Sunday, February 02, 2020

UPDATED #METOO ON BROADWAY
We Stand With Alexandra Waterbury’: Inside a Protest of West Side Story on Broadway
By Lila Shapiro@lilapearl

Alexandra Waterbury (left) led the protest against Amar Ramasar, who stars as Bernardo in West Side Story on Broadway. Here, she poses with her friend, Shilpa Yarlagadda. Photo: Lila Shapiro

On a cold Friday night, a small crowd was gathered outside a neon marquee for the new production of West Side Story on Broadway. But they weren’t there to see the show. They held up signs: “Sexual predators shouldn’t get leading roles on Broadway,” read one; “Is Me Too just for Hollywood?” asked another. A third bore a photograph of a ballerina glancing over her shoulder: “We Stand with Alexandra Waterbury.” Nearby was the ballerina herself, wearing a black leather jacket and white sneakers, blonde hair spilling over a chunky black and white scarf; she held up an awkwardly large piece of poster board: “Still not your farm animal,” it read.

Two years ago, when Waterbury was 19, she woke up in her boyfriend’s apartment, checked her email on his computer, and accidentally discovered a series of photographs of naked girls and their private parts. They included ones of herself, as well as a short video of her having sex. Her boyfriend at the time, Chase Finlay, was then a principal dancer at the New York City Ballet; they’d met when she was a student at the School of American Ballet, the company’s affiliate academy. Finlay had been sharing the photographs — which Waterbury says were taken without her consent or knowledge — on group chats with friends, including other members of the company. “I bet we could tie some of them up and abuse them like farm animals,” a young donor wrote in response to one of the photos, according to a lawsuit Waterbury filed back in 2018. Amar Ramasar, a friend of Finlay’s and a star dancer at the company, shared a shot of another ballerina, bare-chested, along with a photograph of her vagina. A few months later, in the midst of an investigation into the incident, Finlay voluntarily resigned from the company. Ramasar was fired, along with another principal dancer in the group chat. Both dancers were reinstated to the company after the dancer’s union challenged the firing and brought in an arbitrator who ultimately ruled that the company had gone too far in disciplining the two men. As part of their rehabilitation, they were assigned mandatory counseling.

Today, Ramasar is starring in West Side Story as Bernardo, the leader of the Sharks*, and he’s the reason Waterbury and about two dozen others — an eclectic group including ballerinas, aspiring actors, and a 75-year-old retired history professor — were protesting the show. As Waterbury sees it, he has yet to be held fully accountable for his actions.

“It’s bullshit,” said Waterbury, hoisting up her sign.

Not everyone shares her perspective. On Friday, Ramasar’s girlfriend, whose nude photos he shared two years ago, put out a statement saying he has been unfairly targeted. Alexa Maxwell, a New York City Ballet corps dancer, has been dating Ramasar for five years. In an interview with the New York Times, Maxwell called his text messages a “misstep in judgment.” She said he had apologized to her multiple times, and that she had already forgiven him. When asked about Maxwell’s statement, Waterbury said it didn’t change her view of the situation. “Whether or not she says it’s okay now, what he did was illegal. The things that Chase did to me, Amar did to her,” she said. “She’s going to deal with it in whatever way she needs to deal with it, and that’s obviously trying to avoid the truth of the situation.”

Waterbury and her fellow protesters see Ramasar as part of a larger system of abuse in the often brutal world of ballet. “It’d be hard to find a dancer in New York City, male or female, who hasn’t experienced some sort of sexual misconduct in their career,” said Waterbury’s best friend, Emmy, a fellow ballet dancer and her classmate at Columbia University.

The same year that Waterbury discovered the photographs, the director of the New York City Ballet abruptly retired in the midst of an investigation into his abusive behavior, which had been public knowledge for decades. To pick one of many well-documented instances, back in the ’80s, Peter Martins spent a night in jail after beating his wife, a ballerina at the company nearly 20 years his junior, whom he’d first met as a 16-year-old student at the School of American Ballet. “The issue is that there’s no checks in place for administration and management to rectify situations,” Emmy said. “And that’s partly because what is valued in ballet is artistic innovation as opposed to professional integrity. There’s this glorification of the struggle of the pain you put yourself through.” She gestured at her sign: “Talent cannot justify abuse.”

A line started to form outside the theater as the protesters chanted, “Hey, hey! Ho, ho! Amar has got to go!”

Some of the ticket-holders took photographs; others willingly accepted the informational postcards the protesters handed out. Waterbury offered one to a man in long camel overcoat. He raised his hand in dismissal and resumed studying his iPhone.

“I feel like my sign is pretty off-putting,” she said, shrugging. An older woman in a fur coat was more receptive. “He should not be in this show,” she said, shaking her head. “I’m embarrassed I bought tickets.”

“It’s okay,” Waterbury offered. “Just boo him.”

“That was so disgusting. He got away with it?” she asked. “No punishment, no anything?”

“He had to go to therapy.”

“How did they allow that?”

“That’s why we’re here,” Waterbury said.

“Screw Bernardo,” the woman said emphatically as she walked inside.

Waterbury and the two other women organizing the protest — a young dancer named Megan Rabin from Boston and a local high-school student named Paige — said they hoped Ramasar would be held accountable. “I am pursuing a career in theater, so obviously Broadway is a big dream of mine,” said Paige. “But the idea of going into a career where someone who’s done something like this is not only tolerated but accepted …” She took a breath. “There’s nothing else that I want to be doing, but I don’t want to be doing it while powerful men continually decide to completely demean women by supporting people like this.”


L-R: Ballerinas, aspiring actors, local high school students, and others showed up to support Waterbury.

This is the second protest they’ve held during the show’s previews; several others are scheduled over the next few weeks leading up to the opening on February 20. “I can’t even imagine what it feels like to be an actor who has to work with him,” said Rabin. Although no one in the cast has officially spoken out about Ramasar, after walking by the protesters last week, a cast member anonymously reached out to the theater blog, On Stage, with a note. “I’m writing this to you on my way home from the theatre and my hands are shaking. Is it from the cold or my nerves writing this? I can’t tell,” the person wrote. “What I do know is that I support anyone and everyone protesting Amar’s casting. I’m not speaking for anyone else in the cast but it’s been an issue for me from the moment he showed up to rehearsals.”

As the line grew longer, many ticket-holders walked by the protesters without making eye contact; those who stopped to talk seemed to mostly agree that Ramasar’s behavior was bad, though none that I observed chose to throw out their ticket and walk away. A man in a striped scarf studied Waterbury’s sign then paused to speak with her. “Tell me the quick story,” he commanded.

