Tuesday, June 09, 2020

Why America’s revolution won’t be televised
The so far purely emotional insurrection lacks political structure and a credible leader to articulate grievances


By PEPE ESCOBAR JUNE 3, 2020

 
People raise their hands and shout slogans as they protest at the makeshift memorial in honour of George Floyd on Tuesday in Minneapolis. Photo: AFP / Chandan Khanna


The Revolution Won’t Be Televised because this is not a revolution. At least not yet.


Burning and/or looting Target or Macy’s is a minor diversion. No one is aiming at the Pentagon (or even the shops at the Pentagon Mall). The FBI. The NY Federal Reserve. The Treasury Department. The CIA in Langley. Wall Street houses.

The real looters – the ruling class – are comfortably surveying the show on their massive 4K Bravias, sipping single malt.

This is a class war much more than a race war and should be approached as such. Yet it was hijacked from the start to unfold as a mere color revolution.

US corporate media dropped their breathless Planet Lockdown coverage like a ton of – pre-arranged? – bricks to breathlessly cover en masse the new American “revolution.” Social distancing is not exactly conducive to a revolutionary spirit.
There’s no question the US is mired in a convoluted civil war in progress, as serious as what happened after the assassination of Dr Martin Luther King in Memphis in April 1968.

Yet massive cognitive dissonance is the norm across the full “strategy of tension” spectrum. Powerful factions pull no punches to control the narrative. No one is able to fully identify all the shadowplay intricacies and inconsistencies.

Hardcore agendas mingle: an attempt at color revolution/regime change (blowback is a bitch) interacts with the Boogaloo Bois – arguably tactical allies of Black Lives Matter – while white supremacist “accelerationists” attempt to provoke a race war.

To quote the Temptations: it’s a ball of confusion.

Antifa is criminalized but the Boogaloo Bois get a pass (here is how Antifa’s main conceptualizer defends his ideas). Yet another tribal war, yet another – now domestic – color revolution under the sign of divide and rule, pitting Antifa anti-fascists vs. fascist white supremacists.


Meanwhile, the policy infrastructure necessary for enacting martial law has evolved as a bipartisan project. 
Protesters jump on a street sign near a burning barricade near the White House during a demonstration against the death of George Floyd on May 31, 2020 in Washington, DC. Photo: AFP

We are in the middle of the proverbial, total fog of war. Those defending the US Army crushing “insurrectionists” in the streets advocate at the same time a swift ending to the American empire.

Amidst so much sound and fury signifying perplexity and paralysis, we may be reaching a supreme moment of historical irony, where US homeland (in)security is being boomerang-hit not only by one of the key artifacts of its own Deep State making – a color revolution – but by combined elements of a perfect blowback trifecta: Operation Phoenix; Operation Jakarta; and Operation Gladio.

But the targets this time won’t be millions across the Global South. They will be American citizens. 

Empire come home


Quite a few progressives contend this is a spontaneous mass uprising against police repression and system oppression – and that would necessarily lead to a revolution, like the February 1917 revolution in Russia sprouting out of the scarcity of bread in Petrograd.

So the protests against endemic police brutality would be a prelude to a Levitate the Pentagon remix – with the interregnum soon entailing a possible face-off with the US military in the streets.


But we got a problem. The insurrection, so far purely emotional, has yielded no political structure and no credible leader to articulate myriad, complex grievances. As it stands, it amounts to an inchoate insurrection, under the sign of impoverishment and perpetual debt.

Adding to the perplexity, Americans are now confronted with what it feels like to be in Vietnam, El Salvador, the Pakistani tribal areas or Sadr City in Baghdad.


Iraq came to Washington DC in full regalia, with Pentagon Blackhawks doing “show of force” passes over protestors, the tried and tested dispersal technique applied in countless counter-insurgency ops across the Global South.

