Ottoman and Islamic Societies: Were They ‘Slave Societies

Ehud R. Toledano, “Ottoman and Islamic Societies: Were They ‘Slave Societies’?,”

in Noel Lenski and Catherine M. Cameron (eds.), What Is A Slave Society?, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018, 360-382

Ehud R. Toledano

History of Slavery
Abolition of Slavery
Slavery in the Muslim World
Comparative Slavery in the Early Modern Atlantic World
Slave Societies

https://www.academia.edu/4900070/Ehud_R._Toledano_
As_If_Silent_and_Absent_Bonds_of_Enslavement_in_the_Islamic_Middle_East_
New_Haven_CT_and_London_Yale_University_Press_2007

https://www.academia.edu/17548254/Ehud_R._Toledano_
The_Ottoman_Slave_Trade_and_Its_Suppression_1840-1890_
Princeton_Princeton_University_Press_1982_
selected_for_the_distinguished_backlist_of_Princeton_Legacy_Library
_and_republished_in_new_format_2014_

Michael Ferguson and Ehud R. Toledano, “Ottoman Slavery and Abolition in the Nineteenth-Century,” in David Eltis, Stanley L. Engerman, David Richardson, and Seymour Drescher (eds.), The Cambridge World History of Slavery, Vol. 4 (1804-present), Cambridge University Press, 2016, 197-225

Participation of slaves in Byzantine economic activities (10th - 11th centuries): 

Some legal aspects. // 

Workshop: Slavery in the Black Sea Region, c. 1000-1900: 

Forms of Unfreedom at the Intersection between Orthodox Christianity and Islam, 

University of Leiden 30-31 May 2017

D. Penna

CONFERENCE PROGRAM 16 PAGES 

In Byzantine law –as in Roman law– slaves were used to expand the economic activities of their owners. Slaves had no legal personality. That is why legal constructions were used to allow slaves to take part in business and economic activities. I will attempt in this paper to highlight some of the legal aspects that concern the participation of slaves in economic activity in Byzantium. Starting point will be the Book of the Eparch which dates from 911/912.

SLAVE TRADE IN THE EARLY MODERN CRIMEA FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF CHRISTIAN,MUSLIM, AND JEWISH SOURCES.

MIKHAIL KIZILOV

Oxford University

The  fires are burning behind the river—

The Tatars are dividing their captives.

Our village is burnt 

And our property plundered.

Old mother is sabred 

And my dear is taken into captivity.

(a Ukrainian folk-song)

Abstract

The Crimea, a peninsula on the border between the Christian West and the Muslim East, was a place where merchants from all over the Black Sea region, East and West Mediterranean, Anatolia, Turkey, Russia, and West European countries came to buy, sell, and exchange their goods. In this trade “live merchandise”—reluctant travelers, seized by the Tatars during their raids to adjacent countries—was one of the main objects to be negotiated. Numerous published and archival sources (accounts of European and Ottoman travelers, letters and memoirs of captives, Turkish defters [registers], Russian and Ottoman chronicles to mention some of them) composed by Muslim, Christian, and Jewish authors provide not only a detailed account of the slave trade in the region in the Early Modern times, but also a discussion of some moral implications related to this sort of commercial activity. While most of the authors expressed their disapproval of the Tatar predatory raids and cruel treatment of the captives, none of them, it seems, objected to the existence of the slave trade per se, considering it just another offshoot of the international trade. Another issue often discussed in the sources was the problem of the slaves’ conversion.


Slaves, Money Lenders, and Prisoner Guards:
The Jews and the Trade in Slaves and Captives in the Crimean Khanate
Mikhail Kizilov
Merton College, Oxford
Abstract
The Crimea, a peninsula lying in the Northern part of the Black Sea,has been inhabited since ancient times by representatives of various ethnic groups and confessions. Trade in slaves and captives was one of the most important (if not the most important) sources of income of the Crimean Khanate in the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries. The role which was played by the Jewish population in this process has still not been properly investigated. Nevertheless, written documents contain frequent references to the involvement of the Jewish population (both Karaite and Rabbanite) in the trade in slaves and prisoners of war carried out by the Crimean Khanate in the sixteenth to seventeenth centuries. Despite their fragmentary character, the sources allow us to attempt to restore a general view of the problem and to come to essential conclusions regarding the role and importance of the Jewish population in the Crimean slave trade.