“He sent and received naked photos of people without them knowing or consenting,” she said.

“Obviously that’s no good,” the man said.

“Google Peter Martins,” Waterbury advised. “They all learned from him.”

“So, he’s encouraging proteges to behave like himself,” said the man. “That’s sick and bad. I hate that. Okay.” He accepted a postcard and walked into the theater. Waterbury set down her sign and rubbed her hands together, shivering in the cold. She’d been nervous heading over, but now she was feeling better. “I spent all day at school not doing my homework, which is what I really needed to be doing,” she said. “But that wasn’t so bad. I’m feeling pretty good.”


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February 1, 2020 By Greg Evans
Associate Editor/Broadway Critic@GregEvans5
 

'West Side Story' curtain call, first Broadway preview Julieta Cervantes


A group of protesters outside Broadway’s West Side Story Friday night continued to call for the dismissal of a cast member who in 2018 shared a sexually explicit photo of his girlfriend when both were members of New York City Ballet. The protest was carried out even after the woman depicted in the photo disavowed the calls for his firing and said the actor – her boyfriend of five years – was being unfairly targeted.

Amar Ramasar, who plays Bernardo, the leader of the Sharks gang in West Side Story, was one of three men fired in 2018 from New York City Ballet after dancer Alexandra Waterbury accused them of sharing sexually explicit photos of her and another female dancer without the women’s consent. Ramasar was later reinstated following a union arbitration and continues to be a member of the ballet company.

The initial allegations were made in a lawsuit filed by Waterbury in which she accused her former boyfriend, dancer Chase Finlay, of sending sexually explicit photos of her to Ramasar and another male dancer. Ramasar, according to the suit, then sent a photo of his girlfriend, also a dancer, to Finlay. (The lawsuit, seeking damages, is ongoing.)

Yesterday, Ramasar’s girlfriend depicted in the photo came forward to condemn the West Side Story protests, which have largely involved a social media campaign, an online petition and some picketing outside the theater. In a statement released to news organizations before last night’s protest – the second in recent weeks – Ramasar’s girlfriend Alexa Maxwell said, “I am not a victim in this and no longer wish for my truth to be misrepresented. It is not my mission to diminish the feelings of Alexandra’s but I want to bring to light some facts that have been misrepresented across multiple platforms.” 

Amar RamasarShutterstock

Maxwell’s statement – posted on her Instagram account (see it below) – goes on to say that the “only photograph that was shared by Amar was of me, his girlfriend of nearly five years. I knew about the photos of me when they were taken, and while sharing it privately with a close friend was a misstep in judgment, Amar immediately told me when he sent them to Chase and his sincerest regrets have led us to today, where we reside together and are building a loving and happy relationship. The incident was a personal matter between me and Amar, and I am okay with what happened.”

“With a demonstration planned for this evening in front of the Broadway Theater to protest Amar’s role in the current production of West Side Story, I want to share my story so that the public is clear,” Maxwell said.

Maxwell, in her statement, pointedly disputes various claims made against Ramasar: “On social media, Alexandra and other people out there have recklessly tossed around phrases like ‘rapist,’ ‘sexual predator,’ and ‘pedophile’ when referring to Amar. Amar never raped anyone — and Alexandra in her lawsuit does not allege that he did. Amar is not a sexual predator — and Alexandra in her lawsuit does not allege that he is. And Amar is no pedophile — and Alexandra in her lawsuit does not allege anything like that. And while Alexandra in her lawsuit makes allegations about group texts in which men spoke of women in horrible terms, Amar was not a participant in those group texts, and Alexandra does not allege that he was.”


Following last night’s protest, Waterbury, who supports but did not initiate or organize the campaign, posted Instagram photos of the action, writing, “Cannot believe 40+ people showed up tonight to protest Amar’s casting in @westsidestorybway We handed out 400+ flyers to audience members. I’m excited to continue raising awareness about these abuses and fighting for justice. It’s time to hold people accountable for their actions. Talent is not an excuse or a justification for sexual assault or misogynistic slander. Thank you to everyone who came out tonight and to those who organized everything. The support received is overwhelming and humbling. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you.”

Despite the online campaign and protests outside the Broadway Theatre, West Side Story, directed by Ivo van Hove and produced by Scott Rudin, has been selling out and posting weekly grosses well in excess of $1M.

Now in previews, the reimagined musical opens Feb. 20, almost certainly with Ramasar, who most recently appeared on Broadway in the acclaimed production of Carousel. Rudin told The New York Times that the production stands by the actor/dancer, “an exemplary company member” whose past behavior did not involve West Side Story. “He has more than earned our trust,” Rudin told The Times.


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Bloggytown

Golf cart protests intensify in the Villages, as one anti-Trump Florida man receives threat

Posted By Solomon Gustavo on Fri, Jan 31, 2020

Photo via Whoisjohngalt/Wikimedia Commons

"Be very careful if the well being of your family is of importance."

That's the threat Ed McGinty of the Villages said he received in the form of a hand-written note left on his door. McGinty, who was a counter-protester at a recent pro-Trump Villages golf cart parade, evidently has a reputation that precedes him. And, he says, that led to the note.

According to Villages-News.com, who refers to McGinty as a "well-known anti-Trump protester," this threat is part of the reason he hit the streets using – what else? – his golf cart, decked out with signs calling Trump all kinds of things: "Hitler And Trump Exactly Same DNA," "Trump Bigot and Racist," "Trump Is A Sexual Predator," "Trump Filthy Pig," and "Trump Compulsive Liar."


On the afternoon of Jan. 28, McGinty said people either stopped by for a rare moment of solidarity (the Villages being overwhelmingly Republican) or sped by in cars with middle fingers locked and ready. He said Sumter County sheriff’s deputies stopped by because so many people called them to complain. McGinty said the deputies told him they couldn't do anything about his protesting and noted he can't impede traffic.


Photo via Ebyabe/Wikimedia Commons

The show-stopper was a cameo by Villager Marsha Hill – honestly, its like self-parody at this point – whippin' a golf cart like skrt. She told McGinty that his signs were "blasphemy" and that he should be locked up. She also said she was going to send footage of the signs to the Trump campaign.

Hill said she was driving by and needed to step to this man. The Sumter deputies were there, too, and heard Hill's complaints. She told deputies that McGinty called her a "pig." Again, the deputies said they couldn't do anything about his protest.

You might see McGinty around. He said he likes to drive his FTD cart ("fuck Donald Trump," cuh) an hour or so every day in his Village of Hadley, to let his very Republican neighbors know. And if you didn't know, now you know, neighbor.