And then, the Elvis moment: General Mark Milley, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, patrolling the streets of DC. The Raytheon lobbyist now heading the Pentagon, Mark Esper, called it “dominating the battlespace.”
Well, after they got their butts kicked in Afghanistan and Iraq, and indirectly in Syria, full spectrum dominance must dominate somewhere. So why not back home?
Troops gather during a demonstration on June 1, 2020 in Washington, DC. Photo: Joshua Roberts/Getty Images/AFP
Troops from the 82nd Airborne Division, the 10th Mountain Division and the 1st Infantry Division – who lost wars in Vietnam, Afghanistan, Iraq and, yes, Somalia – have been deployed to Andrews Airbase near Washington.

Super-hawk Tom Cotton even called, in a tweet, for the 82nd Airborne to do “whatever it takes to restore order. No quarter for insurrectionists, anarchists, rioters and looters.” These are certainly more amenable targets than the Russian, Chinese and Iranian militaries.

Milley’s performance reminds me of John McCain walking around in Baghdad in 2007, macho man-style, no helmet, to prove everything was OK. Of course: he had a small army weaponized to the teeth watching his back.

And complementing the racism angle, it’s never enough to remember that both a white president and a black president signed off on drone attacks on wedding parties in the Pakistani tribal areas.

Esper spelled it out: an occupying army may soon be “dominating the battlespace” in the nation’s capital, and possibly elsewhere. What next? A Coalition Provisional Authority?

Compared to similar ops across the Global South, this will not only prevent regime change but also produce the desired effect for the ruling oligarchy: a neo-fascist turning of the screws. Proving once again that when you don’t have a Martin Luther King or a Malcolm X to fight the power, then power crushes you whatever you do.

Inverted Totalitarianism


The late, great political theorist Sheldon Wolin had already nailed it in a book first published in 2008: this is all about Inverted Totalitarianism.

Wolin showed how “the cruder forms of control – from militarized police to wholesale surveillance, as well as police serving as judge, jury and executioner, now a reality for the underclass – will become a reality for all of us should we begin to resist the continued funneling of power and wealth upward.

“We are tolerated as citizens only as long as we participate in the illusion of a participatory democracy. The moment we rebel and refuse to take part in the illusion, the face of inverted totalitarianism will look like the face of past systems of totalitarianism,” he wrote.

Sinclair Lewis (who did not say that, “when fascism comes to America, it will come wrapped in the flag and waving the cross”) actually wrote, in It Can’t Happen Here (1935), that American fascists would be those “who disowned the word ‘fascism’ and preached enslavement to capitalism under the style of constitutional and traditional native American liberty.”

So American fascism, when it happens, will walk and talk American.

George Floyd was the spark. In a Freudian twist, the return of the repressed came out swinging, laying bare multiple wounds: how the US political economy shattered the working classes; failed miserably on Covid-19; failed to provide affordable healthcare; profits a plutocracy; and thrives on a racialized labor market, a militarized police, multi-trillion-dollar imperial wars and serial bailouts of the too big to fail.

Instinctively at least, although in an inchoate manner, millions of Americans clearly see how, since Reaganism, the whole game is about an oligarchy/plutocracy weaponizing white supremacism for political power goals, with the extra bonus of a steady, massive, upwards transfer of wealth.
US President Donald Trump walks back to the White House escorted by the Secret Service after appearing outside of St John’s Episcopal church across Lafayette Park in Washington, DC, June 1, 2020. Photo: AFP/ Brendan Smialowski
Slightly before the first, peaceful Minneapolis protests, I argued that the realpolitik perspectives post-lockdown were grim, privileging both restored neoliberalism – already in effect – and hybrid neofascism.

President Trump’s by now iconic Bible photo op in front of St John’s church – including a citizen tear-gassing preview – took it to a whole new level. Trump wanted to send a carefully choreographed signal to his evangelical base. Mission accomplished.

But arguably the most important (invisible) signal was the fourth man in one of the photos.

Giorgio Agamben has already proved beyond reasonable doubt that the state of siege is now totally normalized in the West. Attorney General William Barr now is aiming to institutionalize it in the US: he’s the man with the leeway to go all out for a permanent state of emergency, a Patriot Act on steroids, complete with “show of force” Blackhawk support.

