Wednesday, August 12, 2020

They saw record profits under Trump. Bankers are backing Biden anyway.

Bankers' preference for the former vice president comes even as the Trump administration has delivered in a significant way for the banks.



Former Vice President Joe Biden is a known entity to Wall Street and benefits from his longtime closeness to the financial industry.
| Scott Olson/Getty Images

By ZACHARY WARMBRODT
08/11/2020

Executives and employees at the nation’s biggest banks are giving a boost to former Vice President Joe Biden's campaign for the White House, despite economic policies under President Donald Trump that produced record profits for the industry.

Contributions from individuals affiliated with the six largest lenders total $907,216 for Biden and $293,434 for Trump, according to a POLITICO review of campaign finance data. Biden has a significant fundraising advantage at every one of the banks — JPMorgan Chase, Bank of America, Citigroup, Wells Fargo, Goldman Sachs and Morgan Stanley.

Their preference for the former vice president comes even as Trump's administration has delivered in a significant way for the banks — making them among the main beneficiaries of his 40 percent cut in the corporate tax rate and easing Obama-era regulations. Biden has pledged to repeal some of those tax cuts and impose new fees on large financial institutions.

But in an era of growing social and racial unrest, as well as income inequality, many bankers are voting beyond their wallets in the belief that Trump is stoking those divisions, industry experts say. Many in the industry are embracing Biden’s approaches to racial equity, foreign affairs and other areas where his tone is more aligned with the leaders of global financial institutions.

"These contributions speak to the deep unease Democrats and many independents have with national policy on personal priorities such as equality, civility and constitutionality," said Federal Financial Analytics managing partner Karen Petrou, who advises bank executives on policy. The bankers, she said, are "expressing themselves as well as their company’s priorities when they make contributions."

To be sure, Biden is also a known entity to Wall Street and benefits from his longtime closeness to the financial industry. While representing Delaware in the Senate, he supported bankruptcy legislation that made it harder for consumers to escape credit card debt. More recently, he attracted controversy for telling wealthy donors at a 2019 fundraiser that "no one's standard of living will change, nothing would fundamentally change" for them.

And employees at the megabanks also showed a preference for former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton over Trump in 2016 — she outraised him by more than 10 to 1 among these same companies. But they put their money behind Republican Mitt Romney when he ran against President Barack Obama and Biden in 2012.
The figures, aggregated by the Center for Responsive Politics, cover not only high-profile executives but also other employees at the sprawling, international corporations. They underscore a view in the banking industry that Biden would govern as a moderate despite the influence of Wall Street watchdogs like Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.).
The contributions analyzed for this story came from individual donors at the banks and were not directed by the companies themselves, which operate separate political action committees that help fund congressional campaigns.

The wave of contributions has emerged as Biden, who will accept the Democratic presidential nomination during the party's convention next week, takes the lead over Trump in national and battleground state polls.

Trump campaign spokesperson Samantha Zager said the president is counting on ordinary voters to win reelection.

“President Trump’s campaign is powered by everyday Americans who have benefited from his bold leadership," she said. "Joe Biden has Big Tech, Big Pharma, and Big Banks in his pocket, and the Trump campaign still outraised him in July — not to mention we have real voter enthusiasm in our corner. President Trump will continue to prioritize hardworking Americans while Joe Biden looks out for himself.”

Jason Pye, vice president of legislative affairs at FreedomWorks, a conservative group, had another explanation for Biden's popularity with bankers: "It's no secret that big businesses, including big financial institutions, tend to benefit from big government policies. They're able to insulate themselves from regulation to some degree because they can afford the cost of compliance that leaves smaller institutions out in the cold."

Several senior leaders at the big banks have contributed money to Biden’s campaign, including Goldman Sachs CFO Stephen Scherr and JPMorgan general counsel Stacey Friedman. Goldman Sachs Japan Vice Chair Kathy Matsui contributed $54,600 to the Biden Victory Fund, Biden's joint fundraising operation with the Democratic National Committee. Morgan Stanley Vice Chair Thomas Nides and Wells Fargo Vice Chairman of Public Affairs Bill Daley — both former Obama administration officials — have also contributed to Biden's campaign.

While Biden has shied away from demonizing Wall Street like Warren and some other Democrats, he has pledged to raise taxes on large financial institutions and other corporations after Trump slashed the rate to 21 percent from 35 percent in 2017, helping deliver a 44 percent surge in banking industry profits in 2018. That’s the top concern of bank lobbyists who are starting to game out how Washington would approach the industry if Democrats take back power.

Yet Paul Thornell, former managing director for federal government affairs at Citigroup, said banking executives aren’t just focused on things like tax policy when it comes to showing their support for a candidate.

“They’re looking at character and how these two conduct themselves as leaders,” said Thornell, now a principal at government relations firm Mehlman Castagnetti Rosen & Thomas. “They’re looking at the issues that Trump has decided to align himself with versus the issues they think Biden would give voice to, which are probably more in line with where they are personally, the brand and reputation of their firms and the issues their employees care about.”

Still, any perceived coziness between Biden and bankers is a potential political problem as the former vice president faces pressure from progressives to crack down on big business. One Biden official said teachers are the top profession that donates to his campaign.

"Wall Street bankers and hedge fund managers didn't build this country — the American middle class did," Biden spokesperson Andrew Bates said. "Donald Trump has turned his back on families struggling to get by throughout his presidency, passing a multitrillion-dollar tax giveaway to the wealthy and plunging manufacturing into a recession while creating new incentives for outsourcing American jobs — whereas Joe Biden is running to ensure that our economy rewards work, not just wealth, which is why his campaign is powered by small, grassroots donations."

Indeed, a Biden administration will likely pursue stricter banking regulation than has Trump, though it's not expected to be the kind of sea change that occurred under Obama. At that time, the global economy was reeling from a financial crisis created by Wall Street, and Democrats responded by overhauling bank regulation with the landmark 2010 Dodd-Frank Act.

Now, bank lobbyists say the Biden campaign’s recent economic proposals, including those released in partnership with Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), haven’t been that surprising or threatening.

Bank representatives see lots of issues where they can have constructive conversations with Democrats. They include responding to climate change, improving corporate diversity and supporting small business.

Big banks have also joined the fight against Big Tech by lobbying to stop technology companies from obtaining bank charters. Lobbyists expect Democrats to put more pressure on private equity firms than big banks, which were public enemy No. 1 when Biden became vice president in 2009.

The dynamic was on display last month when Sen. Sherrod Brown (D-Ohio) — who proposed breaking up the banks after the 2008 crisis — spoke on a Goldman Sachs-hosted Zoom call commemorating the graduation of entrepreneurs from the company's “10,000 Small Businesses” program. Brown, who would likely chair the Senate Banking Committee if Democrats won back the Senate, appeared with Goldman CEO David Solomon.

Brown scolded Solomon for stock buybacks the bank pursued thanks to the Trump tax cuts but he also praised the bank’s small business efforts in Ohio.

“I hope you’ll follow up with a commitment to invest more of your, I would say, immense resources in the real economy and communities that often get overlooked by Wall Street,” Brown said. “This is an example of Goldman doing that.”

Capital Alpha Partners director Ian Katz said there are competing forces at play when it comes to how the banking industry views Biden. Biden and his regulators would generally favor tighter regulation. But Trump has been harder for banks to predict because of his populist tendencies.