“Desperation, Hopelessness, and Suicide: An Initial Consideration of Self-Murder by Slaves in Seventeenth-Century Crimean Society”, 
Turkish Historical Review, vol. 9 (2018): 198-211.
Fırat  Yaşa
Suicide, a new issue in Crimean social history research, has not been dealt with in terms of the status of free persons and slaves. It is difficult to find reliable and detailed primary source about slaves' private lives and their expectations apart from some cases which focus on slaves as merchandise to be bought and sold, and examples of their release and escape. However, the Crimean Shari'a court records, which recently became available, provide researchers with such information on slaves as well as some incidental information on many topics such as their living conditions, their hopes for release, and reasons for their suicide. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the impact of society on slave suicides by examining the Shari'a court records of the Crimean Khanate from 1650 to 1675.

“Reports of Dominican Missionaries as a Source of Information about the Slave Trade in the Ottoman and Tatar Crimea in the 1660s.” 

In Osmanlı Devletinde Kölelik: Ticaret–Esaret–Yaşam. 

Eds. Zübeyde Güneş Yağcı, Fırat Yaşa, and Dilek İnan. Istanbul, 2017, 103-116.

Mikhail Kizilov

The accounts and letters of the Dominicans analyzed in this article provide wealth of data regarding the slave trade in the Kefe province and the Crimean Khanate in the 1660s. Especially important is the fact that the friars themselves spent a long time in the area as slaves. Therefore, they provide us with unique and first-hand perspective regarding the position of the “live merchandise” in the Crimea.

BOOK PDF ILLUSTRATED

Images of the gypsies in the collection of the Museum of Art in Cluj

 / Imagini ale țiganilor în colecția Muzeului de Artă din Cluj

Ioana Filipescu

CARMEN AND HER RELATIVES

The cost of Roma slavery

 Perspective Politice

Ciprian Necula

Abstract

This article is about the voluntary or involuntary contribution of the Roma through the history to the economical and social development in the Romanian space. Over the centuries, Roma have suffered social exclusion, discrimination, slavery and deportations to Nazi and Romanian concentration camps. What is less documented is that they have managed to survive over the centuries as an ethnic group, even becoming privileged in certain fields. The Roma attained a high level of privilege as handicraftsmen in an agrarian cultural space, as army tools providers, as famous musicians and appreciated entertainers; they gained recognition as of being from a different culture and speaking another language. Therefore, this article is part of a series of analyses of Roma contribution to economic and social development of the societies that they live in, focusing on Romania – home of the largest population of Roma in Europe . I have decided to start with Roma slavery for two reasons: first of all, Roma were first mentioned in Romanian history as slaves and second, the role and economic contribution of the slaves in the Romanian Principalities are highly relevant for the current situation of the Romanian Roma. This article makes use of the available literature on slavery of Roma ethnic groups in the Romanian Principalities as well as other materials related to Roma history, including anthropological and sociological research.

Keywords: cost, Roma, romanian principalities, slavery.

The abolition of State Slavery in Wallachia: 

unknown laws and miss-interpreted events

Bogdan Mateescu

The need to study the abolition of Wallachia`s State Slaves can be expressed by simply looking at the dates when different historians or sources placed this event: 1831, 1837, 1838, 1843, 1847. This event is unique in Romanian historiography due to the shallow and imprecise knowledge projected upon it, while lacking any debate over each one of these dates. One can only look at the different moments that historians presented over time and assume the existence of a certain fault in either perceiving the event or in elaborating or applying the law itself. We attempt to shed light on the matter and identify the law that would be rightfully considered the abolition law. This alone should provide an interesting inquiry into how institutions and laws worked (or failed to work) at that time. Secondly, since the event we`re analyzing is the abolition of slavery, it is easy to understand the great potential it had to influence individual and family life of the individuals in question. Our second objective was to focus on and to document this particular impact in order to provide an image of how in this context individuals were affected by institutional failures.

