BOOK REVIEW:
War Communism? Corona, Climate, Chronic Emergency

Tuesday 13 October 2020, by Simon Butler  

Andreas Malm 

CORONA, CLIMATE, CHRONIC EMERGENCY: War Communism in the Twenty-First Century, Verso, London, 2020.

There appears to be a big difference between capitalist governments’ collective response to the Covid-19 pandemic and their response to the climate emergency. Covid has prompted rapid, draconian inroads on the functioning of many businesses and even entire industries. In country after country, large parts of the economy have been shuttered and production has been redirected to social needs, such as personal protective equipment, hand sanitizers and ventilators.

There are obvious differences between countries, but many governments appear to have made uncharacteristic decisions that put human life and welfare ahead of profit making.

In Corona, Climate, Chronic Emergency, Andreas Malm begins by asking why capitalist governments have seemingly been willing to pitch the world into recession to fight Covid, while they have been so resistant to calls to cut carbon pollution sharply. After all, Malm muses, “no champion of radical emissions cuts has ever asked people to submit to something as unpleasant as a lockdown.”

He offers several explanations for the seeming disparity. Unlike climate disruption, which is already hitting the global south first and hardest, Covid hit Western countries early on. Were Covid mainly confined to poorer countries it’s unlikely Western governments would have treated it as a global crisis. Covid also spread quickly, preventing capitalists from mounting a public relations campaign to defend their profits in the same way that the fossil fuel industry has financed climate change denial.

Another explanation for the difference is that capitalist states’ tough border restrictions and ‘war against the virus’ rhetoric fit neatly within conservative nationalist ideologies. The same cannot be said of radical action on climate change, which is internationalist by definition and requires the historically biggest polluters of the rich world to cut emissions the most.

Furthermore, while every oil or coal company, agribusiness giant and car-maker seeks to expand higher emissions is the business plan, Covid is not a direct product of the day-to-day functioning of the capitalist economy.

The state-led response to Covid is a sharp disruption to capital accumulation, but it is still a temporary measure. By contrast, climate action is forever, a serious response to climate change is a direct challenge to private property and the commodification of nature.
Global sickening

Malm argues that comparing the current Covid response with climate inaction is not comparing like with like. “The contrast between coronavirus vigilance and climate complacency is illusionary,” he says. Rather, “Covid-19 is one manifestation of a secular trend running parallel to the climate crises, a global sickening to match the global heating.”

For many years, scientists have warned about the threat posed by rising “zoonotic spillover” — the process by which a virus can leap to humans from another species. Their warnings of potential pandemics have been ignored.

Outbreaks of new infectious diseases have been on the rise since the 1940s, accelerating to unprecedented heights after the 1980s. Most result from zoonotic spillover. Along with Covid, which originated with bats, other modern diseases such as AIDS, Ebola, SARS, MERS and Zika also originated in animals.

Spillover is a higher risk today for several reasons. A major cause is the huge disruptions and encroachments made on natural environments, such as deforestation and urbanization. This brings wild animals in closer contact with human populations than before.

“That strange new diseases should emerge from the wild is, in a manner of speaking, logical: beyond human dominion is where unknown pathogens reside. But that realm could be left in some peace. If it weren’t for the economy operated by humans constantly assailing the wild, encroaching upon it, tearing into it, chopping it up, destroying it with a zeal bordering on lust for extermination, these things wouldn’t happen. The pathogens would not come leaping towards us. They would be secure among their natural hosts. But when those hosts are cornered, stressed, expelled and killed, they have two options: go extinct or jump.”

The relentless commodification and caging of wild animals adds to the risk of zoonotic spillover. Modern livestock and aquaculture industries, which cram thousands of animals into confined spaces, are perfect breeding grounds for pathogens that can jump to humans.

Climate change itself is also disrupting animal populations. Warmer temperatures encourage them to migrate away from the equator, further increasing the chance of new interactions between animals and humans, and hence more zoonotic spillover.

Given this, Malm concludes that the response to Covid-19 has a lot in common with how capitalist states respond to other ecological problems — treating the symptoms while ignoring the causes.

“Ears have been as deaf to the science of spillover as to that of climate, if not more so. One might regard Covid-19 as the first boomerang from the sixth mass extinction to hit humanity in the forehead.”

The likelihood of similar, or even worse, pandemics coinciding with extreme climate change amount to a single “chronic emergency.”