“There's also the possibility that while bankers prefer Trump on matters affecting their industry, they may prefer Biden on most other things,” Katz said. “If that's the case, they could lean toward Biden because they prefer him on most matters, and while he may be less friendly than Trump is to banks, they don't think he'll be dangerously unfriendly. So when they take everything into account, they may lean toward Biden.”
FINANCE
'It means nothing': Trump’s pledge to aid tenants won’t halt evictions

Donald Trump's executive order wouldn't do much to immediately help the 20 million or so Americans who face losing their homes in the next few months.


President Donald Trump speaks at a news conference in the James Brady Press Briefing Room at the White House, Tuesday, Aug. 11, 2020. | AP Photo/Andrew Harnik

By KATY O'DONNELL
08/11/2020

When President Donald Trump signed an executive order Saturday to shield tenants from the threat of eviction, he said it would “solve that problem largely, hopefully completely.”

Yet not only would his action fail to halt evictions, it wouldn't do much of anything to immediately help the 20 million or so Americans who face the loss of their homes in the next few months amid the coronavirus crisis.

Trump’s order does not extend the lapsed four-month eviction moratorium, which itself covered only about a quarter of the nation’s 44 million rental units. Instead, it merely directs the Department of Health and Human Services and the Centers for Disease Control to “consider whether any measures temporarily halting residential evictions” are necessary to halt the spread of Covid-19.

Negotiations on a new round of Covid relief have stalled. And that means no renewal of the eviction moratorium. We break down what could happen if the government doesn't take action quickly.

It also provides no direct money to aid tenants in distress, who will eventually have to pay months of back rent. The departments of the Treasury and Housing and Urban Development were instructed to identify sources of funding. Neither could provide details Tuesday on how they would do that.

“It’s nothing but a political ploy,” said House Financial Services Chair Maxine Waters (D-Calif.), who dismissed the “so-called executive order” as a stunt designed to deflect criticism from the president. “It means nothing."

But housing advocates argue that the measure may actually be worse than doing nothing at all, by easing the urgency to reach a deal with Congress and giving renters a false sense of security.

The order will “mislead renters into believing that they are protected when they are not,” National Low Income Housing Coalition President and CEO Diane Yentel said in a statement.

“This executive order is reckless and harmful, offering false hope and risking increased confusion and chaos at a time when renters need assurance that they will not be kicked out of their homes during a pandemic,” she added.

The four-month CARES Act moratorium ended July 25, and most states are letting their own temporary protections lapse. At the same time, the federal enhancement to unemployment benefits — a $600-a-week boost that has helped struggling tenants pay at least some of their rent — has also expired.

The expiration of those benefits means somewhere between 19 million and 23 million people — about one in five renters in the U.S. — will be at risk of eviction by the end of next month, according to an analysis by the Aspen Institute. Negotiations to renew both measures as part of the next relief package broke down late last week.

Trump, questioned at his Tuesday press conference about the prospect of mass evictions, said, "We are not allowing that to happen.”

“We are stopping evictions," he added, referring to the executive order.

Waters, speaking with housing advocates on Monday, called for the urgent “passage of a statutory extension of the eviction moratorium and the creation of an emergency rental assistance fund.”

The House has passed two bills that would provide $100 billion to help tenants pay their rent, but the Senate has not moved on either piece of legislation.

Saturday’s order hints at rental assistance without specifying an amount or where Treasury and HUD should draw the money from.

HUD twice declined to provide details on what the agency plans to do differently as a result of the order. Treasury said it had no comment.

“We are in close contact with the White House and other federal agencies on the Executive Order and its implementation,” HUD spokesperson Brad Bishop said Tuesday. “We will provide additional information as these discussions continue.”

EMPLOYMENT & IMMIGRATION
‘Can’t possibly be serious’: Trump’s bid to shore up jobless aid falls short
BY REBECCA RAINEY AND MEGAN CASSELLA

The White House, meanwhile, is insisting the new order will prevent people from losing their homes.

“There will be no evictions,” economic adviser Larry Kudlow said in an interview with CNN on Sunday.

When the CNN anchor pressed him on whether the order actually stops evictions as some struggling tenants may believe, Kudlow said it will provide a “mechanism” to do that.

“We're setting up a process, a mechanism, OK? I can't predict the future altogether,” he said.
Could massive numbers of nursing home deaths have been prevented?

One system — California’s Veterans Affairs Department — has dramatically reduced death rates through organization, access to PPE and full staffing.

THIS IS A GLOBAL CRISIS, IN CANADA IT HIT BOTH QUEBEC AND ONTARIO ESPECIALLY HARD AS WELL.

PUBLIC OWNERSHIP OF NURSING AND CARE HOMES UNDER HEALTH CARE

END PRIVATIZED NURSING CARE

California Gov. Gavin Newsom gestures as CalVet Secretary Vito Imbasciani listens during a news conference at the Veterans Home of California. | Eric Risberg/Pool/AP

By MAGGIE SEVERNS

08/10/2020 

While the vast numbers of nursing home deaths have been the greatest horror of the coronavirus crisis, the system operated by California’s Department of Veterans Affairs has been a rare bright spot.

Across the country, at least 43,000 nursing home residents have died of the coronavirus. In California, at least 3,400 have passed away. But at the eight CalVet veterans’ homes, it’s been a different story: Among 2,100 residents, half of whom require round-the-clock care, including hospice patients and Korean and Vietnam war veterans with complicated health conditions, only two have died of the coronavirus.

An average nursing home patient in California is 31 times more likely to die from the coronavirus than a resident of a CalVet home.

Months ago, city hospitals were fighting over essential medical supplies as Covid cases surged. That’s not happening anymore. But doctors, nurses and caregivers say they’re still struggling with resources.


The diligence with which CalVet has fought the coronavirus — a battle which leaders characterize more as trench warfare than a blitzkrieg — stands in sharp contrast to the failures of the many privately owned, loosely regulated homes that have seen residents die by the dozens. While more than 300 California nursing homes asked for waivers exempting them from the state’s minimum-staffing rules prior to the pandemic, for example, CalVet kept its homes fully staffed and hired extra professionals such as full-time doctors and nurses. Its facilities stockpiled masks, ensuring they wouldn't run short when the rest of the world did.

All in all, CalVet’s experience suggests that the sweeping losses of elderly victims and people with disabilities across the country weren’t inevitable — a better system of care might have saved tens of thousands of lives.

In addition to the two residents who died, CalVet homes have seen six others get the coronavirus and recover. More than a dozen staff members have contracted the virus, threatening to infect the homes — but through a rigorous program of testing, contact tracing and encouraging employees who think they may have Covid-19 to stay home from work, CalVet has kept the virus mostly out of its campuses.

The secret of CalVet’s success has been leadership, quick efforts to obtain protective equipment, extensive testing and advance planning — the lack of which have long been cited in the homes with the most serious coronavirus outbreaks.

A POLITICO investigation involving interviews with California state officials and outside experts, along with a review of state documents and data, found that while CalVet homes benefited from greater resources than the typical nursing home, the key to their success was more in effective management and planning. As soon as word of the coronavirus appeared in China, CalVet leaders kept one eye on the virus, and carefully charted a consistent, unified response, based around the idea that one slip-up — be it an employee failing to wash his hands or an administrator falling to issue a test — could cost a resident his or her life.


