Saturday, August 15, 2020

Photo of the US Navy accidentally revealed a combat laser on a submarine

WASHINGTON, (BM) – The US Navy released a photo of the Minnesota nuclear submarine in connection with the gratitude from the command, earned by its crew, learned BulgarianMilitary.com citing news agency RG.
But the most interesting thing in the photo is not the brave submariners, but a strange-looking weapon on the chest of one of them [a man in a mask on the left in the picture]. At first glance, it looks like a rifle with an optical sight [an unusual weapon for a submariner, you must agree].
Photo of the US Navy accidentally revealed a combat laser on a submarine
Photo credit: U.S. Navy
If you look closely, it becomes clear that the sight is fixed on a frame with a stock, and a cylindrical device is installed in front of it, resembling the same sight, only enlarged one and a half times. This is a B. E. Meyers Glare LA-9 / P non-lethal combat laser used to temporarily blind an enemy.
The Naval Bulletin calls the device an “optical distractor” and describes its purpose as: giving the target an opportunity to clarify intent; unambiguous non-verbal warning; temporary suppression of the enemy’s visual perception by powerful flashes.
As you know, submarines are most vulnerable on the surface. As soon as the submarine emerges, a sailor from the outpost armed with Glare ascends the bridge with the commander.
If a swimmer or a vessel tries to approach the ship with unknown targets, a warning flash is sent in his direction, understandable without an interpreter. At the same time Glare is a humane weapon.
The built-in laser rangefinder determines the distance to the target and turns off the radiation if there is a risk of damage to the retina. As soon as the target leaves the danger zone, the laser resumes.
The handheld dazzler is capable of sending light signals 4 kilometers at night and 1.5 kilometers during the day. In the meantime, the US Navy deployed a much more powerful stationary laser on one of the frigates, designed for the same purpose. It is called ODIN.
If you are sailing next to a US Navy ship and suddenly get hit in the eyes with a green flash – turn to the side. Otherwise, a machine gun burst may follow, advises The Drive.
About B. E. Meyers Glare LA-9 / P
For long-distance hail and warning, especially during maritime security, the GLARE® LA-9/P combines a powerful green beam with Eye Safe® technology.
The laser rapidly determines if an unintended observer is within the nominal ocular hazard distance (NOHD) and immediately shuts off the glaring output to prevent accidental eye injury. Once the bystander has moved out of the NOHD, the laser output instantly resumes.
The GLARE LA-9/P (NSN: 5860-01-613-1742) has been replaced by the LA-22/U (NSN: 5860-01-657-3893) for the USMC Ocular Interruption System (OIS) Program.
Warnings can be sent out to 4 km at night and 1.5 km during daylight. Offensive glaring is achievable out to 500m to hinder and prevent further aggression. In theater, GLARE lasers have been proven to save lives of both civilians and soldiers by providing a rapid warning method across cultural and linguistic boundaries.
BulgarianMilitary.com
Editorial team

How the security forces suppress protests in Belarus?