 
ESSAY
Point of no return for Failed States of America
An African American academic resident in South Korea finds every good reason never to return home

By MICHAEL HURTJUNE 7, 2020


As the issue of race continues to impact the USA, a man walks past a mural in Los Angeles featuring the eyes of an African-American. Photo: AFP

I am a Rip van Winkle – a man out of time. As I watch America eat itself, I muse upon this fact more deeply. My status as a black American who has lived in South Korea since 2002, with no real plans to go back, has seemed strange to some.

But in recent years, my friends regard this ongoing decision to not return as less strange. And in recent months, it has come to be a point of no small amount of envy to many of my friends who dream of escaping the twin epidemics of Covid-19 and white supremacy-fueled rampant racism in the United States.

In 1670, the Puritan preacher Samuel Danforth warned his fellow colonizers that America had an ongoing moral challenge as it continued its “Errand into the Wilderness.” But the Puritan “wilderness” was not a blank swathe of land, those beckoning fields of Little House on the Prairie.

To the contrary, it was a land filled with fearful, fantastic beasts and rapacious monsters. It was a moral maw, a gaping abyss that beckoned the gawker to jump. It was a land of moral risk, of spiritual danger.

The spatial and moral wilderness defined the constant fear that Puritan elders had of going “astray” and falling into the beckoning darkness of civic immorality and spiritual iniquity.

In 1987, pioneer rapper Chuck D of Public Enemy made the declamation that America was an “anti-nigger machine,” and that, “If I come out alive … then they won’t come clean.”

Indeed, neither Amaud Arbery nor George Floyd made it out alive, but unlike most blacks murdered in the USA, their stories made it out – on video. Which is what made the Rodney King incident so shocking back in 1992: the whole thing was on tape.

But absolutely nothing came clean.

No fear of being shot

I never really made a conscious decision to leave the United States. Rather, it was a constant stream of small and incremental decisions to stay.

$4 doctor visits? Stay here. $12-a-month high blood pressure pills? Yeah, stay. Ability to leave my laptop on my table at Starbucks and to go to the john and find it there 20 minutes later? Stay. $600 root canal with zirconium crown? Stay. Being able to take public transport across Seoul for $1.50? Stay. 5G? Stay.


No fear of being shot – whether by mass shooter, or for “existing-while-black”? Again, stay.

By the time the scoring even gets to Korea’s fast, smart and effective handling of Covid-19 with big data-enabled contact tracing, strict and adhered to containment measures, and free coronavirus treatment to all citizens and non-citizens as well as immigrants regardless of document status, the scoring is hopelessly skewed.
Who in their right mind, in command of their senses, or with even half the proverbial brain, would go back to live in the Failed States of America? Because that’s what America is – a failed state.

Protesters look through the fence erected by police in front of Washington DC’s Lafayette park across from the White House to protest the death of George Floyd, who died in police custody in Minneapolis on June 4, 2020. Photo: AFP/Olivier Douliery
It is not about prosperity or well-being. If a government cannot even guarantee the basic human rights or physical security of its people – while demonstrating allegiance to money and profit over the interests of protecting human bodies or the body politic – then what other conclusion can there be?

The ultimate test of my choice came with the novel coronavirus. Korea’s handling of the pandemic was swift, transparent and effective. It engendered public cooperation and public trust.

I watched the United States botch the response from the top down and from the same Day One, thanks to a leader who exemplified American selfishness and narcissism, the concerns of profits over people, of appearance over truth, of fascist concerns with unity over actual individual liberties.

The USA that I liked to believe existed and which I had idealized in my memory was quite different from the FSA I see now. The USA gave way to the FSA during Hurricane Katrina, then Harvey, then with the choice of the Trumpets to choose sickness and death over better health care because it had a black man’s name on the label.

All you need is hate

The crucible really shattered as we entered the era of “Hate in the Time of Corona.”