Stephen King quits Facebook, 'not comfortable' with false information in political ads

I HAD NO CHOICE THEY KICKED ME OUT SUMMARILY WITH NO NOTICE NOR CHANCE OF APPEAL SO THANKS FOR THE SOLIDARITY 

by WGME Staff Saturday, February 1st 2020

FILE - This May 22, 2018 file photo shows Stephen King
 at the 2018 PEN Literary Gala in New York.
 (Photo by Evan Agostini/Invision/AP, File)

BANGOR, Maine (WGME) -- If you're looking to keep up with Maine author Stephen King on Facebook, don't bother. He isn't there anymore.

Friday night, King tweeted he is quitting Facebook. A search for his page on Facebook Saturday morning came up empty.

According to his tweet, King said he is "not comfortable with the flood of false information that's allowed in its political advertising."

He also expressed doubts over Facebook's ability to protect users' privacy.

Concerns have been raised as to how accurate political advertisements are on Facebook and the company's apparent unwillingness to address those concerns.

Protesters in Coos County rejoice against Jordan Cove LNG pipeline decision

COOS COUNTY, Ore. - Last week the Jordan Cove LNG Project withdrew their application for the removal-fill permit originally filed with the Oregon Department of State Lands back in 2017.

Now, anti-LNG groups are celebrating what would have been the day the Department of State Lands was set to make a decision.

Rogue Climate, Coos Bay Surfrider, Citizens for Renewables and passioned community members gathered at the boardwalk, chanted anti-LNG slogans and took their peaceful rally to the Jordan Cove office in downtown Coos Bay.
"Community members here and the rest of southern Oregon have been calling, writing letters, showing up to meetings and it shows us, when the company withdraws, that our voices are being heard," said Ashley Audyck, a Coos Bay Field Operator.

There were no counter-protests in sight.

In a press release sent to us, the spokesperson for Jordan Cove explains they withdrew after DSL Director Vickie Walker notified the Project their request for a two-month extension was denied.


Jordan Cove had notified Director Walker that we are not able to meet DSL's requirements by the January 31 decision date due to additional, recently required information by other state agencies. These recent requirements from other agencies are impossible to finalize prior to DSL's January 31, 2020 decision date. DSL asserted they now require those filings to complete their removal-fill application, so an extension was necessary to comply with these new information requests, but was not granted.

“We're very encouraged, more than we have ever been because we feel like the state has our back,” said Larry and Sylvia Mangan, two concerned landowners.

The Mangan's own property on two alternative LNG pipeline routes.

'Vegan Taxidermy' starting to spread throughout Eugene art circles


NOW I HAVE HEARD EVERYTHING
ART IS ANYTHING YOU CAN GET AWAY WITH
VEGANISM AS COMMODIFIED IDEOLOGY


by Kelsey Christensen and NBC16.com Staff Friday, January 31st 2020




5
VIEW ALL PHOTOS

'Vegan Taxidermy' starting to spread throughout Eugene art circles (SBG)

EUGENE, Ore. - You've probably heard of a vegan diet by now, but how about vegan art?

We're seeing the popular art pop up in shops around Eugene and across the nation. One local artist is making somewhat realistic looking animals out of fabric.

All of the material is made without animal products, that's why many call it 'vegan taxidermy.'

“I think it's really important if you use animal products to be mindful about what you’re doing and make choices to know and make choices to know that's what you're doing,” said Marjorie Taylor, a vegan artist.

Taylor's art is on display at Maude Kerns Art Center. She also owns Velvet Edge Boutique in 5th Street Market. You can hear her speak at Maude Kerns on Saturday from 1-2 p.m.
JUSTICE SYSTEM CAPITAL PUNISHMENT

India is increasingly handing out death penalty to rapists and most cases are stuck in court

Death penalty in sexual violence cases is a ‘shortcut’ to placate public anger, say experts.


As Delhi gangrape convicts await execution, a reminder: death penalty does not ensure women’s safety

 

Sajjad Hussain/AFP 
Jan 30, 2020 Swagata Yadavar, IndiaSpend.com

On February 1, India may witness its first death penalty in five years as the four men convicted for the December 2012 rape and murder of Jyoti Singh, or ‘Nirbhaya’, are hanged as per a warrant issued by a Delhi sessions court. President Ram Nath Kovind had earlier rejected a mercy petition filed by one of the convicts.

India has carried out only four executions since 2004, the last having been in 2015. Three of the accused were convicted of terrorism while one was convicted for raping a minor, as IndiaSpend reported in August 2018.

The upcoming executions in a case that had outraged India may not reduce crime against women and may, in fact, create a spectacle that distracts the government from implementing real reforms that can improve prosecution of rape cases, experts say.
A national debate

In 2018, 186 convicts were awarded the death penalty – a 53% rise from 121 in 2017, according to Prison Statistics India 2018, the latest available, of the National Crime Records Bureau or NCRB.

In India, death penalty is awarded only in the “rarest of rare” cases, an option that courts have exercised under a range of statutes including those related to murder, terror, kidnapping with murder, rioting with murder, drug offences and murder with rape, data show.

More than 40% of those sentenced to death in 2018 and 52.9% in 2019 were convicted for cases that included sexual offences and murder, said Death Penalty India 2019, an annual report by the National Law University, New Delhi.

Death sentences are increasingly being meted out for cases involving sexual violence as a response to public anger and anxiety, experts told IndiaSpend. “It is a shortcut they have adopted to placate the concerns of the public,” said Vrinda Grover, senior lawyer and researcher, adding that it seemed that the states and the system do not want to make the fundamental changes that will actually bring down the graph of sexual violence.

In August 2019, India amended the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act, 2012, to allow death penalty for the rape of children younger than 12 years. In what was termed as “extrajudicial killings”, four men accused of raping a 27-year-old veterinary doctor in Hyderabad were shot dead by the police in December 2019 “when they tried to flee”. The Andhra Pradesh Legislative Assembly subsequently passed a bill to allow death sentence in rape cases.

There is no evidence to prove that the death penalty is a stronger deterrent than life imprisonment, according to the Law Commission of India’s 2015 report on death penalty.

Similar demands for harsher punishment for sexual violence were raised after the brutal gangrape of Jyoti Singh in Delhi in 2012, which led to a number of reforms and legislative changes including the Criminal Law (Amendment Act), 2013 that brought offences such as stalking, voyeurism, acid attacks and sexual harassment under its purview.