This post was published in Infosecurity24. The point of view expressed in this article is authorial and do not necessarily reflect BM`s editorial stance.
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WARSAW, (BM) – Protests began in many cities in Belarus shortly after the elections on the evening of August 9-10 and continued on the second day. The most tense situation was in the Belarusian capital, where the security forces used water cannons, tear gas and stun grenades. On the second day of the protests, the first death toll was recorded.
The Ministry of the Interior of Belarus (Belarusian MUS) published a statement: “On the night of August 9-10, 2020, clusters of people were registered in the country near polling stations and in central squares in 33 towns. In total, about 3 were detained for participating in unsanctioned mass gatherings. thousand people throughout the country – about 1,000 in Minsk and over 2,000 in other regions of the republic.” On the evening of the second day after the elections, the protests continued and the security forces were better prepared.
The authorities made sure to bring large security forces to Minsk, but they probably underestimated the scale of the protests. The core of the intervention and order forces were the compact militia unit – OMON – equipped with shields, helmets, body guards, supported by special vehicles with water cannons. Later, additional forces were brought to the streets of Minsk in the form of compact units of the Internal Forces of the Ministry of the Interior. There was a lack of coordination among the protesters, which in turn facilitated the pacification of the crowd in certain places.
On the post-election evening, August 9-10, initially the security forces were weak in many places (one line of the OMON), the officers densely covered themselves with bang grenades (P1 grenades of Czech production). Over time, after reinforcements arrived, demonstrators began to be pushed back and dispersed in key places in the city center. Protesters built makeshift barricades, attacked the security forces with stones, paving stones, sticks, rails, etc., on the second day they started using “Molotov cocktails”.
In the face of many victims injured by shrapnel, rubber bullets, blast grenades, beaten and injured with the use of tear gas (it was used, for example, on Niamidze), the medical security of the capital turned out to be insufficient. According to the protesters, the Minsk ambulance service was bringing additional ambulances to the center, and rescuers used replacement dressings, e.g. adhesive tape. There were probably – by estimation – at least several dozen injured, we are talking about even 120 injured. One of the protesters was said to have been run over by a police truck with the fatal result, but later found out he was alive.
The injured were also among the security forces. The injuries mainly concerned OMON-U, about 25 officers [most of them had injuries to their arms and legs]. According to the release, medical assistance was provided to 39 security forces and 50 civilians, i.e. demonstrators [the latter number seems to be understated].
The soldiers of the WW MSW also suffered, which is confirmed by the use of the internal troops in the pacification of the demonstration. A large branch of the WW MSW was to come in about 20 trucks, near Storożewska Street. The unit was prepared to support OMON – the soldiers had helmets, armor, bracers, leg guards, etc., typical for breaking the crowd. The WW troops dispersed the crowd on an important section – the intersection of Storożewska Street and Maszerowo prospect (the demonstrators scattered).
Firearms were not used on the night of August 9-10, but it is possible that there were special units armed with firearms (e.g. snipers) in reserve, similarly to the Ukrainian Maidan. On the other hand, special forces, most likely SSO MO RB (Special Operations Forces of the Ministry of Defense of the Republic of Belarus) on the outskirts of Minsk, were fully equipped. They strengthened the militia patrols on the outskirts of the city [Donfeng Mengshi stations with carts, called Bogatyr in Belarus, and popularly “Chinese Humvee”].
The fights on the first day of the protests lasted until 3-4 at night. During the day, special-purpose units appeared in Minsk, more firearms were seen, live ammunition was still not used. On the second day, the fighting concentrated in three places: at the Puszkińska metro station, in front of the Riga shopping center and on Kalwaryjska Street.
One of the sub-units of the special-purpose forces was identified as the elite officer Spetsnaz of the KGB “Alfa”. Another branch of the special forces, captured in the evening in the area of ​​the Puszkińska metro station, may be a sub-unit of the SOBR of the Ministry of the Interior. Officers of the rapid reaction forces subunit are armed, inter alia, Italian Benelli M4 shotguns [from which they shoot blunt ammunition], German MP5 submachine guns with EOTech sights and AK-74 carbines.
As already mentioned, the second day of the protests resulted in a death toll. In the evening, at Prospekt Priteckiego, the crowd erected barricades blocking the traffic, there was a confrontation with a special purpose unit of militia or internal troops, who came to unblock the square. According to the official version, one of the protesters tried to throw an unidentified explosive at the officers but sustained fatal injuries when it exploded in his hand.
So far, there is no reason to believe that the security forces will not be able to cope with the protests and that military units will enter the action. Admittedly, Lukashenka threatened to enter the streets of Minsk by special forces from the 5th Special Purpose Brigade (Special Operations Forces of MO RB), and even subunits of the 120th Mechanized Brigade, but it was probably an element of frightening the opposition and closing the ranks of the security apparatus. Nevertheless, it should be remembered that on July 28, 2020, Lukashenka visited JW 3214 WW Ministry of the Interior in Minsk for a reason, where he watched a demonstration campaign to disperse the crowd of protesters.
It is estimated that if protests take place only in Minsk, the current authorities can rest easy – the militia and OMON forces will be enough to pacify the demonstrations. However, when mass protests “spill over” into provinces, such as cities with a population of 100,000, the forces of regional militia and OMON may be too weak to contain the situation by force. Then Lukashenka will be able to reach for other structures, the so-called power block.
Demonstrations took place in many cities in Belarus, and in Pinsk a number of OMON had to withdraw under the pressure of the crowd. The decisive situation, however, will be the situation in Minsk, where the security forces are brutal and determined to disperse the demonstration. Most (all?) Officers of the power bloc voted for Lukashenka and believe that these are unsanctioned, illegal demonstrations that must be suppressed and distracted. On August 10 in the evening, the head of the Belarusian Interior Ministry, Yury Karajeu, said: “We will not destabilize the situation in Belarus, we have enough resources and resources to do so.”
There is no doubt that so far only part of the security forces have been used in pacification operations. Special units, also with firearms and live ammunition, are hidden in the shadows. There is no doubt that they are in combat readiness. It is worth quoting the words of the head of the KGB, who suggests [rather incorrectly, the opposition did not ask for the protection of the staff] that a unit of 120 officers, probably KGB special forces “Alfa”, was assigned to protect the combined opposition headquarters on the post-election night.
The words about the tactics of using the sub-unit are characteristic: “They [the officers – editor’s note] tried not to attract attention, but their presence was obvious”
BulgarianMilitary.com
Editorial team
Opinion: For Belarus it's now or never