 Dimensions of Antigypsyism in Europe (2019)

https://www.academia.edu/39936154/_2019_Dimensions_of_Antigypsyism_in_Europe
European Network against Racism & Zentralrat Deutscher Sinti und Roma

History of Antigypsyism in Europe: The Social Causes

https://www.academia.edu/2512578/History_of_Antigypsyism_in_Europe_The_Social_Causes

Markus End
More Info: part of the anthology "New Faces of Antigypsyism in Modern Europe", edited by Hristo Kyuchukov
Publication Date: 2012

 Roma also Fought: The History of Romani Participation in the Anti-Fascist Movement in Croatia during World War II. 

Roma Rights Journal of the European Roma Rights Centre, 1 (2017), pp. 9 – 16.
https://www.academia.edu/33081648/Roma_also_Fought_The_History_of_Romani_Participation_in_the_Anti-Fascist_Movement_in_Croatia_during_World_War_II._Roma_Rights_Journal_of_the_European_Roma_Rights_Centre_1_2017_pp._9_16

Danijel Vojak

The Roma settled in Croatia in the second half of the 14th century and are one of the oldest minority groups in Croatia today.1 Their history in Croatia was for the most part marked by periods of unsuccessful assimilation – attempts made by state and local authorities that were often accompanied by antiziganist violence. The violent, repressive pressure exerted by Croatian authorities against the Roma reached its peak during World War II, when the pro-fascist Ustaša government committed genocide against them. Most of the pre-war Roma population was destroyed, but a small part of it managed to survive the war. Historiographical research on the suffering of Roma in the Independent State of Croatia (Nezavisna Država Hrvatska – NDH) is still in its infancy and many of its aspects therefore remain almost completely unknown. One of these aspects concerns research on the active armed resistance of Roma towards the pro-fascist Ustaša authorities. The author intends to show that the Roma participated in the Croatian anti-fascist resistance movement and to present a comparison to similar examples of resistance in several other European countries. The research is based on archival and museum research in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia as well as an analysis of relevant periodicals and literature.

Roma and Conflict: Understanding the Impact of War and Political Violence - 
 https://www.academia.edu/33208065/Roma_and_Conflict_Understanding_the_Impact_of_War_and_Political_Violence_-_Roma_Rights_Journal_1_2017

Roma Rights Journal 1/2017

Marek Szilvási

This issue of Roma Rights Journal examines the impact of conflict on Romani populations in modern Europe. As marginalised populations subjected to both random and very specific cruelties, Roma were viewed by warring parties with a mixture of ambivalence and contempt, and deemed to be communities of little consequence. As a consequence, Roma were also excluded from the peace-building processes that followed the conclusion of hostilities. In addition to situations where Roma were the direct targets of murderous aggression, or written off as collateral damage " caught between two fires " , articles in this issue also examine incidents where Roma actively took a side, and refute notions of Roma and Travellers as being " a people without politics. " The contributions in this issue address long-standing lacunae, for as long as Europe's largest ethnic minority is rendered invisible and written out of the histories of Europe's wars and conflicts; and excluded from the politics of reconstruction and peace-making, the continent's self-understanding will remain fatally flawed.

Lovro Kralj. "Paving the Road to Death: Antisemitism in the Ustasha Movement (1929-1945)" (project summary)

https://www.academia.edu/38073720/Lovro_Kralj._Paving_the_Road_to_Death_Antisemitism_in_the_Ustasha_Movement_1929-1945_project_summary_

Right-Wing Politics and the Rise of Antisemitism in Europe 1935-1941, 2019

Lovro Kralj

Summary of a dissertation project titled "Paving the Road to Death: Antisemitism in the Ustasha Movement 1929-1945." published in Frank Bajohr, Dieter Pohl, eds. Right-Wing Politics and the Rise of Antisemitism in Europe 1935-1941 (Wallstein Verlag, 2019): 233-239.