“We should be doing everything we can to prevent coronavirus and help people recover if we can, and not just give up on an entire group of Americans because some people believe it’s inevitable,” said David Shulkin, former VA secretary. | Jose Luis Magana/AP

“It’s important to have a plan,” said David Shulkin, secretary of Veterans Affairs in the Trump administration from 2017 to 2018. “And secondly, you have to stick to your plan. And I don't think we’ve consistently seen that throughout the country. We’ve seen 50 different plans, and we’ve seen a lack of consistency and a lack of people sticking with a plan.”

Shulkin ticked off a litany of problems facing nursing homes around the country, from lack of access to protective equipment to lengthy lag times in receiving test results. Indeed, nursing homes across America spent much of June and July arguing that they should be treated more like hospitals when it comes to testing, rather than receiving a second-tier prioritization that can cause delays in obtaining test results of five to seven days.

“We should be doing everything we can to prevent coronavirus and help people recover if we can, and not just give up on an entire group of Americans because some people believe it’s inevitable,” Shulkin said. “In our nursing homes, we have to provide the highest level of protection and prevention.”

California Veterans Affairs secretary Vito Imbasciani keeps up with the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention website like some people do the weather, scanning it daily for reports of outbreaks in faraway countries.

Viruses are a particular area of concern for Imbasciani, a urologist by training who served with the U.S. Army during the Gulf War. He got an education in infectious diseases starting in second grade, when he contracted polio and spent four months in the hospital, followed by years of physical therapy and specialized camps, working to regain the strength in his legs, which can still limp when he's tired. As a young gay man, he started medical school in 1981, the same year the AIDS epidemic hit the U.S.


Viruses are a particular area of concern for Vito Imbasciani, secretary of the California Department of Veterans Affairs. | Gary Coronado/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images

“I lived in fear of becoming antibody positive,” Imbasciani said in an interview.

This past winter, around New Year's Eve, as nursing homes in the CalVet system were readying for the annual flu season, Imbasciani noticed a report on an unusually infectious new disease in China, Covid-19, during one of his trolls of the CDC website.

“I said to my team, ‘We have to prepare not only for influenza, but for the possible spread of this,’” Imbasciani said. “I knew people who leave China and are coming into the United States come in through L.A. and Seattle.”

As parts of the state government, homes in the CalVet system were required to take precautions that private facilities were not: They had to maintain extensive emergency preparedness plans in the event of an earthquake or other natural disaster, including stockpiles of N95 masks. They also had taken formal steps to protect against viral diseases such as hantavirus, a deadly rodent-born disease that appeared in California and other states in the last decade. By contrast, while federal law requires that all nursing homes have some sort of emergency plan in place, a whopping 43 percent have been caught violating that requirement, and the long-term care industry strongly opposed the Obama administration-era rule that created it.

By Jan. 21, when a 35-year-old man outside Seattle became the United States’ first known Covid-19 diagnosis, Imbasciani and his team had been monitoring Covid-19 for weeks and advising staff to stay home and let them know if they felt sick. By early February — a month before the first person died from the coronavirus in the U.S. — the administrators for the system’s eight veterans homes were dialing into a video conference call each day at 11 a.m. to discuss the potential pandemic, retraining their staff on how to prevent infections and auditing residents’ emergency contact information. Working with the governor’s Office of Emergency Services, each nursing home built up a stockpile of 50,000 N95 masks and other PPE, in preparation for a scenario in which the homes would have to completely lock down.

Each CalVet home followed a 38-point action plan, designed to help them prepare for the worst. | Justin Sullivan/Getty Images

As the number of Covid-19 cases slowly grew in the United States, CalVet’s leaders issued more directives: By Feb. 26, the homes enacted plans to clean their common areas every 30 minutes. By March 3 — still more than a week before the World Health Organization declared the coronavirus a pandemic, and ten days before President Donald Trump declared a national emergency — every CalVet nursing home had a detailed protocol for what to do if they suspected a case of Covid-19. Soon, group activities were suspended, residents were required to eat and live in their rooms and staff and residents were given instruction in how to keep social distance. Each CalVet home followed a 38-point action plan, designed to help them prepare for the worst.

And March 15, four days before California’s Gavin Newsom became the first governor in the country to order California residents to shelter in place, CalVet decided to close its doors to outsiders. It marked the start of months of challenging isolation for residents, who were divided into halls and barred from leaving their designated areas.


“There’s a lot of sadness that goes along with our record,” said Imbasciani. “These are veterans who are in their seventh, eight, ninth, tenth decade of life. And we’re restricting visits and access to hugs. There’s not been any birthdays, and even the traditional Memorial Day party. They can’t eat in their congregate dining halls — it’s sad.”

For administrators who run the CalVet homes, vigilance is top priority. CalVet has not invented any new ways of fighting the coronavirus. But its nursing homes are presenting a united front, something the rest of the country is struggling with.

“If you let your guard down, you are in trouble with this virus,” said Thomas Bucci, director of long term care at the California Department of Veterans Affairs. “We are only as good as our weakest employee who decides they are not going to wear a mask and just gave a resident a bath and breathed all over him.”




“I think at that time, during the end of February and beginning of March, there was a sense of, ‘This isn’t coming here.’ But with the tone of the department, there was also a sense of, ‘Well, what will we need to do if it does come?’”

Chris Walter, acting administrator of CalVet’s West Los Angeles veterans home

CalVet nursing homes have benefited greatly from their ties to state and federal government. Such was the case in early April, when Chris Walter, acting administrator of CalVet’s West Los Angeles veterans home, a 396-bed facility close to the University of California, Los Angeles, had a dangerous scenario on his hands: a potential case of the coronavirus at a time when tests were still in extremely short supply.

Walter’s problem was solved by the local VA office, which sits across the street from his nursing home. The VA leader offered to run tests at the veterans home, quickly determining that Covid-19 had not spread far within the facility.

Walter is, for legal reasons, restricted from discussing individual results of Covid-19 testing, but said his building has been able to quickly obtain and run tests, both for surveillance and when there were suspected infections, since April. He’s now run multiple rounds of tests for all residents of the West Los Angeles home, in accordance to rules established in June by the state of California. The West Los Angeles home has had at least one case of Covid-19 among its staff, and accounts for at least one of the two deaths in the CalVet system.

Like other CalVet homes, Walter's home in Los Angeles houses some residents in assisted living, and some in skilled nursing. Overall, roughly half of CalVet residents are in skilled nursing, including hospice patients. The homes have had three Covid-19 cases and one death among residents in assisted living, and three cases and one death among residents in skilled nursing.

Walter recalled having early meetings with his on-staff medical director and infection control nurse, both of whom work full-time at his facility, and discussing the possibility that the coronavirus would come to Los Angeles in February.

“I think at that time, during the end of February and beginning of March, there was a sense of, ‘This isn’t coming here.’ But with the tone of the department, there was also a sense of, ‘Well, what will we need to do if it does come?’” Walter said.