However, while the reforms improved reporting of rape, there has been little or no impact on arrests and convictions rates, IndiaSpend reported in August 2019 based on a February 2019 study. The conviction rate for rape had been on a steady decline since 2007 and reached a historic low of 18.9% in 2016 from 27% in 2006, the study observed. 
Source: National Crime Record Bureau via IndiaSpend

There is clamour for harsher punishment when the victim is from the upper or middle class and the offenders are from the lower class, said Flavia Agnes, women rights lawyer and director of Majlis, an organisation that provides legal help for women. If the opposite is the case, there is no such outrage, she said.
Push for death penalty

As of December 31, 2019, India had 378 prisoners on death row, the NLU’s report said. Trial courts imposed 102 death sentences in 2019, a drop from 162 in the previous year, it added. More than half of the death sentences – 54 of 102 – awarded in 2019 were for murders involving sexual offences, the report noted. Of these, the victim was younger than 12 years in 40 cases. 
 
Source: National Law University via IndiaSpend

Death sentences in cases of murder involving sexual offences increased in the past four years. In 2016, 57.1% death sentences were awarded for “murder simpliciter”– a simple murder – while 18% were for cases of murder with sexual offences. By 2019, the latter rose to 52.9%, the report said. 
 
Source: National Law University via IndiaSpend

State High Courts and the Supreme Court confirmed 26 and 17 death sentences, respectively, in 2019, of which 17 or 65.3% and 11 or 57.1% were in cases involving sexual offences, data from the NLU’s report show.

Further, High Courts and the Supreme Court commuted 56 and seven death sentences, respectively, to life imprisonment that year, of which 15 or 26.7% and four or 64.7% were for cases involving sexual offences.

The national debates and calls for harsher punishments for sexual violence against women and children seem to have taken centre stage in the debate on capital punishment in India, said Anup Surendranath, executive director, Project 39A, a research project documenting death penalty convicts in India at NLU. He referred to two cases in 2019 which the Supreme Court, while confirming death sentences, cited in support of the 2019 amendments to the POCSO Act, though the crimes predated the amendments.

“To invoke this as a justification to give the death sentence is a gross violation of individual sentencing principles,” Surendranath said. “We also need to move beyond the notion that any punishment short of the death penalty amounts to ‘injustice’.”
Fast-track courts

While State Governments have been setting up fast-track courts to deliver swift justice, these have not made much difference. As of March 2019, India had 581 fast-track courts with approximately 590,000 pending cases, The Hindu reported in August 2019. Uttar Pradesh, India’s most populous state, had the most pending cases, while 56% of states and Union Territories –including Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat – had no fast-track courts.

One of the amendments that the Andhra Pradesh legislature passed included conclusion of the trial within 21 days – with seven days to complete the investigation and 14 days to complete the trial – as opposed to four months in the Criminal Law Amendment Act, 2013.

“Such reduction, and making the same mandatory, instead of ensuring successful prosecution, may result in a hastily-conducted haphazard investigation, or an incomplete chargesheet being submitted, or the accused being granted statutory bail – all of which will be detrimental to the interest of the victim and or the outcome of the case,” said Surendranath.

In 2019, the Supreme Court acquitted 10 people in three cases who were in jail for five years on the basis of questionable evidence. In one case, it ordered action against the investigating officer. In two other cases, it remitted the case back to the trial court for a fresh trial.

“To cast a responsibility on the overburdened and ill-equipped police to complete investigation within three weeks is bound to result in more acquittals,” said Surendranath.

The government must invest in training and sensitisation of the police so that they understand the nature of the crime and conduct the right kind of investigation, said Grover, adding that the prosecution must conduct a dignified trial. “But there is no work being done on any of these aspects,” she added. “We are either seeing an occasional conversation about death sentence or we are seeing a new form of instant justice like in Hyderabad. None of it is going to turn the cycle of violence.”

On-ground logistical problems include lack of enough forensic labs, and overburdened and understaffed fast-track courts, all of which point towards a lack of investment in the judiciary, said Grover.

As a result, conviction rates remain low. In 2018, a chargesheet was filed in 93.2% cases of rape and 94.3% cases of rape under the POCSO Act. However, only 27.2% cases of rape decided in 2018 ended in conviction as did 31.5% cases of rape under the POCSO Act, NCRB data show. Long delays persist too. In 2018, Indian courts completed trials in 17,313 cases while 138,642 cases of rape are pending – a rate of 88.7%.

Also, the focus on punishment comes at the cost of a focus on the victim. “To get conviction, you have to work with the victim and her family and give the family support,” said Agnes of Majlis.

As it is, rape victims rarely even report the crime – by one estimate, as many as 99.1% of the cases of sexual violence go unreported since the perprator is the husband. In most cases – 93.8% of rapes in 2018 – the offenders were known to the victim and 50% were the victims’ friends, family, neighbours or employers, NCRB data show. Apathy and foot-dragging of the law enforcement authorities and fear of retribution deter all but very few victims from registering cases.

This article first appeared on IndiaSpend, a data-driven and public-interest journalism non-profit.

CAPITAL PUNISHMENT
As Delhi gangrape convicts await execution, a reminder: death penalty does not ensure women’s safety


India has an obsession with retributive and deterrent approaches and an increasing aversion to another goal of punishment – rehabilitation.


A child holds up a placard during a protest against the
Hyderabad rape-murder case in Mumbai on December 3. | PTI

Jan 31, 2020 · Gale Andrew

After the gangrape and murder of a young veterinarian in Hyderabad in November and with the upcoming execution of the four convicts in the 2012 Delhi gangrape and murder case, sexual violence is again being discussed avidly across India. However, it might be more accurate to describe the discourse as being centred around notions of punishment and whether they are effective and efficient in their current form.

Though sexually violent acts are the springboard, the debate soon focuses on the “Nirbhaya accused” and the slow deliberations of the justice process. But, as the Indian women’s rights movement has repeatedly argued, the focus on punishment, thought not entirely illegitimate, takes away from the unaddressed problem of sexual violence in multiple and different contexts.

The criminal justice system’s response to sexual violence has been to move the punishment index higher and higher, with the death penalty being the harshest punitive response. Recent example of this trend include the amendments to the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act and the Indian Penal Code and the amendments passed by the Andhra Pradesh legislature to make existing punishments harsher and provide for the death penalty in cases of non-homicidal rape.
Obsession with retribution

Capital punishment has come to define our reaction to sexual violence. This reflects an obsession with retributive and deterrent approaches and an increasing aversion to another goal of punishment – rehabilitation.

The aim of rehabilitation is to reorient the offender and equip them with psychological, behavioural and technical skills to help them reintegrate into society as responsible citizens, and to reduce the risk of the possibility of their committing another offence. But even though India’s criminal justice system supposedly includes rehabilitation as a goal, we have barely scratched the surface of what it means or what it could translate into within the prison environment.