Publication Date: 2019

Publication Name: Right-Wing Politics and the Rise of Antisemitism in Europe 1935-1941

Historiography of the Ustasha Movement: Review Max Bergholz and Ivo,Slavko Goldstein.pdf     

2017 Lovro Kralj

This essay reviews recent developments in the historiography of the Ustasha movement through the prism of two recently published studies: Bergholz, Max: Violence as a Generative Force. Identity, Nationalism, and Memory in a Balkan Community. Ithaka: Cornell University Press 2016. ISBN: 978-1-5017-0492-5; 464 p. and Goldstein, Ivo; Goldstein, Slavko: The Holocaust in Croatia. Pittsburgh: University of Pitts- burgh Press 2016. ISBN: 9780822944515; VII, 728 p.

Page Numbers: 6

Publication Date: 2017

Understanding Ustasha violence

https://www.academia.edu/3443114/Understanding_Usta%C5%A1a_violence_2010_

ALEXANDER KORB

The Independent State of Croatia (1941–1945) was a multi-ethnic entity in which a range of political and military powers cooperated with and fought against one another. No lesscomplicated were the ruling Ustasˇa movement and its relationship with Nazi Germany andFascist Italy. The persecution of the Serbs, the Jews, and the Roma in the IndependentState of Croatia was marked by differences and similarities, which were reflected thedecision-making process within the Ustasˇa leadership. Over time, this mass violence (andUstasˇa decisions) moderated due to a variety of factors: the interethnic civil war, victimreactions, local factors, and the harvest. The Italians and Germans, however, also played arole in the persecution of the Serbs, Jews, and Roma in Croatia. Simplifying narratives of the Ustasˇa as marginal collaborationist and state-centered concepts of genocide areinadequate when it comes to explaining Ustasˇa violence.

In this article I analyze the variations in violence directed against Jews, Serbs,and Roma committed by the Croatia’s fascist Ustasˇa movement in the IndependentState of Croatia (Nezavisna Drzˇava Hrvatska—NDH). The NDH was one of themost heterogeneous, multi-ethnic, and complicated in Hitler’s Europe. Indeed,it was home to a transnational matrix of a range of political and militarypowers including Croatian Ustasˇe, the Croatian Army, Serb Cˇetnici, Muslim militias, Communist partisans, and German and Italian occupying forces Adding tothis mix was a multi-ethnic, multi-confessional society comprised of Catholic andUniate Greek-Catholic Croats, Orthodox Serbs, Catholic and Protestant Germans,Hungarians, Slovaks and Czechs, Rusyns, Ashkenazi and Sephardic Jews as wellas Roma of Catholic, Orthodox and Muslim faiths. Violence occurred in manydirections. Religious, ethnic, social, and political motives for persecution over-lapped, both nationally and locally. Boundaries between victims and perpetratorswere often blurred; collective violence was interactive, procedural, and perma-nently changing

The Fascist Kernel of Ukrainian Genocidal Nationalism

 The Carl Beck Papers in Russian & East European Studies, Number 2402. Pittsburgh: The Center for Russian and East European Studies 2015.

https://www.academia.edu/12951527/The_Fascist_Kernel_of_Ukrainian_Genocidal_Nationalism._The_Carl_Beck_Papers_in_Russian_and_East_European_Studies_Number_2402._Pittsburgh_The_Center_for_Russian_and_East_European_Studies_2015

G. Rossoliński-L... 

This study briefly presents the history of the radical form of Ukrainian nationalism, paying special attention to the geopolitical circumstances which formed this movement. Then, it analyzes some aspects of this phenomenon, such as its main ideologists, racism, antisemitism, religion, rituals, leaders, concepts of revolution, and the ethnic, political and mass violence conducted before, during, and after the Second World War. This short monograph argues that the extreme and genocidal form of Ukrainian nationalism did have a fascist kernel and should be considered a form of European or East-Central European fascism. Nevertheless, because of the specific cultural, social, and political Ukrainian circumstances the radical form of Ukrainian nationalism differed from better-known fascist movements such as German National Socialism or Italian Fascism, and thus it requires a careful and nuanced investigation.