Amid a wrecked economy with 40 million unemployed, one Amy Cooper delivered an Oscar-worthy performance of hysterical white female privilege when she called the police on a black birdwatcher who had politely asked her to keep her dog in check. That set the scene and provided the tinder for the spark that was George Floyd’s senseless murder

Then America started to burn. As it should have in response to the Blue Wall that always treats black bodies as fodder, as things that do not matter.

Nowadays, we Americans rattle off our roster of fantasy rights like Puritans who used to sling chapter and verse at social problems. And like the Bible, the Constitution is often seen as a magical amulet that justifies the values that it signifies. Unfortunately, we now venerate both Bible and Constitution mostly to bolster personal and public politics, and to pick fights.

This is not to say Korea is perfect. On November 21, 2007, I got arrested in Seoul for calling the Korean police on somebody attacking me.

A drifter in his 50s who was hammered on soju and stank like a sewer accosted me while I was shooting a Korean model on the street, berating me for being “a nigger taking pictures of a good Korean girl” and berating her as a “whore who should know better.” He started trying to kick me; I proceeded to call the police.

At that point, the guy said I had attacked him, producing some yellowed (and days-old) bruises on his shin. I was arrested and entered into the system. I was later found not guilty for lack of evidence – it was a baseless charge and the Korean model’s statement bolstered mine.

But I always remembered the friendly words of the cop: “Hey buddy, here’s a tip. You’re a foreigner. Never call the police on a Korean, because you’ll always lose.” That experience was maddeningly disappointing and disconcerting. But I never feared for my life.

In 2017, I took three months in Ohio to attend my brother’s wedding and spend time with my elderly mom. Between my county being the capital of the opioid crisis in the USA, white men starting to get their mass shooting groove on and cops killing black men like it was going out of style, I decided to get my concealed carry license and keep a Springfield Armory XDS 9mm handy and on my person at all times.

It should go without saying that I shouldn’t have to do this. Game, set, match – South Korea.

Since Samuel Danforth’s warnings have come to pass as America betrays both the letter and spirit of its most sacred texts, and whose base love of iniquity continues to power the expansion of injustice, I have slowly reached the sober conclusion that America is no place for a black man to live.

George Floyd told me to keep my black ass in Seoul for as long as it takes for the FSA to make itself great. Not again, but rather for once.

Dr. Michael Hurt (Instagram @kuraeji) is a visual sociologist and fashion photographer living in Seoul who pays the bills by lecturing in Cultural Theory at the Korea National University of the Arts and other universities. 
#DEFUNDTHEPOLICE!

As cities make deep cuts because of COVID-19, police departments are keeping their funding

Across the country, the police are often the one city agency not facing deep cuts in proposed post-pandemic budgets. As protesters face off against incredibly well-equipped police, they’re asking what that money is for.





Police officers in Louisville, Kentucky, on May 30, 2020. [Photo: Brett Carlsen/Getty Images]


BY KRISTIN TOUSSAINT
As images from protests against police brutality in the wake of George Floyd’s death have spread around the country, a key demand from protesters has been the defunding of city police departments: that cutting the money a city spends on police would, in fact, make communities safer. They’ve pointed to the tactical gear and equipment that the police have been pictured using as evidence that cities spend far too much money on their law enforcement, at the expense of other agencies that often lack funds to offer basic services to residents.

This is an apt time to be making that demand, as cities are in the process of figuring out next year’s budgets. But despite the fact that every U.S city is being forced to make drastic cuts to existing programs in the face of a stunning loss of tax revenue from closed businesses during the COVID-19 pandemic, one area of city government is seeing virtually no cuts at all: police departments.

Under New York mayor Bill de Blasio’s budget proposal for fiscal year 2021, the NYPD—which currently has a budget of $6 billion—would see a cut of just $23.8 million, or 0.39%, Gothamist reported. In contrast, the Department of Education would have its budget cut by $827 million—3% of its overall funding. The Department of Youth and Community Development, which funds after-school programs, literacy services, and summer youth work programs, would lose 32% of its budget.