https://eng.belta.by/all-rubric-news/viewSuzet/presidential-elections-in-belarus-48/

The protests in Belarus are not the first against authoritarian ruler Alexander Lukashenko. They are, however, the first in which a majority of citizens has taken to the streets, says DW's Olga Kapustina.



Yes, I voted for Alexander Lukashenko. It was back in 1994 — when I was nine years old. My grandmother took me with her to the voting booth, handed me her pen and told me where to mark the ballot. It was a huge honor. She was convinced that he — someone who seemed so much livelier and down-to-earth than former Soviet rulers — would lead our young republic to a brighter future.

What would my grandmother think if she could see Belarus now, 26 years later, as heavily armed police units beat citizens into submission?

When I saw police beating a man with truncheons as he screamed "Long live the …," kicking him in the face, stomach and back as he lies on the ground writhing in pain and crying, I, too, could not help crying with him

Belarus releases protesters detained during crackdown

Read more: Germany backs Belarus sanctions ahead of EU meeting



The people's courage


At the same time, I am filled with pride and hope when I see how people join arms to form kilometer-long human chains, when musicians sing of electoral fraud, and doctors carry placards reading "Stop the violence!" In doing so, they risk being arrested like the other 6,000 citizens that have been rounded up by authorities since protests began on August 9 — election night. Now that the internet is back online in Belarus, anyone interested can see visual proof of the violence and torture that the regime is meting out on its people.


If Lukashenko is going to hold the people in check he will have to transform the country into a giant gulag in the heart of Europe, writes Olga Kapustina

One such video shows bodies lying side-by-side on the concrete floor of a Minsk prison. The woman filming from her apartment across the street says, "They are being beaten and tortured" — her voice trembles and her smartphone shakes as she documents the scene. Could someone please wake me and tell me this is all just a terrible dream?


Olga Kapustina was born in Belarus in 1985 and has lived in Germany since 2008. She works for DW's Russian editorial team

The Belarusian presidential election itself was like a strange political thriller from the start, one in which a housewife named Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya became the main challenger of an authoritarian president who has ruled the country since independence. Actually, she had no intention of running for office but her husband, an influential blogger who had intended to challenge Lukashenko, is in jail. She decided to run so that she could have him released. But then she suddenly outgrew that role to become the new symbol of protest. Throngs of people across the country began lining up behind her, a woman who always seemed to find the right words, even telling the dictator: "If you love us, let us go."

Svetlana Tikhanovskaya 'was under pressure,' Lithuania FM tells DW

Stop the bloodletting

People in Belarus know that it is now or never for them. Now a new nation is emerging from the blood and pain that has welded them together in solidarity. People in Belarus have set aside their fears and recaptured their sense of dignity. They know that it is up to them to free themselves from dictatorship, otherwise, these protests will be crushed the same way they were in 2001, 2006 and 2010.

The only difference will be that this time there will be far more blood and many more victims — because now the majority of the country's people are aligned against Lukashenko. If he is going to hold the people in check he will have to transform the country into a giant gulag in the heart of Europe.


Striking employees of Minsk Tractor Works carry signs reading "We are neither sheep, nor cattle, nor little people, We are employees of Minsk Tractor Works, And there are not 20, but 16,000 of us!"