Volume: 2402

Publisher: The Carl Beck Papers

Publication Date: 2015

Inter-Fascist Conflicts in East Central Europe: The Nazis, the “Austrofascists,” the Iron Guard, and the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists

https://www.academia.edu/33274374/Inter-Fascist_Conflicts_in_East_Central_Europe_The_Nazis_the_Austrofascists_the_Iron_Guard_and_the_Organization_of_Ukrainian_Nationalists

Arnd Bauerkämper and Grzegorz Rossoliński-Liebe, Fascism without Borders: Transnational Connections and Cooperation between Movements and Regimes in Europe from 1918 to 1945 (Oxford: Berghahn, 2017), 168-191.

G. Rossoliński-L...

The history of European fascism is characterized by both cooperation

and conflicts between movements, regimes, and individuals. Hypernationalism and racism, two intrinsic elements of fascism, simultaneously united and divided the leaders, members, and adherents of movements and regimes. The Italian Fascists, the German Nazis, and a number of other similar movements and regimes wanted to unite and create Europe on their terms. They usually called it “New Europe,” but they did not agree on which countries ought to be included as self-governing nationstates, and which ones should be subordinated to the major regimes. A huge problem for the creation of a fascist Europe and also of a fascist European community was the obsession with violence, including the belief that conflicts should be resolved by war. Nevertheless, it was neither violence nor the ultranationalist and racist nature of fascism that caused the most brutal conflicts between fascists. As this chapter will demonstrate, inter-fascist clashes frequently resulted from pragmatic subjects, the desire to keep “order” in particular parts of Europe, and sometimes also from cultural and political misunderstandings.

Publication Name: Arnd Bauerkämper and Grzegorz Rossoliński-Liebe, Fascism without Borders: Transnational Connections and Cooperation between Movements and Regimes in Europe from 1918 to 1945 (Oxford: Berghahn, 2017), 168-191.

Fascism without Borders: Transnational Connections and Cooperation between Movements and Regimes in Europe, 1918–1945

https://www.academia.edu/33033369/Fascism_without_Borders_Transnational_Connections_and_Cooperation_between_Movements_and_Regimes_in_Europe_1918_1945

Arnd Bauerkämper and Grzegorz Rossoliński-Liebe, Fascism without Borders: Transnational Connections and Cooperation between Movements and Regimes in Europe from 1918 to 1945 (Oxford: Berghahn, 2017), 1-38.

G. Rossoliński-L...

Fascist movements and regimes have usually been conceived as and

presented themselves as national political forces. In fact, contemporaries as well as scholars have highlighted hyper-nationalism as one of the most important features of fascism which separated fascist movements and regimes from each other. Not accidentally, all attempts to forge a “Fascist International” foundered between the two world wars. Many historians have therefore dismissed or failed to recognize crossborder cooperations between fascists. In fact, the hyper-nationalism of fascist movements and their social Darwinist doctrines, as well as the expansionist and racist policies of the Third Reich and Fascist Italy, have led most experts to argue that fascist internationalism or international fascism was merely a camouflage and a sham. The interpretation that “international fascism is unthinkable, a contradiction in terms” has received broad support from most historians. As a corollary, fascism has largely been investigated in the framework of national history. Beyond volumes that have collected national case studies, few systematic comparative studies have been published. In particular, cross-border interactions between fascist movements and regimes have largely been dismissed in historical scholarship.

Publication Name: Arnd Bauerkämper and Grzegorz Rossoliński-Liebe, Fascism without Borders: Transnational Connections and Cooperation between Movements and Regimes in Europe from 1918 to 1945 (Oxford: Berghahn, 2017), 1-38.