In a letter to the mayor sent May 30, New York City Council Speaker Cory Johnson and other council members called for every city agency to identify meaningful savings they could make, so the nearly $9 billion budget gap is made up with 5-7% cuts from each department, rather than disproportionately larger cuts for a few agencies. “No proposed cut should be one that would weaken the social safety net or hurt vulnerable New Yorkers,” they wrote. An April letter sent to de Blasio from the Communities United for Police Reform pointed out that in 2019, when the city allocated $6 billion to the NYPD, it allocated just $2.1 billion to homeless services, $1.4 billion to housing, preservation, and development, and $1.9 billion to the health department.

In Los Angeles, the LAPD budget is slated to actually increase by $123 million. The proposed 2020-2021 spending includes nearly $41 million in bonuses for officers who have college degrees, “even as thousands of other city employees face pay cuts amid a financial crisis at City Hall,” the Los Angeles Times reports, along with pay raises for officers. Overall, the current plan increases LAPD’s budget by 7.1%, while it cuts the budget for the Housing and Community Investment Department, which, per the Times, “sends inspectors to look for violations at apartment buildings,” by 9.4%.

LAPD will receive just under 54% of Los Angeles’s total general fund—money not raised or collected for special purposes such as voter-passed measures—which allocates $1.8 billion to the agency. When you include pensions and retirement, building services, liability claims, and “other department related costs,” though, the total price tag of the police department tops $3 billion.


Los Angeles County Sheriff’s deputies on May 30, 2020. [Photo: David McNew/Getty Images]


In 2017, Oakland allocated the highest share of its general fund to policing, according to a Center for Popular Democracy study on police budgets, with $242.5 million going to police, or 41% of city expenditures. Oakland is facing a predicted $80 million budget gap over the next 14 months. Since Oakland passes two-year budgets, the city isn’t currently in the budget proposal process, but in a memo to the City Council, Adam Benson, the city’s budget director, quantified this shortfall in an interesting way: “If the full annual cost for a police officer is approximately $250,000 annually, then $80 million is equal to the cost of funding 320 police officers for one year—about half of the City’s police force,” Benson wrote.


When Minneapolis passed its 2020 budget in December 2019, it included increased police funding for as many as 30 new officers. In that budget, police expenditures total $193 million. That’s about 60% more than the $119 million the city’s Community Planning and Economic Development Department, which handles affordable housing and employment opportunities for low-income residents and teens, received.

When people protesting police brutality urge the defunding of police, this is what they are addressing. “Instead of further investing in the police, we need to invest not only in community-based programs for public safety, but we also need to invest in people’s ability to have access to food, clothes, shelter, health care, education, and gainful employment—the necessities of life. This is why we have these issues in our communities,” Sean Blackmon, an organizer with Stop Police Terror Project DC, a group that advocates for the end of militarized policing and alternatives to policing that would build community, said in a video he posted to Twitter Monday morning.

Washington, D.C.’s proposed 2021 budget adds $1.7 million to the Metropolitan Police Department’s budget, even as it aims to cut $166 million from other agency budgets. D.C.’s fiscal year 2020 general fund allocated $522 million to MPD. “The DC police don’t need any more money,” Blackmon continued in his video. “We need to divest from the police and invest in DC’s black communities and in DC’s poor, working, and oppressed communities.”

Spending more on policing does not necessarily make a community safer. Though nationally crime has dropped across those same three decades that police spending increased, the Center for Popular Democracy says that drop is in spite of increased spending, not because of it.

“Study after study shows that a living wage, access to holistic health services and treatment, educational opportunity, and stable housing are far more successful in reducing crime than police or prisons,” the center, which works to transform state and local policies through partnerships with community-based organizing groups, wrote in its 2017 report. In Minnesota, even as crime rates declined since the 1990s, the state’s prison population grew, reaching one of its highest levels in 2013.