As the coronavirus spread to Los Angeles, one of Walter’s chief concerns was how to prevent staff from carrying germs into the building. In addition to wearing masks, staff at the West Los Angeles home, like all CalVet homes, are screened when they arrive for work, and asked to answer questions that extend beyond whether they’ve had any recent coronavirus symptoms. They’re quizzed about whether they’ve come from another facility, and, if so, whether they’ve changed clothes. And they’re asked if they’ve taken any Tylenol or other drugs that could, inadvertently or not, mask a fever when they have their temperatures taken at the door.

And unlike many nursing home operators across the country, Walter and other CalVet operators give their employees sick leave. This is both a workplace benefit and a tactic for fighting the virus because it encourages people not to show up to work if they aren’t feeling well. If employees come down with a cough or have any reason to think they might have been exposed to Covid-19, they are paid to stay home while awaiting test results, and given sick leave if the test comes back positive. CalVet officials say this approach has helped foster better communication with staff and enabled their facilities to do robust contact tracing if someone does contract the virus.

“If our doc says they are at risk, we will pay them to stay home so they don’t lose their rent payment,” said Bucci, the director of long term care. “When all of these [practices] work together in a system, it can work. All of these can be weaknesses in other facilities, and other homes.”

Experts in the nursing-home industry note that CalVet’s approach is run with near-military precision, relying on strict protocols and chains of command to get things done. Many of the country’s nursing homes have no comparable sense of order. In many homes, workers and residents feel abandoned by corporate owners. Owners point to a lack of leadership and money from government. And watchdogs say there’s been too little direction from both to help the millions of vulnerable people on the front lines.

A patient is evacuated from the Magnolia Rehabilitation and Nursing Center in Riverside, Calif. Below, warning notices are posted on a door at an entrance to the Cedar Mountain Post Acute nursing facility in Yucaipa, Calif. | Chris Carlson/AP Photo

In California alone, 43 percent of the state’s coronavirus deaths were tied to nursing homes, according to a New York Times analysis. That number is even higher in some areas such as Contra Costa county, where 65 percent of deaths were linked to nursing homes after massive outbreaks in some facilities. But compared to some other states, California is a relatively safe place to be in a nursing home. Residents of Massachusetts, New Jersey and Connecticut nursing homes are more than twice as likely to die from the coronavirus, according to data reported to the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services.

Other veterans homes haven't fared as well as CalVet. Forty-two residents died during an outbreak at the Pennsylvania-based Southeastern Veterans’ Center. The facility hadn't followed federal and state recommendations on quarantining sick residents and providing staff with PPE, among other issues, state inspectors later found.

Other issues that can allow the coronavirus to slip into nursing homes, like mask shortages and five-day or weeklong wait times for test results, are still plaguing nursing homes, nursing home employees and advocates told POLITICO.

About 30 miles southeast of the West Los Angeles CalVet home, at the 270-bed Windsor Palms Care Center of Artesia, staff members wear N95 face masks for multiple days, even if they are dirty, and sometimes there are only size "small" masks left that may not fit, two employees told POLITICO. Residents at Windsor Palms — especially those with dementia — often don’t wear masks, the employees said.

More than two dozen cases of the coronavirus have been confirmed at Windsor Palms, and workers have both quit and called out sick, leading to staffing shortages, the employees said. Patricia Koibita, a nurse's aide at Windsor Palms, said that on one recent day she'd had to walk to a different wing of the facility to wash her hands — a key step in preventing the coronavirus — because the building maintenance was too short-staffed to keep soap and paper towels in the bathrooms.



Left: Phylene Sunga, administrator at Lone Tree Convalescent Hospital, stands near the entrance of the facility in Antioch, Calif. Right: A driver expresses their support of nurses protesting lack of N95 masks and PPE.

“It’s not a fun environment, it’s not a clean environment, it’s not a safe environment. It’s a very stressful environment and an unsafe environment,” Koibita said.

In a statement to POLITICO, Windsor Palms Care Center of Artesia said that it follows federal and state recommendations and "is committed to protecting its residents and staff from Covid-19." Additionally, Windsor Palms said, it has "ample supplies of personal protective equipment including masks and face shields" and that "all restrooms and hand washing stations have considerable amounts of soap and towels available."

Even nursing homes that are working aggressively to keep the coronavirus at bay face steep challenges. At Antioch Convalescent Hospital outside San Francisco, a 99-bed facility with no Covid-19 cases among its residents, administrator Phylene Sunga said she has for months been struggling to obtain proper PPE, leading her to informally band together with administrators at other homes to barter for lower prices from vendors. Still, she regularly pays double the usual rate for masks and other equipment and has to place large bulk shipments, she said.

Last week, Antioch was forced to use unapproved N95 masks when the home ran out of surgical masks, Sunga said. The shortages have been happening since mid-March, when the coronavirus began to spread in San Francisco.

“We all ordered PPE, and you couldn’t get any,” Sunga said.

Free from the pressure to turn a profit and aided by additional state funding, CalVet nursing homes had more built-in advantages than the average private nursing home at the pandemic’s start.

Perhaps most crucially, CalVet homes have full-time doctors on staff and full-time infection control specialists, two positions that are rarely filled at private nursing homes.

While more than half of all nursing homes in California have requested waivers from state-approved staffing levels over the past two years, a requirement that industry leaders say is difficult to meet because of a lack of qualified staff and low government funding for nursing homes, the CalVet homes have not.

And all but one CalVet home — the facility in West Los Angeles, which has some two-room suites — house all their residents in single or double rooms, giving them more protection from the virus than nursing homes with large semi-private rooms separated by cloth barriers.

“There has never ever been enough daily dollars to actually give the level of care that is expected regulatorily,” said Bucci, California’s director of long term care, who was a senior living facility operator for 19 years before working at CalVet. “There’s no doubt that our service has been geared more around having a full-time infection control nurse on staff, a full-time doctor on staff — you can’t afford that under the typical model of a nursing home in America.”

As the pandemic unfolded, California added new requirements for nursing homes. They had to test all of their residents at least once and follow up with regular testing of 25 percent of the home every 7 days. The government mandated that homes come up with plans for how to fix staffing shortages, and to provide enough masks and other PPE to residents. And the state increased its Medicaid reimbursement rates by 10 percent.

In an effort to boost testing at nursing homes, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services recently announced it would begin sending testing machines to nursing homes in coronavirus hot spots. In addition, HHS has distributed at least $10 billion in coronavirus aid for nursing homes.

The nursing home industry has said that the funding increase comes nowhere close to meeting its needs, and has asked for billions more in Covid-19 relief funding in Congress' next stimulus bill, including a $5 billion fund to help pay for testing and increasing federal reimbursement rates for nursing homes with coronavirus patients by 30 percent.

But one crucial issue, said Molly Davies, who oversees ombudsman services for Los Angeles County, is nursing home operators’ willingness to invest their own money in their facilities.

“These other nursing homes do have the resources, but they chose to not use them,” Davies said. “CalVet, it sounds like, is doing what other facilities should be doing but are not doing. Like paying people and encouraging them to stay home when they have a sore throat.”


California’s Gavin Newsom became the first governor in the country to order California residents to shelter in place. | Eric Risberg/Pool/AP

Imbasciani, the state Veterans Affairs secretary, was responsible for many of the recommendations for homes in the CalVet system, namely to “test often” and carefully screen workers and anyone else who enters the building. But he insisted that the work he’s done at CalVet has been the product of common sense, nothing more or less.