The current prison system, recently redefined as the “correctional system”, in its efforts at rehabilitative activities provides opportunities for education and unskilled and semi-skilled labour. But these opportunities are not available to all. 
protest against the alleged rape and murder of a 27-year-old veterinary doctor in Hyderabad, during a demonstration in New Delhi on December 3. Credit: Sajjad Hussain/AFP

Indian prisons have a one-size-fits-all approach to rehabilitation so much of the potential of correctional services has not even been considered, let alone realised. But some other countries have created and implemented wide-ranging rehabilitation programmes, some of which are specific to prisoners convicted of sexual offences.

These “sex offender treatment programmes” are conducted in prison and use therapy to address the psychological and emotional makeup of prisoners. They equip convicts with helpful behavioural and thought responses to reduce the risk of them committing offences again. Correctional services in the United Kingdom, the United States, Canada, New Zealand, South Africa and Japan have successfully employed these programmes.

These programmes use a variety of techniques, but successful ones have generally focused on cognitive behavioural therapy and psychotherapy interventions. This involves therapy conducted either in groups or individually or a combination of both. While some programmes are mandatory, others require inmates to express their willingness to change before they can begin the course – a cornerstone of successful therapeutic interventions.
‘Prosocial behaviour’

The focus is on first ensuring that offenders take responsibility for their actions. They receive help in processing their own thoughts and behaviour patterns to understand how and why they committed a certain sexual offence. In this process, they develop the skills necessary to modify their behaviour, preventing them from violating another person. An important part of this involves them grasping the harm caused to the victims and survivors. Finally they practice “prosocial behaviour” by developing meaningful life goals that will lead them away from offending.

For example, Japan largely uses group therapy. The therapy involves two correctional officers who work with a small group of inmates. These inmates are grouped based on their “risk level”, considering factors such as age, criminal record, views on women, and ability to control sexual impulses. Those at a higher risk level receive more intensive treatment. South African prisons have a programme they call “Fight with Insight”, which is designed for youth sex offenders. It combines cognitive behavioural therapy with diversion therapy in the form of boxing.

These programmes have been based on scientific research on factors associated with sexual offending behaviour and interventions that have been successful in addressing the behaviour. Studies conducted on the effectiveness of these programmes in New Zealand and Japan have found that as long as the programmes are well-implemented, those who complete the programme are less likely to reoffend than those who did not receive any such support.

Despite this empirical backing, there appears to be no discussion in India about adopting a culturally and socially appropriate therapeutic approach to violent behaviour, particularly in cases of sexual violence. 
 
A protest in Srinagar in April 2018 against the rape and
 murder of 8-year-old girl of Kathua in Jammu. Credit: PTI

In contrast, the system has relied upon the death penalty in such cases, while there has been no empirical evidence that the death penalty is an effective deterrent against crime. Even worse, introducing harsher punishments, such as mandatory minimum sentences of imprisonment, has been linked with a drop in the number of convictions.

For instance, a study in the United States by Andrew Leipold found that juries often acquit defendants, even when they are guilty, because they feel the punishment is too harsh. A study on the impact of the Criminal Law Amendment Act 2013 on adjudication of rape cases in Delhi found that the average rate of conviction dropped from 16.11% under the older law to 5.72% under the amendments. Yet, law and policy in India surrounding sexual violence has ignored research, and focused on ineffective punitive measures instead of scientifically proven programmes.

Little regard for effectiveness

Discussions around punishment in India are limited to the death penalty or longer periods of incarceration, with little regard for their effectiveness. The larger social discourse around punishment is on “deservedness” and “vengeance” but not on addressing social and individual contexts of the criminal act. Our prisons are massively overcrowded, underfunded and understaffed, with widespread reports of torture, poor sanitation and nutrition. This severe neglect of prisons is a complete mismatch with the goal of rehabilitation we claim to incorporate.

Such a punitive approach does not ensure safety for women. The overhaul required in the system, especially in our prisons, to give the goal of rehabilitation a real chance, is far too immense. It is so much easier to simply change the text of the law than to plan and invest resources in making our systems more effective. In our failure to challenge this approach, we allow the state to continue to abdicate its responsibility.

Gale Andrew is a Research Associate at Project 39A at Delhi’s National Law University. 

Views expressed are personal.Support our journalism by subscribing to Scroll+.


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INTERPRETING THE CONSTITUTION

Is there a Hindu bias in India’s secular Constitution? A 2005 academic paper suggests as much

Signs of ‘harmless, cosmetic Hindutva’, or something deeper?

IANS  Huzaifa Omair Siddiqi 2/2/2020

In a strange inversion of what has hitherto seemed to be the norm, it seems that today high functionaries of the government cannot keep from being critical of the Constitution, while those who would perhaps have very little to do with it are carrying out a spirited battle to safeguard its promises.

The Vice-Chancellor of Visva-Bharati University, Bidyut Chakraborty, while responding to those who in his eyes are displaying a newfound fondness for the Preamble to the Constitution, reportedly said, “Today, those who are opposing CAA are reading the Preamble. But this Constitution was drafted by ‘minority’ votes…Now that has become the Vedas for us. Preamble has become the Vedas. But if we do not like (the Preamble), we who are voters and form Parliament, will change it…”

One has to admit that if considered rationally, the above comments do carry some weight (even if quite bizarrely, the student who recorded and disseminated the video was punished for it). Constitutions are quite definitely not religious books and they can and must be changed with the times. However, what might surprise Professor Chakraborty is that a student of Jawaharlal Nehru University, Sharjeel Imam, also expressed a similar, perhaps more strongly worded disapproval of the Constitution for which he has been charged with sedition and even the draconian UAPA. ...  Read More


LETTERS TO THE EDITOR
Readers’ Comments: We’re inching closer to Doomsday but world leaders don’t seem to care
Responses to articles on Scroll.in.


A demonstrator during a protest over Australia's bushfires crisis.
 | Matias Baglietto/Reuters

2/2/2020 Scroll

The gesture of pushing the doomsday clock ahead is understandable given the events that are taking shape across the globe, which may culminate in a catastrophic collapse of the civilisations evolved over millennia (Doomsday Clock is 100 seconds away from midnight – the closest it’s ever been to the apocalypse). The two serious and impending threats are nuclear war and climate change. Nations are piling up arsenals with budgets mounting up for armamentarium, perhaps neglecting the bare necessities. Deals, dialogues and discussions to address the issues have been made and are ongoing. But the sanctity held to them and the rigour of the implementation is what is shocking.