The Underbelly of Canadian Multiculturalism: 

Holocaust Obfuscation and Envy in the Debate 

about the Canadian Museum for Human Rights

Karyn Ball

Per Anders Rudling

This essay contextualises the recent controversy about the Canadian Museum for Human Rights (CMHR), which opened in September 2014 in Winnipeg, Manitoba, by documenting the background shadowing the campaigns spearheaded by the Ukrainian Canadian Civil Liberties Association and the Ukrainian Canadian Congress against CMHR advisory board plans to install a permanent gallery devoted to the Holocaust. Their history demonstrates how these ultranationalist lobbies have glorified the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, its militant wing (UPA), and the Waffen-SS Galizien while rationalising or occluding their roles in Second World War period massacres of Jewish and Polish civilians


Holocaust Amnesia: The Ukrainian Diaspora and the Genocide of the Jews
https://www.academia.edu/28177433/Holocaust_Amnesia_The_Ukrainian_Diaspora_and_the_Genocide_of_the_Jews

G. Rossoliński-L...
Over one and a half million Ukrainian Jews fell victim to the Holocaust between the summer of 1941 and the spring of 1944. The majority of them were shot near their homes or ghettos by German Kommandos and local collaborators. Many Ukrainians were witnesses to this genocide or participated in the persecution and murder of their Jewish neighbors. Nonetheless, in the collective memory of the Ukrainian diaspora, which has produced an extensive body of literature, the
Holocaust remained almost completely in the dark, unmentioned. Because of the inaccessibility of Soviet archives as well as a tendency among historians to concentrate on official records, this lapse in memory has not become a subject of historical research until recently. At the same time, Holocaust research focused mainly on German perpetrators and frequently refused to take notice of reports
and memoirs left by survivors because of their allegedly disputed use within the historical discipline. The published works of historians such as Philip Friedman, Shmuel Spector, and Eliyahu Yones, who were themselves Holocaust survivors and who did not neglect non-German perpetrators, received little attention from German and North American specialists of Ukrainian history and scholars of National Socialism. Only in recent years has a scholarly debate turned its attention to this blind spot in the memory of the Ukrainian diaspora and to the narrative that was constructed by it.

Celebrating Fascism and War Criminality in Edmonton. The Political Myth and Cult of Stepan Bandera in Multicultural Canada, 

More Info: published in Kakanien Revisited, 29 | 12 | 2010

Grzegorz  Rossoliński-Liebe

The cult surrounding Stepan Bandera began to develop immediately following the assassination of the radical nationalist and fascist western Ukrainian politician on October 15, 1959. Bandera was assassinated in Munich by the Soviet secret agent Bohdan Stashyns’kyi. Certain factions of Ukrainian diaspora organized memorial celebrations in Canadian cities including Edmonton, as well as in several other countries outside of the Soviet Union. Initially, these celebrations took place annually, but eventually they were held every five years. They consisted of a memorial service (panakhida) and a political-ideological-cultural component during which several vocal activists of Ukrainian nationalism did readings of heroic and patriotic poems or sang OUN and UPA songs. At these celebrations, Bandera was commemorated as a great Ukrainian hero and martyr who had died for Ukraine. Bandera’s fascist and anti-Semitic beliefs as well as pogroms and war crimes which the OUN and UPA had organised and conducted during World War II were denied. The climate of the Cold War and the politics of multiculturalism that Canada had adopted in 1971 facilitated the radical nationalist and neo-fascist elements of the Ukrainian diaspora to claim that the Bandera cult and myth were authentic and very natural components of the Ukrainian culture and identity. Thus the cult and myth have been interpreted as being important contributions to the Canadian policy of multiculturalism. Every kind of critique of this neo-fascist and anti-Semitic cult were repelled as being anti-Ukrainian and chauvinistic attacks against the Ukrainian community and the Ukrainian nation.

De-Mythologizing Bandera: Towards a Scholarly History of the Ukrainian Nationalist Movement // Journal of Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society. 2015. Vol. 1. No 2. P. 411-420.  Олександр  Зайцев

"Multiculturalism, Memory, and Ritualization: Ukrainian Nationalist Monuments in Edmonton, Alberta," .