“We managed [the homes] to think proactively, what can we do to keep the virus out?” Imasciani said. “Any high school graduate who took a health course and had common sense on what to do with an unseen contagion would have done what we did.”


In June, Imbasciani and his team started to talk about letting visitors — who hadn’t laid eyes on their loved ones for month — back into CalVet homes. But that conversation is on hold for now, as coronavirus cases in California tick back up, surpassing half a million in the Golden State alone.

“I’m very, very nervous,” Imbasciani said. “I don’t want to lose the success we’ve gotten.”
Trump administration steps in as advocacy groups warn of Covid ‘death panels’

Concern about discrimination is rising as the pandemic swamps more states and tests hospitals and health systems in its path.



Questions about allocating ventilators, staff and other scarce resources were circulating long before the coronavirus pandemic.
| David J. Phillip/AP Photo


By SUSANNAH LUTHI
08/10/2020

State policies for rationing health care during the coronavirus pandemic could allow doctors to cut off treatment for some of the sickest patients in hot zones and revive the specter of so-called death panels, say disabled rights groups who are urging the Trump administration to intervene.

The effort has recently gained urgency due to guidelines in Texas and Arizona that let doctors base treatment decisions on factors like a patient’s quality of life if they survive, or the odds they’ll live at least five years. The advocacy groups since March have filed an unprecedented 11 complaints with the Department of Health and Human Services' Office of Civil Rights, which has mediated four cases and could add more as Covid-19 continues to spread across most of the country.

The administration's point person is Roger Severino, an anti-abortion conservative who heads the civil rights office and has expressed concern about the way health providers measure disabled patients' odds of survival.

"They've been a real partner since the beginning in immediately responding to these concerns — not just considering but immediately responding and saying, ‘This is our issue too,’" said Shira Wakschlag, director of legal advocacy for The Arc. She said Severino's policies have "sent a message to states across the country."

Questions about allocating ventilators, staff and other scarce resources were circulating long before the pandemic and factored prominently in the debate over Obamacare, when conservatives tried to whip up controversy over the idea of bureaucrats on “death panels” deciding who was worthy of care.

But the issue gained new resonance in June, when an Austin, Texas, hospital halted treatment of a quadriplegic patient who contracted Covid-19 and moved him to hospice care, where he died. ADAPT of Texas filed a complaint to HHS in late July seeking an investigation into the decision-making about the patient, Michael Hickson, which ran counter to his wife's wishes.

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HHS' most sweeping action so far centered on Tennessee's crisis standards of care. The state in late June agreed to update triage plans and clarify that providers consider only a patient's chance of survival, not quality of life or issues strictly related to their disability. The policy — which HHS says applies to patients with conditions like advanced neuromuscular disease, metastatic cancer, traumatic brain injury and dementia — is viewed by advocates as a blueprint for other states.

The groups are now setting their sights on Arizona, one of the nation's Covid-19 hot spots, which issued a triage policy in June that critics say allows doctors to reject critically sick patients if they think they won’t live five years after a successful Covid-19 treatment.

Severino, who's been involved in high-profile efforts to lift protections for LGBTQ patients and back health care entities that refuse to cover abortion services, said in an interview that protecting the disabled from discrimination during the pandemic is a defining part of his agenda.

“It sends a message on who we are as a nation, it’s a reflection of our national character — how we treat the vulnerable,” he said. The lack of clear guidelines in some states "puts an unfair burden on medical professionals and opens the door to discrimination.”

The civil rights office is largely limiting itself to instances where advocacy groups file formal protests. Early during the pandemic, it reminded states that it would enforce federal anti-discrimination laws. But advocates say violations still occur, often out of ignorance. And because not all hospitals are open about their triage policies and some states lack clear standards, the groups sometimes have to rely on anecdotal evidence.

Concern about discrimination is rising as the pandemic swamps more states and tests hospitals and health systems in its path.

“Someone like myself who is disabled, who has a job — I contribute to society, I’ve done good things for the world — if I am going against someone who visited the Poconos and got Covid, they’ll automatically assume my life is less valuable,” said Steven Spohn, a 39-year-old disability rights advocate with spinal muscular atrophy.

Most disability rights advocates acknowledge that a national standard for all the country’s hospitals isn't practical, and that states need to act. Their goal is clear guidance that would discourage withholding care based on a provider's idea about a patient's quality of life or guesses about long-term survival. Disabilities should also be accommodated over the course of immediate and follow-up treatment, as guaranteed by the Americans With Disabilities Act and Obamacare, they say.

But many states — even in virus hot spots — are dragging their feet. Texas Gov. Greg Abbott has yet to respond to an April appeal to set ground rules for triaging patients, in case hospitalization rates outpace the supply of beds. In early July, as caseloads surged and some overwhelmed hospitals started turning away patients, the groups tried again, writing that “what might have seemed unnecessary in April is, we believe, clearly urgent today.” Abbott's spokesperson didn't respond to a request for comment.

It's been left to some local medical bodies to fill the gaps. A health advisory panel for the Dallas-Fort Worth area — home to nearly a third of the state’s population and comprising its second-highest case count — released care rationing guidelines that disability rights groups quickly condemned. Under the policy, doctors could reject outright patients with certain medical conditions, or penalize anyone they think has a grim long-term prognosis — regardless of the person's short-term outlook for surviving Covid-19. Discrimination based on disability, age or race and ethnicity was not expressly prohibited.

The guidelines were pulled without explanation almost immediately after Disability Rights Texas complained to Severino's office late last month. The website of the panel that wrote the policy now says it’s under revision.

Meanwhile, Rio Grande City, a border town with a surge in cases had already decided to adopt those Dallas-area triage measures. Jose Vasquez, the health authority of Starr County, Texas, defended the decision to local media, saying rising infections had made the situation “desperate.” The local hospital is tiny, with an eight-bed Covid-19 unit, but had admitted nearly 30 patients with the virus, including three on ventilators and life support, and Vasquez said it wouldn’t be able to keep functioning at that rate.

Vasquez did not respond to a request for comment, but Kevin Reed, an attorney for the hospital district, said the guidelines aren't being followed and haven't been necessary — even though the hospital is still at capacity with Covid-19 patients — because they've been able to add makeshift bed capacity and the state has sent in contract staff.

Reed noted that the hospital district weighed adoption of the triage guidelines before they'd heard of Disability Rights Texas' concerns — but that they're currently discussing the issue with the advocacy groups and medical experts.

"This is a complex issue and, if the district adopts guidelines in the future, it wishes to do this right," Reed said.

The Arizona triage policy is shaping up to be the next big fight, because of the way it could allow doctors to reject critically ill patients and prioritize people based on their “opportunity to experience life stages.” It also allows health workers to pull ventilators or beds from patients who develop conditions while hospitalized that change their prognosis.

Arizona's chapter of The Arc appealed to to the HHS civil rights office late last month. The state insists its guidelines won’t “categorically” deny care to anyone “based on stereotypes, assumptions about any person’s quality of life, or judgment about a person’s ‘worth’ based on the presence or absence of disabilities.”

But against this backdrop, Arizona’s hospitals also asked officials to waive the state’s discrimination laws so they can’t be sued if they have to start rationing care.