Defunding the police would also reduce city-related expenses around legal fees for police misconduct, freeing up millions that cities can use to invest in their communities. From 2006 to 2012, Minneapolis paid nearly $14 million in lawsuits “related to excessive force leading to death or injury, cases involving property damage during raids, and the use of racial slurs.” In New York City, between June 2017 and June 2018 alone, taxpayers spent $230 million to settle 6,472 lawsuits against the NYPD. As millions of Americans struggle with rent, schools continually face strapped budgets, people drown in medical bills, and, most recently, hospitals have had to rely on PPE donations and are also facing financial ruin during a pandemic, activists are asking cities to consider if they’re really allocating their budget most effectively.


Even if former Minneapolis Police officer Derek Chauvin is convicted in the death of George Floyd, that won’t fully deliver justice to black communities, Jennifer Epps-Addison, network president and co-executive director of Center for Popular Democracy, said in a statement on Friday. “The only way for us to win real liberation,” she said, “is to transform our systems by divesting from policing, investing in community-led solutions, and demanding that politicians take concrete legislative action at every level from the City Council to Congress.”




OPINION

Police violence enabled by ‘liberal’ US politicians

Biden says he doesn't support defunding police

Biden, other Democrats push back on police defunding ...


George Floyd’s death proves again why the US needs to defund bloated and militarized police departments

Airmen riot at Moody

MOODY AIR FORCE BASE, Ga. --
Moody hosted Georgia State Patrol’s Mobile Field Force semiannual riot control training, Nov. 16-17, here.

By SONALI KOLHATKAR JUNE 6, 2020


Police in riot gear stand in formation during protests on May 29, 2020, in Louisville, Kentucky, after the death of George Floyd in Minneapolis, Minnesota. Photo: AFP

Not since the mass protests that originated in Ferguson, Missouri, in 2014 when a white police officer killed a black man named Michael Brown has the United States witnessed the current magnitude of the movement against police brutality.

The brutal videotaped killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis on May 25 has pushed Americans to the limit of what they will tolerate from police. Huge, multiracial protests have broken out in hundreds of cities demanding an end to racist policing.

While many of the problems can be laid at the feet of President Donald Trump, whose administration obliterated the modest Obama-era police reforms and who has delighted in openly encouraging police to be violent, the current status quo of accepting and encouraging racist and murderous policing has been a largely bipartisan project at the federal, state, and local level.

Also read: Bush sent military to quell 1992 riots; will Trump?

Protests against US police brutality have a long history that predates the rallying cry of “Black Lives Matter” becoming a household phrase. Well before Trump was on the national scene, Democratic and Republican leaders had many years to right the wrongs that black activists and community leaders were decrying.

After Rodney King’s brutal beating was caught on tape in Los Angeles and the acquittal of his abusers sparked a historic and violent uprising, there were years of reforms aimed at the Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD) that resulted in only the mildest changes. That liberal city, dominated by Democrats, continues to have the largest number of police killings nationwide and to date, the city’s first black female district attorney, Jackie Lacey, has refused to prosecute a single officer during her tenure.

When Eric Garner was choked to death by police in Staten Island, New York City, his horrific killing, captured on video, and his last words, “I can’t breathe,” sparked mass protests and deep discourse about reforming police protocols. But just as in Los Angeles, the core demand that activists have been making at least since the police murder of Amadou Diallo – that those who violate rights should be held legally accountable – has gone unmet.

Daniel Pantaleo, the New York Police Department (NYPD) officer who put Garner in a chokehold, remained on the force for five years and was ultimately fired but never charged. Like the LAPD, the NYPD has enjoyed the protection of a largely liberal and Democratic political landscape.

During the presidency of Barack Obama, some modest reforms were enacted at the federal level, largely through executive orders as Congress remained unable to break through political gridlock. Obama’s federal oversight of police departments through court-ordered consent decrees was a start, but in his last act as Trump’s attorney general, Jeff Sessions signed a memorandum that undid the Obama-era consent decrees before stepping down.

Trump also resumed the flow of military equipment and weapons to local police departments.