Read more: Belarus protests: Women line the streets of Minsk to protest Lukashenko's crackdown

Every day I receive messages from friends back home, telling me: "It feels like rape," "I have a lump in my throat," "Things will never be the same," and asking, "Where is Europe?" After all, Berlin is only 1,000 kilometers (621 miles) from Minsk.

It simply isn't enough for politicians to express deep concern or promise to consider sanctions. The EU must urgently act; it must do something to stop the bloodletting.

Read more: Relatives desperate as Belarus police arrest thousands

Just call Lukashenko

In an interview given three days before the election, Alexander Lukashenko expressed his respect for German Chancellor Angela Merkel, calling her "determined and diligent." He said she was the only Western politician to ever ask him to release political prisoners. Indeed, when Belarus released all of its political prisoners in 2015, sanctions against Lukashenko were quickly lifted.

The other day, I spoke with my six-year-old son about the election. He had asked me who had won, "The man with the mustache or the lady with the dark hair?" I told him, "The man with the mustache but he cheated." To which he replied, "We have to tell him he can't do that. Can we call him? Do you have his number, mommy?" "No, I don't," I answered.

Do you still have his number Mrs. Merkel?

Midnight Oil Return With Politically-Charged ‘Gadigal Land’: Stream It Now


Midnight Oil
Scott Barbour/Getty Images
Peter Garrett, Martin Rotsey, lead guitarist and Bones Hillman, bass guitarist from Midnight Oil perform during The Great Circle 2017 World Tour on Oct. 4, 2017 in Darwin, Australia.

Aussie rockers Midnight Oil are burning again with “Gadigal Land,” their first new song in almost 20 years.
As you would expect from Peter Garrett and Co., this latest number is politically-charged, all the way to the hilt.
The song takes its name from Sydney’s traditional owners. It’s a "provocative recount of what happened in this place, and elsewhere in Australia, since 1788,” reads a statement from Sony Music, the band’s record label.
Produced by longtime Oils collaborator Warne Livesey, “Gadigal Land” features assists from vocalists Kaleena Briggs, Bunna Lawrie, ARIA Award winner Dan Sultan and a lyrical section penned and performed by Gadigal poet Joel Davison.
It’s lifted from The Makarrata Project, a mini-album of collaborations with Indigenous artists, recorded late last year after the band completed a European tour.
The reconciliation-themed set will be released in late October, and was meant to be launched with a performance at the 2020 edition of Splendour In the Grass, Splendour, however, was canceled due to the health crisis.
The Oils will donate its share of any proceeds it receives from the recording to organizations promoting the 2017’s Uluru Statement, which called for the creation of a “First Nations Voice” enshrined in the Australian Constitution. Sony Music Entertainment Australia has pledged to match any artist contribution.
The ARIA Hall of Fame-inducted rockers will deliver a world premiere “in studio” performance of “Gadigal Land” on Saturday (Aug. 8) during the National Indigenous Music Awards.
Forming in 1972, Midnight Oil went on to become one of Australia’s most popular bands – and most vocal on indigenous rights and anti-war messages, with a long list of muscular songs from "Power And The Passion," "U.S. Forces," "Read About It," "When The Generals Talk" and their biggest international hit, "Beds Are Burning".
Confirmation of their place in the Australian psyche came in 2010 with the publication of the 100 Best Australian Albums, a compendium of homegrown recordings which ranked the Oils' 1987 set Diesel and Dust as No. 1.
The legendary outfit reunited and hit the road in 2017 for their Great Circle comeback tour. "Gadigal Land” is their first studio release since the 2020 LP Capricornia. Stream it below.

Old Man, Take a Look at My Rights: Can Creators Stop Trump From Using Their Songs in an Online World?

BB_Neil-Young-Trump-market-bb12-2020-billboard-1548-1597258090
Anton Emdin

Creators often object to the use of their songs at campaign events. But songwriters' disdain for Trump — and the online nature of this campaign — could lead to a new level of legal wrangling.