“Giving physicians and triage committees these kinds of predisposed discriminatory factors to ‘break ties’ is going to bleed over into all kinds of situations that are not necessarily in the writing,” said Matt Valliére, executive director of the Patients’ Rights Action Fund. “They would be immune from any poor decision-making that’s even more discriminatory than what is in this [guidance], because that’s what happens in crisis scenarios.”

Front-line doctors have become embroiled in the debate. Beyond having to make life-or-death decisions they face the possibility of lawsuits over triage decisions.

“Rationing is already here,” a group of 10 physicians wrote in late May in the New England Journal of Medicine. They argued that priority should be given to the critically ill Covid-19 patients who are young — or as they put it, “who are sick but who could recover with treatment.”

But leaders of the American Medical Association and the American College of Physicians have taken a different tack, pointing to the way the pandemic has laid bare long-time inequities in the system. The groups rejected any triage measures that could discriminate against whole swathes of people like the elderly as “not ethically defensible.”

“The pandemic has revealed a need for a much more thoughtful and ethically, medically justifiable approach to the clinical aspects of preparedness planning,” ACP President Jacqueline Fincher and AMA President Patrice Harris wrote in a June op-ed in Modern Healthcare.
Amazon’s ruthless business model meets Sweden’s labor unions

Sweden wants Amazon’s cutthroat efficiency to adapt to its labor and sustainability protections.


A sign is lit on the facade of an Amazon fulfillment center. | Kathy Willens/AP Photo

By MELISSA HEIKKILÄ
08/11/2020

It's Sweden's storied worker protections and climate-conscious citizens welcoming Amazon's ruthless drive for low prices. What could go wrong?

Stockholm is preparing for a tug-of-war with one of the world’s most powerful companies — which just announced its entry into the Swedish market — and hopes that its arrival will mean the country of 10 million will be able to change Amazon, instead of being changed by it.

Amazon's plans — dubbed “Project Dancing Queen,” after the hit song by Swedish pop group Abba — don't have a lot of detail, but analysts believe its Swedish store will go live in the fall, in time for November’s Black Friday online shopping bonanza.

“Amazon has been supporting Swedish customers and selling partners across our different European stores for many years, but the next step is to bring a full retail offering to Sweden and we are making those plans now,” said Alex Ootes, Amazon’s vice president for EU expansion, in a statement.

Amazon’s turbo-capitalism corporate culture goes against the grain of Sweden and the rest of the Nordic countries, which pride themselves in their strong labor unions and sustainability.

But the country also has an affluent, internet-savvy market ripe for Alexa, Kindles, Prime and the thousands of items on Amazon's online store, the company believes. Around 68 percent of Swedes shopped online in 2018, and they spent an average of €200 per online transaction. In total, the Nordic countries spent over €22 billion online in 2018, according to a study by PostNord, the country’s postal service.

There's not a lot of competition in online marketplaces, and nobody can match Amazon’s massive cornucopia of goods.

“Swedish e-commerce is still like regular retail without shopping malls,” said Jonas Arnberg, the CEO of HUI, a market research company.

Amazon will change that, and force local players to adopt e-commerce faster than they would have otherwise.

“It’s a perfect storm in e-commerce now. The COVID-19 impact took us two to three years forward in digitalization. With Amazon’s entry it is going to go even further,” said Kristoffer Väliharju, the CEO of CDON, a Nordic online marketplace. Väliharju is optimistic about CDON’s chances of taking on the tech giant, but said companies without a strong e-commerce game will likely take a big hit.

Initially, Swedish and Nordic clients will be mainly served from German warehouses — known as fulfillment centers in Amazon-speak — with trucks driving up to Sweden through Denmark, and a fulfillment center operated by local partner Kuehne + Nagel in the Swedish town of Eskilstuna, near Stockholm.

Analysts believe local warehouses are inevitable if Amazon is to offer one of its most unique selling points: quick delivery.


When in Stockholm

Establishing a local operation will be a major challenge for the company. American Amazon’s anti-union stance and working culture is the antithesis of pro-union Sweden. (Swedish Prime Minister Stefan Löfven's political career is rooted in union activism dating from his time as a welder.)

The Swedish labor market is regulated by collective agreements between companies and unions, giving workers plenty of power over corporate decisions. Approximately 70 percent of Swedish workers belong to a union.

“If Amazon wants to succeed in Sweden, they need to work very closely with unions,” said Arne Andersson, an e-commerce expert at PostNord.

Amazon has not yet contacted Handels, the union representing warehouse workers, its political coordinator Emelie Wärn told POLITICO.

“Amazon is welcome to Sweden, but they have to sign a collective agreement. We will work very hard to get them to do that,” Wärn said.

“The fact that international companies takes interest in the Swedish market place is a positive thing. As an employer in Sweden you are obliged to follow Swedish labor legislation, which includes regulations regarding collective bargaining,” said Eva Nordmark, Sweden’s minister of employment, adding that approximately 90 percent of the employees in Sweden are covered by collective bargaining agreements.

The minimum wage for a card-carrying Swedish warehouse worker is 142.50 Swedish krona (€13.85) per hour before tax, according to Handels. In contrast, Amazon’s Polish warehouse workers who serve the German market earn 20 zlotys (around €4.50). Amazon said its workers in Germany earn a base pay of €11.10 an hour.

But the union is confident it will be able to negotiate with the tech goliath. Handels has done similar deals with Japanese fashion chain Uniqlo, Wärn said as an example.

But Uniqlo is not Amazon, and Handels' confidence might be misplaced, according to Markus Varsikko, a retail consultant at Dash Retail, which helps businesses use Amazon's marketplace.

“Amazon is a realist. If they can operate in Germany, they can operate in Sweden. It is an American company with American culture and thinking, and it is far from what we are used to here,” Varsikko said, arguing that Sweden's companies and workers might have to adapt — not the tech giant.

Handels and Greta

Amazon might also have to polish its sustainability credentials to appease Swedish consumers.

“What makes the Swedish market unique is that there is a great focus on companies to do good, be transparent and sustainable. For many Swedes, this is even more important than a wide range and low price,” said Niclas Eriksson, the CEO of electronics retailer Elgiganten. And thanks to local activist Greta Thunberg, consumers are becoming increasingly aware of the carbon footprint of services like next-day delivery.

Plus Amazon's insistence on lower prices might not be its winning ticket.

The foray into the Swedish market by another e-commerce company, Wish, may serve as a cautionary tale. The American online marketplace, which mostly sells cheap items from China, tried and failed to take over the market a few years ago. The company first wooed consumers with dirt-cheap products such as electronics and clothes, only for Swedes to be disappointed by the quality of the products and frustrated by not being able to return products to sellers.

"[Wish] was cheap, it was a great marketplace, but it was also crap,” said PostNord’s Andersson. Wish did not respond to a request for comment.

Amazon's had troubles with quality control too. European consumer groups have slammed the company for selling dangerous and illegal products such as toxic toys and exploding power banks on its platform. The European Commission also put pressure on online platforms to control scammers and price gouging during the coronavirus pandemic.

CDON’s Väliharju said Swedish customers are very quality-conscious, and aware of their rights as consumers. Consumer groups and brands have criticized Amazon and others for not holding sufficient information about their sellers, especially for products that come from outside the European Union that could be dangerous or counterfeit.