Both are global threats and neglecting the needed measures would hurt everyone irrespective of nationality or ethnicity and yet surprisingly, there is a gap between the thoughts and deeds, seemingly deprived of the necessary political will. What shall we do then? The only thing that can stir the souls of the rulers is the demand from the ruled, which in turn calls for a awareness on the nature of threats, remedial measures, and the fate of mankind en masse. Only such a stormy tide of awareness with due participation by the rulers and the ruled can provide a kick in the butt. All in all, it is time to bite the bullet to save the planet from man-made disasters. – Ramana Gove

***

What kind of a mindset has NITI Aayog member VK Saraswat displayed by his comment on Kashmir? (Remove NITI Aayog member for ‘internet only used for dirty films’ remark, demands Kashmir trade body). But he is not to be blamed, because dirty minds think filthy thoughts. He is unaware of the resilience that Kasmiris are born to show under the circumstances that nobody can think of. He is only born to appease his bosses. Has he ever made any plan to provide solace to the people when there is no electricity in winter, national highways are closed for months, and essential commodities like medicines are not available to the public?

And students of Kashmir still rub their shoulders with students of top-grade colleges in India and abroad. Kashmiriis are stubborn people – they know how to live in distress. Despite the economy crashing and huge losses to traders and farmers, they still have better planning. Students are travelling hundreds of kilometres to fill up their forms for various competitive exams. Doctors, traders and other professionals are trying their best to survive. There are so many restrictions in Kashmir, but the people there have faith in the Supreme power. Saraswat’s ideology has failed in Kashmir. – Mushtaq Ahmad

***

Air India recently extended its final dates for bid submission to sell off 100% of its stakes to March 2020 (Air India sale: Government offers 100% stake sale in national carrier). The move comes at a time when the state-owned national carrier is struggling to set a foothold in the skies amidst the declining market share. Air India should now focus on innovative financing options if sale of the airline is imminent to repay its debts. The expression of interest should relax certain rules related to the financial lease and operating lease of the aircraft, which may otherwise evince the interest from potential bidders, including foreign market players through 49% FDI route. As it is the national carrier, one empathises the bond it had with the nation for decades. However, over the years, owing to sheer market competition, high fuel and maintenance costs, emerging monopoly of low-cost carriers in the Indian skies, lack of customer focus, tighter flying norms, operational issues and dwindling market share has only led to decline in the brand’s identity amidst the troubled skies. Thus, an effort to retain Air India’s brand identity, despite the stake sale, should be a paramount objective in the best interest of ticket-paying passengers. – Varun Dambal

***

Thanks for an elaborate record of extracts without getting into these by mere intuitions. This is what we call “telling the truth” (Patel wanted Hyderabad for India, not Kashmir – but Junagadh was the wild card that changed the game). Coming to a review of the text, these are my thoughts. Patel wanted Hyderabad because if it were to join Pakistan, geographically, it would have been an abscess in the body of India and would affect the harmony of its existence by always posing problems. This somehow came about by the Nizam’s own decree and today, things are better. That apart, the comparison between Junagadh and Kashmir is interesting. Kashmir, in that sense, should have been handed to Pakistan. Maybe Nehru’s ethnic connection came in the way. The much bigger question is whether the Partition was worth it. If we would have remained together, we would have become as equal to China in political strength. Anyway, history also seems to tell the tale of nations having horoscopes. – Shanmugam Sundaramoorthy

***

Kudos to the Asian Para Games winner, Deepa Malik, and for the selection of the article, which is a good source of inspiration to all (The extraordinary story of paralympian Deepa Malik, who won medals for India from her wheelchair). Winning the coveted medals from a wheel chair in different events at the world’s greatest sports platform and the struggle she endured speak of her extraordinary perseverance, fuelled by ambition and alacrity. The athlete deserves to be specially felicitated by the government and to be given special funding to take care of her future endeavours. The story reminds me of a famous quote by Thomas Edison, the inventor of the incandescent light bulb: “If we did all the things we are capable of, we would literally astound ourselves” – Ramana Gove

Watch: Demonstrators gathered at Shaheen Bagh to justify ‘goli maaro salon ko’ slogans


Watch: Mangaluru woman climbs down a 12-feet-deep well to save a stray dog from drowning


Watch: Painter Sayed Haider Raza’s Kashmir painting from 1949 surfaces 71 years later


‘This is a nation of plural views and identities’: Justice DY Chandrachud


Watch: How British were citizens evacuated from coronavirus epicentre Wuhan in China
ART AND DISSENT

‘The protests in India give us hope’:
Bangladeshi photographer Shahidul Alam on art and repression

‘Dream on. You are far more powerful than you are led to believe,’ he says as he launches his latest book.

Munir Uz Zaman/AFP 2/2/2020

Bangladeshi photographer Shahidul Alam knows that art can be dangerous.

On August 5, hours after he had expressed his support for massive student protests demanding road safety in Dhaka, he was arrested and kept in jail for more than 100 days. In 2010, the police disrupted and temporarily halted his photography exhibition on extra-judicial killings in Bangladesh, titled Crossfire. The previous year, his exhibition on Tibet had been shut down by the police. In 1996, unknown assailants pulled him out of a rickshaw and stabbed him eight times.

In this interview, he tells Ina Puri about his new book, which documents his experiences in jail, the global campaign for his release, and the battle for secularism and democracy in his country and elsewhere. He also discusses a retrospective of his work at New York’s Rubin Museum, which will be on display until May.

During the time you were locked away in Keraniganj Prison, fellow inmates showed their solidarity by painting over 30 murals on prison walls, including a fresco version of your much-published photograph of a fishing boat caught midstream with an orange sail flowing in the wind. They also built you a radio so you could listen to the news. The touching token of technology so lovingly crafted by the inmates, was a part of the Rubin Retrospective recently in New York. It serves as a reminder that your work and mission has support beyond the circle of distinguished writers and photographers to the ordinary man. You have gone back to the streets, to protest and speak up for people. In recent days, it is the rape of a student of Dhaka University that is causing students to agitate?

The rape of the Dhaka University student [earlier in January] is one of a series of recent incidents involving university students. The murder of BUET student Abrar Fahad, the attack on Vice President of DUSCU [Dhaka University Central Students’ Union] Nurul Haque Nur and his associates, both attacks linked to the fact that the victims questioned Bangladesh’s acquiescence to India, and now this rape, indicate that crime will go unpunished.

