019,
ISSN 1869-0424
Publisher:
Board of the Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung
Managing Editor:
Barbara Friedbarbara.fried@rosalux.orgTel: +49 (0)30 443 10-404
Editorial Board:
Harry Adler, Lutz Brangsch, MichaelBrie, Mario Candeias, Judith Dellheim, Alex DemiroviĆ,Barbara Fried, Corinna Genschel, Christiane Markard,Ferdinand Muggenthaler, Miriam Pieschke, KatharinaPühl, Rainer Rilling, Thomas Sablowski, Hannah Schu-rian, Jörn Schütrumpf, Ingar Solty,
Uwe Sonnenberg,Moritz Warnke and Florian Wilde
CONTENTS
STOP OR WE WILL SHOOT!
WHY THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION OF 1918/19 HAD TO END
IN POLITICAL REVOLUTION AND ULTIMATELY LOST IT AS WELL
by Ingar Solty, Uwe Sonnenberg, Jörn Schütrumpf
........................................2
by Ingar Solty, Uwe Sonnenberg, Jörn Schütrumpf
........................................2
A NEW CIVILIZATION
by Alex Demirović
......................................10
by Alex Demirović
......................................10
ROSA LUXEMBURG AS A SOCIALIST FEMINIST
by Drucilla Cornell
...................................18
by Drucilla Cornell
...................................18
‘NO SENTIMENTALITY PLEASE’
AN ISRAELI PERSPECTIVE ON ROSA LUXEMBURG
by Gal Hertz
.................................26
LETTER TO SOPHIE LIEBKNECHT
by Rosa Luxemburg
...............................................32
AN ISRAELI PERSPECTIVE ON ROSA LUXEMBURG
by Gal Hertz
.................................26
LETTER TO SOPHIE LIEBKNECHT
by Rosa Luxemburg
...............................................32
INNER COLONIES
THE CARE SECTOR AS A PLACE OF
‘NEW LANDNAHME’
by Tove Soiland
....................................................38
ORDER REIGNS IN BERLIN
by Rosa Luxemburg
......................................................44
REVOLUTIONARY REALPOLITIK
by Michael Brie | Mario Candeias
....................................... .............52
THE CARE SECTOR AS A PLACE OF
‘NEW LANDNAHME’
by Tove Soiland
....................................................38
ORDER REIGNS IN BERLIN
by Rosa Luxemburg
......................................................44
REVOLUTIONARY REALPOLITIK
by Michael Brie | Mario Candeias
....................................... .............52
ROWING AGAINST THE CURRENT TEACHING AND LEARNING WITH ROSA LUXEMBURG
by Miriam Pieschke
..........................................................60
by Miriam Pieschke
..........................................................60
‘NO COWARDICE BEFORE THE FRIEND!’
HOW DO WE CRITIQUE REVOLUTIONS?
by Lutz Brangsch........................66
HOW DO WE CRITIQUE REVOLUTIONS?
by Lutz Brangsch........................66
AUTHORS ...................................72
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