“Amazon absolutely could be well met by Swedish consumers in the beginning,” said Arnberg, the CEO of HUI, citing Amazon’s promise of low prices, a big range of products and fast delivery.

“But in the long run they will have to adjust to Sweden."


Germany’s ‘very, very tough’ climate battle

Environment Minister Svenja Schulze aims to steer tough talks over upping the bloc’s 2030 climate goal.


German Environment Minister Svenja Schulze delivers a speech at the Reichstag building in Berlin on Sept. 26, 2019. | Michael Sohn/AP Photo

By KALINA OROSCHAKOFF
08/09/2020

BERLIN — EU leaders last week agreed to increase the bloc's 2030 climate target by the end of the year. Now it's up to German Environment Minister Svenja Schulze to make it happen.

That's a big change for Berlin, which has traditionally been wary of higher EU climate targets.

Germany holds the rotating presidency of the Council of the EU, which means Schulze chairs meetings of environment ministers until the end of December. She'll have to oversee tricky negotiations on raising the bloc’s 2030 emissions reduction goal from 40 percent to as high as 55 percent — something that pits rich countries against poor and East against West.

"We have to deliver an updated [EU climate commitment] in 2020. It's only six months [but] we have to deliver," Schulze told POLITICO from her Berlin office after hosting a first informal meeting with her peers in mid-July. "The pressure is huge ... We need very, very tough negotiations. There are no summer holidays for anyone."

The issue will heat up in late September when the European Commission is due to come out with a plan for reaching the 2030 target, and map implications for the energy sector. The 2030 goal is also part of the bloc's commitment under the Paris Agreement, and there's pressure for countries to submit updated and ideally higher emissions reduction objectives by the end of the year.

"Not to fulfill the Paris Agreement, not delivering, that's a global signal the EU shouldn't give ... It's not an option," Schulze said. "The Paris Agreement is clear, we need to deliver in 2020 ... that's the challenge for the German presidency."
Busy fall

Under a best-case scenario, Schulze wants ministers to agree a position at the formal Environment Council in late October. The European Parliament is due to agree its position on a 2030 target by then; the legislature faces its own fight, with some green-minded MEPs pushing for a goal as high as 65 percent.

But it’s far from certain that Schulze will rally EU countries that quickly.

There's also a big question over whether member countries will be content to have ministers agree on a politically fraught new emissions reduction target — which would only require qualified majority support — or insist on having a unanimous sign-off by national leaders. That could push any deal to the end of the year.

"That's not yet decided," Schulze said.

She'll also need to figure out whether she can muscle an agreement for the 2030 target via negotiations on the Climate Law, meant to make the Green Deal goal of climate-neutrality by 2050 legally binding.

"I think it's going to be very difficult to bring it all together," she said.

Environment ministers from the Visegrad 4 countries — the Czech Republic, Poland, Hungary and Slovakia — as well as Romania and Bulgaria made clear they first want to see the Commission’s impact assessment before proceeding with talks. In a letter to EU Green Deal chief Frans Timmermans this month, seen by POLITICO, they say any change has to go through EU leaders.

“We would like to avoid a situation where we are left wondering what are the real social, environmental and economic costs for us all,” the ministers said, calling for credible emission forecasts for 2030.

Split bloc

Although a sizeable alliance, largely made up of Northern and Western EU countries, backs increasing the goal to 55 percent, there's still not enough support to overcome opposition from coal-reliant and poorer nations such as Bulgaria and Poland.

Cash is the big lubricant, especially just transition funds aimed at helping carbon-dependent regions go green.

"I see chances that we can come together, especially with the Just Transition Mechanism, which can help those who are more critical. It can work out but it's going to be a lot of work," Schulze said.

But last week's budget compromise makes Schulze's job even tougher. The Just Transition Fund was whittled down from €40 billion to €17.5 billion, which may not be generous enough to get Warsaw and others to back a 2030 compromise.

That cut came thanks to frugal countries like Denmark, the Netherlands, Austria and Sweden. All of them are also pushing for higher 2030 targets, but that's balanced against a desire to keep spending in check.

The signal is "climate policy is not that important, what is more important is spending less," one Central European government official said. "In view of that hierarchy of priorities, you can accept the discussion of the [climate] target to unfold in a similar way: rather than spending more, let’s spend less, lower targets."

Complicating Schulze's task, even Germany lacks clarity on 2030. Schulze has come out in favor of a 55 percent goal. German Chancellor Angela Merkel has backed efforts to raise the target, but so far hasn't committed to a number.

That means the German minister faces a massively complex political puzzle in the next months.

"Yes, there are some states who worry how they're supposed to manage it all. They have corona, are dealing with its impacts, they have to revive the economy ... and have to do more about climate protection. To bring it all together isn't easy," Schulze said.
If principals can freak out over Black hairstyles or girls showing their shoulders — they can enforce a mask mandate: columnist
August 11, 2020
By Sarah K. Burris

Each year when school starts a renewed conversation begins over the sexism of dress codes that girls must comply with because schools think it’s a female’s responsibility not to “distract” a male student. Racist principals and teachers end up suspended when they flip out over a Black girl’s hair being natural or a Black boy’s hair having a design shaved into it. But somehow, a mask mandate is too much for schools to handle.

Writing for the Washington Post on Tuesday, style reporter Monica Hesse noted that the Georgia school that was forced to shut down after a COVID-19 outbreak will return to school with rules mandating face coverings the way they mandate girls’ knee caps be covered.
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“Punish mask noncompliance the way many schools have for decades wrongly punished teenage girls for spaghetti straps, shorter skirts and scooped necklines (all prohibited in North Paulding’s dress code), yanking those girls out of class for ‘distracting’ their fellow classmates with scandalous body parts like knee caps,” she wrote.

What Hesse said is probably more distracting to students than shoulders or hair is “being yanked out of class while you’re just trying to learn trigonometry. Hearing that your male classmates’ learning experience is your responsibility. Fearing that a visible bra strap, or the ‘personal choice’ of your clothing will get you called a slut.”

She noted that North Paulding’s handbook also claims the school’s administration “reserves the right to alter the dress code for special occasions.” She noted the pandemic is probably “special” and she advised districts to take masks as seriously as they do girls without sleeves.

This week has just begun and there are already a slew of reports of adults losing their minds over masks, despite them being state-mandated around the country.

Ironically, Republican legislators have suddenly discovered “personal choice” after spending years claiming that the government should regulate the healthcare of women. While the GOP may hate abortion, science has yet to find a case of pregnancy being contagious, much less as contagious as the coronavirus.

“But if that’s the comparison that anti-mask folks want to make — fine,” said Hesse. “Pretend an unmasked face is a woman trying to obtain the birth control that her doctor has prescribed but her employer disavows. You know what to do: Find your inner bureaucrat and go to town. Pretend an unmasked face is a member of the LGBTQ community asking for the same treatment and rights as the rest of the population; you will surely then find a way to enforce some mandates.”

Unfortunately, she closed, ending the COVID-19 pandemic isn’t the “individual choice” conservatives wish it was. It’s dependent on everyone.