It's as much a part of presidential campaigns as reporters interviewing voters in swing-state diners: Candidate, usually Republican, plays song at rally; creator objects; creator's lawyer sends cease-and-desist letter. Traditionally, that's where the issue ends. Most candidates are reluctant to alienate songwriters, even though the public performance licenses they have — from ASCAP or BMI, for example — usually allow them to play their compositions.
Nothing about this presidential campaign is normal, though. The disdain of many creators for President Donald Trump, combined with the fact that the coronavirus pandemic is pushing most political events online, could lead to an amount and intensity of legal wrangling over music never before seen in a U.S. election. Already, in addition to the usual letters, The Rolling Stones in late June credibly threatened Trump's campaign with a lawsuit for playing "You Can't Always Get What You Want" at rallies, while on Aug. 4, Neil Young sued the campaign for playing "Devil's Sidewalk" and "Rockin' in the Free World" at events.
The Stones and Young are taking advantage of the campaign licenses now used by ASCAP and BMI that allow songwriters to remove public performance rights for political campaigns. (No separate license is required to play a recording at a public event unless it's transmitted online.) And the issue will almost certainly intensify as campaigns head online, where using songs and recordings with video can require an array of licenses — and creators will have more options to stop them.
"As there are more and more remote events, if people are looking to campaign over the internet, we are going to see more of this problem," says Eleanor Lackman, who handles music litigation at Mitchell Silberberg & Knupp. "If you're using music online, if you're not planning that out in advance or you're not removing it, you're living under a rock." That means people or organizations that post campaign videos on YouTube could receive takedown notices — which, in turn, can be challenged.
All of this could be complicated further by Trump's reputation for litigiousness. "Normally people would think, 'If I'm being criticized by this artist whose music I'm using, that's bad,'" says Alex Weingarten, an entertainment attorney who has worked with Tom Petty's family, which in June demanded that the Trump campaign stop playing "I Won't Back Down." "Those conventions no longer apply to this candidate."
Online music licensing isn't exactly straightforward. To stream footage of a rally with music, for example, a campaign would usually need a public performance license and a synch license, plus permission to use a recording — unless the video is available on demand. In that case, it would also need a mechanical license, which it might need anyway, depending on whom you ask. Unless it's fair use, in which case no license is necessary. But that depends on context, so a campaign ad might need to license music, while news coverage of a rally probably wouldn't. Got that?
Right now, each of the 11 rallies posted on Trump's official YouTube page end the same way: with 30 seconds of the Stones' recording of "You Can't Always Get What You Want." Theoretically, using these clips should require synch licenses from both the song's publisher and the owner of the master recording — in this case, ABKCO Music & Records, the company founded by late Stones manager Allen Klein — which could issue a takedown notice. (Many YouTube videos use 30 seconds of music in the belief that such snippets qualify as fair use, but this isn't necessarily so.)
"It would be fairly straightforward for the Stones to get an injunction for the use of their songs as part of the audiovisual work," says attorney Larry Iser, who represented Jackson Browne when he sued presidential candidate John McCain after "Running on Empty" was used to poke fun at Barack Obama in 2008. "Open and shut."
Probably. But, says Lackman, "There is a lot of leeway in the law for fair use in the political context because of the importance of political speech." So rights holders have been wary of issuing takedown notices that involve politics for fear of setting a precedent that could hurt them in the long run. If the Trump campaign were to prevail in court, it could potentially establish that music can be used without a license, under fair use, in a variety of political videos.
Already, some creators seem to have stopped Trump from using their music online. In July, when White House social media director Dan Scavino tweeted a two-minute campaign video that included a cover of Linkin Park's "In the End," the band announced what it called "a cease-and-desist order." Trump retweeted Scavino's post — then Twitter took it down.
Creators can also sue when their music is used without permission in a way that implies an endorsement, although that would presumably only apply if a campaign uses the same music regularly as a sort of theme song. That could potentially apply to Trump's repeated use of "You Can't Always Get What You Want" and "Rockin' in the Free World," although neither the Stones nor Young mentioned this. (Both acts declined to comment.)
Like so much in current politics, lawsuits over the use of music in a presidential campaign could enter new legal territory. Creators generally stick to writing letters because "it costs you 10 cents to make the claim — it costs you $50,000 to sue," says music litigator Howard King, who sent a cease-and-desist letter to the Trump campaign on behalf of Pharrell Williams when his song "Happy" was played at a rally after the deadly 2018 Pittsburgh synagogue shooting. "What's unusual is you have someone who couldn't care less what the law is and is willing to litigate everything, especially knowing there's going to be no resolution before the election."