Now, as mass protests are taking place all over the US, the images of well-armed and flak-jacketed police facing off against protesters and violently subduing them while remaining encased in protective gear stands in stark contrast to America’s desperately under-equipped health-care workers who have been vainly trying to save as many lives as possible during the Covid-19 pandemic.

Police are clad head to toe in high-tech gear, face shields and body armor, with no shortage of plastic handcuffs, rubber bullets, and teargas canisters. The optics of these modern-day gestapo-like forces roaming city streets, bashing in heads and firing teargas into the faces of unarmed protesters, are a reminder of just how many federal- and state-level resources we Americans have poured into law enforcement over the years at the expense of health care, education, and other public needs.

Even as the economic collapse triggered by the pandemic threatened to devastate public school systems, in the liberal havens of Los Angeles and New York City, law-enforcement budgets remained unscathed.

California’s Democratic Governor Gavin Newsom proposed big cuts to schools to compensate for massive budget shortfalls at the same time that LAPD officers were receiving $41 million in bonuses. LA’s Democratic Mayor Eric Garcetti recently released this year’s proposed city budget – typical of previous years – which sets aside a whopping one-third of all city spending on police.

Similarly in New York City, the Democratic Mayor Bill de Blasio’s proposal to compensate for pandemic-related revenue losses is to make cuts to the school budget that are 27 times that of his city’s police budget cuts.


Alice Speri, writing in The Intercept, explains, “The US spends some $100 billion annually on policing,” and “in cities across the country, policing alone can take up anything between a third and 60% of the entire annual budget.”

And while the pandemic is forcing cities to make hard choices about which public services to slash, police-department budgets have remained immune to cuts. Liberal cities like LA, New York and Minneapolis, in the words of one journalist, “keep piling money on police departments.”


Just as congressional Democrats for far too long have poured money into the US military to fuel wars abroad – even outdoing Trump’s thirst for military largesse – the Democratic Party’s state and local leaders have poured money into domestic armed forces – the police – to fuel a war on us American citizens, and especially those among us with black or brown skin.

Now, because the collective public rage over police violence and impunity has reached a fever pitch, something extraordinary is happening. A long-standing activist call to defund the police is receiving a mainstream platform.


On May 30, The New York Times published an op-ed by two advocates of Black Lives Matter titled “No More Money for the Police.” Black Lives Matter has explicitly called for “a national defunding of police” and is demanding “investment in our communities and the resources to ensure black people not only survive, but thrive.”

Author Alex Vitale’s 2018 book The End of Policing aptly articulated on its cover, “The problem is not police training, police diversity, or police methods. The problem is the dramatic and unprecedented expansion and intensity of policing in the last 40 years, a fundamental shift in the role of police in society. The problem is policing itself.”

Vitale’s work has taken on new urgency during the protests over George Floyd’s killing. In a recent piece he wrote for The Guardian, he explained that the solution for local authorities to tackle police “is to dramatically shrink their function.” Vitale added, “We must demand that local politicians develop non-police solutions to the problems poor people face.”

That means mayors and governors from all parts of the US political spectrum need to stop subscribing to the notion that police can solve problems caused by poor education, health care and jobs, and directly start diverting money from police into education, health care and jobs.

Liberal leaders in particular, who have paid mere lip service for years to social justice, need to put their money where their mouth is and wrest it out of the hands of police departments.

This article was produced by Economy for All, a project of the Independent Media Institute, which provided it to Asia Times.


SONALI KOLHATKAR
Sonali Kolhatkar is the founder, host and executive producer of Rising Up with Sonali, a television and radio show that airs on Free Speech TV and Pacifica stations. More by Sonali Kolhatkar




ESTABLISHMENT POLITICIANS FEAR

DEFUND THE POLICE!
 SOME POLICE BUDGETS ARE 60% OF A CITY/STATE BUDGET
Jun 1, 2020 - Across the country, the police are often the one city agency not facing deep cuts in ... In Los Angeles, the LAPD budget is slated to actually increase by $123 million. ... That's about 60% more than the $119 million the city's Community ... than police or prisons,” the center, which works to transform state and ...