Read her full column at the Washington Post. BEHIND PAYWALL


GRIFTER IN CHIEF

Trump’s Scottish and Irish golf resorts spur a new round of scrutiny on his businesses

A watchdog group wants New York prosecutors to investigate whether Trump filed false information on his annual financial disclosures.



Donald Trump arrives at Trump International Golf Links on June 25, 2016 in Aberdeen, Scotland. | Jeff J Mitchell/Getty Images

By ANITA KUMAR
08/11/2020 

President Donald Trump appears to have inflated the value of his three golf resorts in Scotland and Ireland in documents filed with the U.S. government, according to a new examination of six years of financial records in the U.S. and Europe. And the group behind the finding wants the discrepancy investigated as part of a sprawling government probe into the Trump Organization‘s finances.

Trump claimed the resorts — Trump International Golf Links Aberdeen and Trump Turnberry, both in Scotland, and Trump Doonbeg in Ireland — brought in a total of about $179 million in revenue on U.S. documents where he is supposed to list his personal income. Records in the United Kingdom and Ireland indicate the resorts‘ revenues were millions of dollars less — about $152 million — and show they actually lost $77 million after accounting for expenses.

Trump claimed the Scottish resorts alone were worth at least $100 million total in 2018 on U.S. documents, but the U.K. records indicate that the resorts aren’t worth anywhere near that because the debts exceeded the assets by about $80 million that year.
USPS SABOTAGED
Postal Workers Decry Changes And Cost-Cutting Measures

August 11, 2020
JAMES DOUBEK




The U.S. Postal Service has had financial problems for years, but the new postmaster general is making changes and some workers are alarmed.Scott Olson/Getty Images

Postmaster General Louis DeJoy's plans to shake up the agency are gathering opposition from some of its workers.

The U.S. Postal Service has had financial problems for years. It lost $9 billion last year. It's not supported by tax dollars; it's funded by postage and services.

DeJoy, who formerly headed a logistics company, said the agency is in a "financially unsustainable position, stemming from substantial declines in mail volume, and a broken business model."

DeJoy has already prohibited postal workers from working overtime. He noted that an inspector general report found billions of dollars spent on overtime costs in fiscal year 2019.

He wants late-arriving mail to be left behind and delivered the following day. On Friday, he announced a new organizational structure for the agency's executives.

Postal workers and their unions are alarmed.

"Mail is beginning to pile up in our offices, and we're seeing equipment being removed," said Kimberly Karol, president of the Iowa Postal Workers Union and a postal clerk in Waterloo, Iowa.



POLITICS
Pending Postal Service Changes Could Delay Mail And Deliveries, Advocates Warn

As a result of the recent changes, Karol told NPR's Noel King on Morning Edition, a mail processing machine was removed from her facility in Waterloo and others have been removed across Iowa.

Of the policy to leave some letters behind for the following day, another postal worker told NPR last month: "I am sick to my stomach," knowing that means medication could be delayed in getting to recipients.

Karol echoed that point: "I grew up in a culture of service where every piece was to be delivered, to be delivered every day." She said the Postal Service's new polices are "not allowing us to deliver every piece every day, as we've done in the past."

Other postal workers "all across the country" agree, she said.

A letter carrier in Cincinnati was told to leave mail behind if it would require using overtime.

"We are already short-handed," she told Government Executive. "We don't have enough people to get all the routes done without using overtime."

Karol argues that the measures won't save money either. "I see this as a way to undermine the public confidence in the mail service," she said. "It's not saving costs. We're spending more time trying to implement these policy changes, and it's, in our offices, costing more overtime."


ELECTIONS
Postmaster General Touts Postal Service Overhaul But Promises On-Time Election Mail

Perhaps the biggest alarms are being sounded by members of Congress, who are concerned about the prospect of big changes at the Postal Service during an election that's expected to see more mail-in voting than ever before.

On this point, however, Karol is confident.

"The Postal Service has been in place for 200 years," she said. "We have a history of being able to process mail, and we've been developing and perfecting our methods for all that time. So although the postmaster general is taking actions that are starting to impact that, by having that preparation in advance of these elections, we still have the system that will do that."

Jeevika Verma produced the audio interview.

USPS SABOTAGED
How Are Postmaster General Louis DeJoy's Changes Affecting Workers?


August 11, 20205
Heard on Morning Edition
Download

NPR's Noel King talk to Kimberly Karol, president of the Iowa Postal Workers Union, about changes Postmaster General DeJoy is implementing. Karol, a postal clerk, says mail is piling up in her office.

TRANSCRIPT

NOEL KING, HOST:

Mail-in voting will likely be a big part of this year's election. And the new leader of the U.S. Postal Service is making major changes to that agency. Postmaster General Louis DeJoy is a donor to President Trump's campaign, and he made his first public remarks on Friday.

(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)

LOUIS DEJOY: We are at the beginning of a transformative process. Our goal is to change and improve the Postal Service.

KING: He has reassigned or displaced 23 postal executives. He's changed delivery policies, banned overtime and done other things to cut costs. So what has this all meant for employees? Kimberly Karol is the president of the Iowa Postal Workers Union and a postal clerk herself in Waterloo, Iowa. Hi.

KIMBERLY KAROL: Good morning.

KING: Are you feeling these changes that are being made in Iowa?

KAROL: Yes, we are beginning to see those changes and how it is impacting the mail. Mail is beginning to pile up in our offices, and we're seeing equipment being removed. So we are beginning to see the impact of those changes.

KING: Curious - I hadn't heard about this one - equipment being removed. What equipment?

KAROL: The sorting equipment that we use to process mail for delivery. In Iowa, we are losing machines. And they already in Waterloo were losing one of those machines. So that also hinders our ability to process mail in the way that we had in the past.

KING: Sure. Sounds like it would. You've been a postal worker for 30 years? How do you feel about Louis DeJoy?

KAROL: I am not a fan. I grew up in a culture of service, where every piece was to be delivered every day. And his policies, although they've only been in place for a few weeks, are now affecting the way that we do business and not allowing us to deliver every piece every day, as we've done in the past.

KING: Do you get the impression that your feelings about him are shared broadly among postal workers? Do people agree with you?

KAROL: Yes, all across the country. We are trying to activate people all across the country and notify the public because we will - my opinion is that the PMG is trying to circumvent the rules that have been set in place to safeguard the public by making changes that don't require public comment but have the same impact as closing offices and/or changing delivery standards. And so this is a way to avoid that kind of public comment. And we're trying to make sure that the public understands that they need to make comment.

KING: Is the Postal Service equipped to handle this this upcoming election?

KAROL: Yes. Keep in mind the Postal Service has been in place for 200 years. We have a history of being able to process mail. And we've been developing and perfecting our methods for all that time. So although the postmaster general is taking actions that are starting to impact that, by having the preparation in advance of these elections, we still have the system that will do that.

KING: Last question for you real quick - the Postal Service is dealing with financial pressures. And the argument is, you know, these are cost-cutting measures. We need them. What do you say to that?

KAROL: Well, unfortunately, I don't see this as cost-saving measures. I see this as a way to undermine the public confidence in the mail service. It's not saving costs. We're spending more time trying to implement these policy changes. And it's, in our offices, costing more over time.

KING: Over time, that, we understand, is also one of the things being cut. Kimberly Karol, president of the Iowa Postal Workers Union, thank you for your time.

KAROL: Thank you.

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