It is not merely the crimes, but the impunity of the perpetrators and the insult to the student body that has enraged people. No serious action has been taken in any of the cases. There also appears to be a clear attempt to destroy evidence, and in the case of the attack on Nur, ridiculous charges framed against the victims themselves. One person has been arrested after the recent rape, but the incongruences in the case have led many to believe it is similar to the arrest of Joj Miah, an infamous case where the government manufactured a case against a fictitious man named Joj Miah, by framing Jalal Uddin, an innocent man who was tortured and made to agree to “confess” in a high profile case. It is not students alone who are being raped. According to the New Age, an average of nearly 13 women and girls were raped in the country every day in the first four months of 2019.

What I discovered in jail was that by far the majority of people inside were not criminals in the normal sense of the word, but had been locked up because they were political opponents of the government. Many had been dissidents. Some had been arrested merely for sharing or liking posts on social media. They recognised me as a fellow dissident and felt I had articulated their thoughts. They took the national and international support for me as a support for the community. The care they took of me, the mural and the radio, were all part of that expression of solidarity. The murals we collectively produced were also an expression of that solidarity. It was a creative act where we could all be involved. It also gave us an agency we did not earlier have. The literacy classes, the musical band, the formation of the library and the many other self help activities the prisoners were involved in gave a much-needed sense of dignity and pride. 
Fresco of fishing boat in Keraniganj jail, painted by prisoners 
as a tribute to one of Shahidul Alam's best-known photographs.
Kalpana's Warriors installation at Drik

As for continuing to be in the streets speaking out, the streets are where I belong. My constitution gives me and my fellow citizens rights which we all need to protect. Speaking out is not an option. I am now speaking out for the students, but we need to speak out whenever and wherever there is injustice. The love and respect I received from my fellow prisoners was because they too believe in these rights. I represented a demand for those rights, and in a climate of fear, it is all the more important for those who are more visible to ensure that the collective voice is heard.

The Rubin Retrospective was finally not just a singular vision of Bangladesh, but equally, would you agree, a reflection of the current state in other countries?
The western world tends to cast a critical eye on China. Indeed, the repression of the Uighur community in China is deplorable and must be condemned in no uncertain terms. But the so-called democracies of the USA, Israel and India, have long lost their moral right to accuse others. They have all been involved in extra judicial killings, torture and gross miscarriages of justice and are guilty of war crimes. Indeed, in copycat fashion, much of the world today has largely become a very intolerant space, where the rights of the disenfranchised are routinely being trampled upon and the Muslims are the new Jews being persecuted.

As far as these countries and the rest of the international community are concerned, as long as Bangladesh delivers on their agenda, human rights abuses and the erosion of democracy on the domestic front can be safely ignored. As Bangladesh is currently handling the Rohingya situation, and maintains the facade of containing the “Islamic extremists” in the so called “war on terror”, the international community is happy to conduct business as usual.

The Bangladeshi ruling party on the other hand, knows it can ignore the occasional jibes on the validity of the elections, knowing full well that as long as the needs of the international community are met, the local factors will not be an impediment. Morality or ethics have never played a role in international politics. It could have played a role in national politics, but now that the government no longer needs the people’s mandate, that too is no longer a concern.

Apart from the other photographs, there were the striking sculptural installations of Kalpana’s Warriors, telling the tragic story of the Chakma feminist activist who disappeared one day and whose narrative you later resurrected from fragments of eye witness accounts and memories. Tell us how this documentation was possible when the key protagonist was missing?
The work on Kalpana Chakma was a long time in the making. It is remarkable that a nation whose independence was built on the need to speak its own language, can so easily dismiss the rights of others to speak theirs. The work is a trilogy with phase one questioning the investigation itself, by simulating a forensic technique through which the silent witnesses – objects collected from the path Kalpana followed on her last known journey – were interrogated through scientific investigation. It was produced through research conducted in Bangladesh, UK, Germany and Australia, in that order. 
Kalpana's Warrior installation at Drik in Dhaka. 
Credit: Habibul Haque/Drik

The second phase, attempted to address the othering that often accompanies the characterisation of the “enemy”, by showing the personal effects of Kalpana in an effort at humanising the pahari community through her. The third phase of the work, involving considerable research, embeds the politics of the work within the artwork itself. The straw mats that Kalpana and many of the pahari people use as their core furniture was used as the canvas on which the images were to be made, while the images themselves were burned by charring the straw with fire, symbolising the razing of village homes by the military.

The fire on the other hand, was produced by modification of a laser beam commonly used in the garment factory, another symbol of inequality and injustice. Photography is a very effective tool, in representing events and objects that are visible. Representing the invisible does not come naturally to the medium. This complex and conceptual approach had been deliberately chosen to find a way to create a presence of the remarkable woman who had once walked amongst us.
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In the talk that evening with Hari Kunzru, you spoke of the role of the political artist and the importance of documenting injustices and inequalities. Now more than ever. Will you please elaborate?
Artists have played an important role in key junctures in our history. The language movement in 1952, the movement leading up to liberation in 1971 and even during the democracy movements since. It is because of people like Rashid Talukder that we have a visual record of how our country has been shaped. Students too have played their role and the universities have traditionally been places of critical thinking. Today, when we are facing the greatest danger to democracy that our nation has ever faced, for artists to remain silent, is a betrayal of enormous proportions.

That media, with important exceptions, has abdicated and become part of the state propaganda machinery is something they will need to answer for to future generations. This is not the Bangladesh that so many gave their lives for. The government, clings on to power through this mix of coercion and favours, but for artists and journalists to allow themselves to be used in this way, is a huge slap on the face of the ordinary people of my nation. 
Blind boy, Gaforgaon, Mymensingh, Bangladesh, 1988. 
Credit: Shahidul Alam/Drik

What is your take on the recent developments in India, post the attacks at Jawaharlal Nehru University?
I had initially thought Bangladesh was better off than India. Here, we were robbed. Our votes stolen. The government in Bangladesh got in through a blatantly rigged election. In India, you voted in BJP. However, the resistance that has grown in India post the JNU attacks, the width of the platform, the spontaneous participation of people from all segments of society, is spectacular and gives us hope. We in Bangladesh have failed to resist in this manner.

There is one significant difference however. In India, the military has largely stayed away from politics. In Bangladesh, the military have also been power hungry, and today, has played a part in propping up an unelected government. We hope our military will desist from this adventurism and play a more responsible role The resistance, however, is awe inspiring and I believe you can overcome even as repressive a regime as the current Modi government.

Soon after the Rubin Retrospective, at the Prix Pictet Award function, at Victoria & Albert Museum, you were singled out for championing the cause of freedom of expression. While international attention has been consistently favourable, in Bangladesh the situation is not quite the same.

 Would you agree?