BECAUSE IT WILL LEAD TO

DEFUND THE MILITARY!
65% OF THE US BUDGET IS SPENT ON THE US MILITARY!




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Oct 3, 2019 - This Juristat article examines trends in police resources for Canada, the ... the police service budget who are not police officers, special constables, or recruits. ... on police equipment from either their non–salary operating budgets or ... of constables (60%) and greater proportion of officers among the higher ...
Chart 2 Average salary, different types of personnel, by level of policing, 2018

Chart 1 Police expenditures per capita, current dollars and constant dollars, Canada, 1987/1988 to 2017/2018
Chart 2 Average salary, different types of personnel, by level of policing, 2018
Chart 3 Rate of police officers and civilian personnel per 100,000 population, Canada, 1962 to 2018
Chart 4 Rate of police strength, by province and territory, 2018

May 22, 2020 - New York City and Los Angeles Slash Budgets — but Not for Police ... take up anything between a third and 60 percent of the entire annual budget. ... seen cuts from the state, but the NYPD is untouchable,” echoed Jason Wu, ...
May 13, 2020 - New Jersey announced that tax revenue for April was down 60% compared with ... Before the pandemic, most states had generally healthy budget situations ... money to keep teachers in classrooms, parks open and police on the streets. ... The National Governors Association, National League of Cities and ...


Aug 7, 2017 - A report released last month provides a glance at police budgets in ... Total police budget and share of cities' general fund expenditure in 2017.
Missing: 60%


by BA Reaves - ‎Cited by 81 - ‎Related articles
operating budgets, officer salaries and special pay, types of ... Among large city police departments, 1990-2000, changes included —. Highlights ... education incentive pay in 1990 (60%) and 2000 (61%). ... Annual operating budget of police departments serving cities ... State or local levels may affect the comparability of ...






Office lighting experiment suggests workers sleep longer when exposed to more daylight

Office lighting experiment suggests workers sleep longer when exposed to more daylight
(a) Photos and (b) floorplans of the two office environments. Credit: International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health (2020). DOI: 10.3390/ijerph17093219
A team of researchers affiliated with several institutions in the U.S. has found that office workers sleep more hours each night when exposed to more sunlight during the day. In their paper published in the International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, the group describes their experiments in real office buildings and what they learned from them.
Prior research has shown that when  are exposed to minimal natural light during their shifts, they tend to sleep less at night than people who are exposed to more  during the day—they also tend to perform less well on cognitive tests. Prior research has also shown that children exposed to more sunlight during the day tend to sleep longer than those who see little daylight. In this new effort, the researchers sought to learn more about the sunlight/sleep connection by carrying out an experiment in two adjacent offices in an  in Durham, North Carolina.
The experiments involved testing the differences in  for people working in nearly identical office environments situated right next to each other—the only real difference was the lighting. One office had the traditional blinds that obscure much of the sunlight coming through the large glass windows. In the other office, the windows were treated with electrochromic glazing technology that allows more sunlight to pass through while still minimizing glare. For the experiment, typical office workers were asked to work in both offices for one week. At the end of the week, the workers were asked to trade offices where they worked for another week. Also, each of the workers was fitted with a wrist actigraph that measured and recorded how long the wearer was asleep each night.
The researchers found that both groups of workers slept longer when they worked in the office with more natural lighting—on average 37 minutes longer. The researchers found that the positive effects of sunlight grew as the week wore on—scores on cognitive tests improved each day. By the end of the week, the workers scored 42 percent higher. The researchers suggest their findings show that lighting should feature more prominently in the workplace, and that doing so would benefit both workers and those who employ them.Investigating glare: How bright is your office?

More information: Mohamed Boubekri et al. The Impact of Optimized Daylight and Views on the Sleep Duration and Cognitive Performance of Office Workers, International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health (2020). DOI: 10.3390/ijerph17093219