Nationalities Papers Vol. 39, no. 5, (September, 2011): 733-768

Per Anders Rudling

Canadians of Ukrainian descent constitute a significant part of the population of the Albertan capital. Among other things, their presence is felt in the public space as Ukrainian monuments constitute a part of the landscape. The article studies three key monuments, physical manifestations of the ideology of local Ukrainian nationalist elites in Edmonton: a 1973 monument to nationalist leader Roman Shukhevych, a 1976 memorial constructed by the Ukrainian Waffen-SS in Edmonton, and a 1983 memorial to the 1932–1933 famine in the Ukrainian SSR. Representing a narrative of suffering, resistance, and redemption, all three monuments were organized by the same activists and are representative for the selective memory of an “ethnic” elite, which presents nationalist ideology as authentic Ukrainian cultural heritage. The narrative is based partly upon an uncritical cult of totalitarian, anti-Semitic, and terroristic political figures, whose war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and collaboration with Nazi Germany the nationalists deny and obfuscate. The article argues that government support and direct public funding has strengthened the radicals within the community and helped promulgate their mythology. In the case of the Ukrainian Canadian political elite, official multiculturalism underwrites a narrative at odds with the liberal democratic values it was intended to promote. The failure to deconstruct the “ethnic” building blocks of Canadian multiculturalism and the willingness to accept at face value the primordial claims and nationalist myths of “ethnic” groups has given Canadian multiculturalism the character of multi-nationalism.

"The Cult of Roman Shukhevych in Ukraine: 

Myth Making with Complications," 

Fascism 5 (2016): 26-65

Per Anders Rudling

Ukrainian president Viktor Iushchenko’s posthumous designation of Roman Shukhevych (1907–1950), the supreme commander of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) as a Hero of Ukraine in 2007 triggered intense, and polarized debates in Ukraine and abroad, about Second World War-era Ukrainian nationalism and its place in history. Particularly sensitive are Roman Shukhevych’s whereabouts in 1940–1943, when he served in German uniform, as a Hauptmann, or captain, in the battalion Nachtigall in 1941 thereafter, in 1942–1943 in Schutzmannschaft battalion 201, taking part in ‘antipartisan operations’ in occupied Belarus. This article analyzes the controversy regarding the memory of Roman Shukhevych.

Schooling in Murder: Schutzmannschaft Battalion 201 and Hauptmann Roman Shukhevych in Belarus 1942

Per Anders Rudling 

In 1943, a majority of the commanders of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (Ukrains’ka Povstans’ka Armiia, UPA) consisted by people who had collaborated with Nazi Germany in 1941-42. Many of which had served in the auxiliary policy force, the Schutzmannschaften. That Roman Shukhevych, the supreme commander of the UPA served as officer in the Nachtigall battalion in 1941 is well known. Less known is his activities as a Hauptmann in Schutzmannschaft battalion 201 in Belarus in 1942, where he took part in counter-insurgency campaigns against Soviet partisants. The year 1942 is often omitted from pro-nationalist accounts of the UPA. This article is an attempt to reconstruct this blank spot in Shukhevych biography.

More Info: “Schooling in Murder: Hauptmann Roman Shukhevych of Schutzmannschaft Battalion 201,” paper presented at the international conference Prawda historyczna a prawda polityczna w badaniach naukowych. Przykład ludobójstwa na kresach połudiowej Polski w latach 1939-1946, University of Wrocław, June 21, 2010. Published as “Szkolenie w mordowaniu: Schutzmannschaft Battalion 201 i Hauptmann Roman Szuchewycz na Białorusi 1942 roku,” in Bogusław Paź (ed.), Prawda historyczna a prawda polityczna w badaniach naukowych. Przykład ludobójstwa na kresach połudiowej-wschodniej Polski w latach 1939-1946, (Wrocław: Wydawnictwo uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, 2011), 191-212.