The recognition at Rubin and the V&A and across the globe has been remarkable. The situation is different in Bangladesh, but one must recognise that it is far more dangerous in Bangladesh, to be seen to be “Shahidul Friendly”. Except for one national sponsor, all other Bangladeshi sponsors in Chobi Mela backed off. The CEO of a multinational company called me on our handphone from an unidentified number to tell me it was too dangerous for her to even pick up my phone calls. I met people in Keraniganj jail who had been imprisoned for having liked or shared my posts on Facebook.

That people resisted the way they did, despite this repression and fear, needs to be appreciated. Having said that, the silence of the art community, especially established architects, painters and writers, was telling. It does show a degree of subservience and selling out, that is deeply worrying. I am heartened when I see the thousands taking to the streets in India. Despite our great tradition of resistance, the major cultural players and the urban elite in Bangladesh have largely sold out.
Justice for Nurjahan, the accused in Moulvibazar court. 
Credit: Shahidul Alam/Drik

The role of Drik, the multimedia organisation you established in 1989, has been immense in not only working with brilliant young photographers but also resurrecting those who were lost to history, drifting into oblivion. Please elaborate further, on how Drik is able to reach out to veteran storytellers, helping to build their archives and giving them a platform. We were able to witness some of the incredible work this year at Chobi Mela, the edition you curated, barely out of jail.

What we have been able to achieve in Bangladesh has not happened overnight. I’ve been chipping away since 1984, initially through the Bangladesh Photographic Society, then through building Drik, Pathshala [photography school] and then Chobi Mela. There is a synergy here.

It was because we had Drik that Pathshala could be formed and because of the combined effort of Drik and Pathshala that we could pull off Chobi Mela. We took a different approach, concentrating on building skill sets rather than infrastructure. It is only now that we have an army of skilled practitioners that we are shifting to building the infrastructure. The leadership has grown from within.
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Most of the people at Drik, Pathshala and Chobi Mela are homegrown people who have a huge sense of identity and take ownership of the organisation they are within. The growth has been organic, and has encouraged the development of leadership skills. It has also involved building trust. Our photographers have been exploited by so many for so long that they’ve developed a distrust.

We had to build that trust over time before legendary photographers like Rashid Talukder and Amanul Haque decided to hand over their entire collections to us. The families of both these photographers have since approached us to say they would like us to set up grants for other photographers using the royalties earned.

Chobi Mela is a unique space where work by emerging photographers can be seen alongside that of legends. It has been the launchpad for many a young photographer’s career, while legends who had never met have often found each other in Dhaka, while our “buddy” system has allowed many emerging photographers to assist senior photographers during their stay leading to lifelong relationships that both have treasured.

“I want my images to challenge that illegality, and all the illegalities that are spouting around us. The illegality of a right to a homeland, the illegality of protest against oppression, the illegality of wanting a better life. I want to photograph Moli’s dream and that of the man with the cart and of the blind boy and other children, the many children who want to be photographed as a sign of hope.” Your words mirror the sentiments of the people today in our country, who are fighting against the laws of discrimination. If you had a message to the youth in our country, what would it be? I know how disappointed your admirers are because you have been denied a visa, yet again!

Often the forces of repression feel insurmountable. We feel alone and resistance feels futile. That is when people often say, “What’s the use?” People give up. We need to recognise that it is precisely that process of giving up that leads to victory for the repressor. That is when they have won, as they no longer need to rely upon the repressive forces to subdue the population. We underestimate our own strength, our power to resist. 
Hajera & Peer, Sex Worker. Credit: Shahidul Alam/Drik

By resisting, we create space not only for ourselves but for others around us. Never in history have repressive powers been able to withstand the collective might of the people. It is by fragmenting us, and keeping us divided that autocrats rule over us. So my message would simply be, believe in yourself and never give up. Dream on. You are far more powerful than you are led to believe.

Yes, I’ve been denied a visa yet again, but it merely demonstrates how scared they are. They know they cannot stand up to our logic, our integrity, our creative resistance. Last time, I spoke through Skype from an airport terminal. We shall find a way again.

You have been incredibly busy this last year working on projects, exhibiting and lecturing across the globe tirelessly. Please share some of your forthcoming projects with the reader.
In January, I spoke at the Storytellers Summit of National Geographic Society in Washington DC. It is an annual event which reunites visual staff of National Geographic with their field photographers for inspiration, camaraderie, and renewal. The audience of about 500 in the invitation-only programme included photo professionals from other publications, as well as museum curators and university faculty. I spoke about my life and work in conversation with Wajahat Ali, a contributor at CNN and op Ed writer at the New York Times.

I will also be running a workshop in Havana and have talks at NYU and OSF in New York and at Twelve Gates Arts in Philadelphia. In February and March, I shall be speaking at Rajshahi and Chittagong Universities in Bangladesh, RMIT in Melbourne, UNESCO in Paris and the Photographers Gallery and University College London. I have launches of my new book The Tide Will Turn in all these cities. I shall also be featuring at BBC Hard Talk as well as having a film made about me, working on a new book and continuing my new series of portraits of survivors of torture.

I’d loved to have come to Delhi for the keynote at the India Art Fair and attend Jeddah arts, but making time has become as much of a problem as getting visas. I shall generally be talking about human rights and freedom of expression as well as the state of the earth and how we are destroying the planet we live in.
Two Girls Sitting, 1994. Credit: Shahidul Alam/Drik


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BUDGET 2020
Unions protest LIC stake divestment move

PRIVATIZATION PROTESTS
KOLKATA,  FEBRUARY 02, 2020 

MORE-IN
Union Budget

Employees describe move as being ‘against national interest’

Employee unions of the Life Insurance Corporation of India (LIC) on Saturday opposed the Centre’s plan to sell a part of its stake in the state-run insurance behemoth through an initial public offering (IPO), insisting that the move was “against national interest.”

Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman said the LIC would be listed as part of the government disinvestment initiative. The government proposed to sell a part of its holding in LIC through IPO, she said while delivering the Budget 2020- 21 speech.

Watch | Highlights of Union Budget 2020-2
Highlights of Union Budget 2020

“We strongly oppose the government’s plan to sell a part of its shares in LIC and the move is against the national interest,” a spokesman of an employees’ union told reporters here. Established in 1956, LIC is fully-owned by the central government and has the highest market share in the life insurance segment in India.

He said the LIC had contributed a lot to the economic growth and the dilution of the government’s stake would “endanger the economic sovereignty of the country.” LIC employee unions will stage protests across the country if the government goes ahead with its plan, he said.


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MEN AT WORK DOWN UNDER 1981 EXTENDED MIX

WITH BANNED KOOKABURRA AND WALTZING MATILDA MELODIES