Emergency and ‘war communism’

The final part of Malm’s book discusses the political responses and actions needed to truly address the root causes of this chronic emergency. Without decisive action we face a dangerous world of future pandemics colliding with immense ecological disasters. This means that the hope that gradual reforms will tame capitalism is less relevant than ever.

“Social democracy works on the assumption that time is on our side. But if catastrophe strikes, and if it is the status quo that produces it, then the reformist calendar is shredded.”

Malm also writes a chronic emergency obituary for anarchism, with its deep antagonism to the state. To get through the dire situation ahead and bring about the rapid changes needed, we will need state power on our side.

Nor is there any point holding on to dreams about “luxury communism” or vast material abundance under socialism. Even if we succeed in dismantling capitalism there’s no reason to think a society of lavishness and plenty will be possible on a planet impoverished by extreme climate heating and mass extinction.

Instead, the overriding priority is a project for dignified survival in a time of ominous emergency. Malm calls this project “ecological Leninism”, which he summarizes under three principles.

First, it “means turning the crises of symptoms into crises of the causes”, much like how Lenin urged the Bolsheviks to transform the outbreak of World War I into an opportunity to undermine the system that produced such horrible wars.

Second, “speed [is] a paramount virtue.” Given the state of the crisis, delay and half-measures are equal to welcoming disaster.

Third, ecological Leninism “leaps at any opportunity to wrest the state in this direction, break with business-as-usual as sharply as required and subject the regions of the economy working towards catastrophe to direct public control”.

The transition to a sustainable, ecologically sane society won’t look much like luxury communism. It will be more like “war communism” — a reference to the policies adopted by the Bolsheviks in early years of the Russian Revolution. In a time of civil war, facing near total economic collapse, a foreign blockade, and widespread famine, encircled by better armed and resourced enemies, the young worker’s state rapidly undertook widespread nationalisations of the economy. Against the odds, it survived the emergency and won the civil war.

Malm warns that his analogy is not to be taken literally. For instance, he says he no more endorses the most unsavoury aspects of War Communism than climate activists who use World War II analogies want to drop atomic weapons on Japan.

Instead, he is arguing for a planned emergency program of action, in which democratically-constituted state organizes and carries out the necessary steps to ensure human survival in a severely damaged planetary biosphere.

“Ecological war communism … means learning to live without fossil fuels in no time, breaking the resistance of dominant classes, transforming the economy for the duration, refusing to give up even if all the worst-case scenarios come true, rising out of the ruins with the force and the compromises required, organizing the transitional period of restoration, staying with the dilemma.”

Readers of Malm’s eloquent and important book need not agree that “war communism” is the best way to sum up the transitional measures needed to bring about an ecological society. I prefer plain ecosocialism myself — it carries a lot less baggage. But the great strength of Corona, Climate, Chronic Emergency is that it gets the origins and the scale of the cascading ecological crises we face exactly right. Compared with most other books that discuss the crisis, its solutions are more realistic because they are more radical.

As Malm concludes, the measures he proposes “are exactly as utopian as survival.”

Source Climate & Capitalism.

Attached documents
war-communism-corona-climate-chronic-emergency_a6842.pdf (PDF - 363.2 kb)
Extraction PDF [->article6842]

Ecology and the Environment
Intersecting crises and the impact in Britain
Global Fever
Fires ravage Brazil’s wetlands
The Fires Currently Raging in California, and Climate Change
South African movement adopts Climate Justice Charter
Covid-19 Pandemic
Capitalism Made Women of Color More Vulnerable to the COVID Recession
Situation of Garment Factory Workers in Katunayaka – COVID-19 Update
Pandemic, Polarization, and Resistance in the US
Opening Up the Schools?
The crisis triggered by the pandemic and the economic policy of the European Union

Right wing fuses anti-Semitism with 

anti-communism in its conspiracy theories

October 9, 2020 BY AMIAD HOROWITZ

A man with a sign reading "No cultural marxism" taunts a group of protesters rallying at the University of Utah in Salt Lake City with Black Lives Matter messages, Sept. 27, 2017. 'Cultural Marxism' has become the new code among anti-Semitic propagandists. | Trent Nelson / The Salt Lake Tribune via AP


It’s hard for anyone reading any reactionary publication to avoid the name George Soros. Many right-wingers claim that Soros, a billionaire Jewish businessman, is funding radical leftists. They claim that Soros pays Black Lives Matter protesters, and some say he helps coordinate leftist activities around the world. Of course, anyone who does the slightest bit of research can easily discover that these accusations are not true. Despite this, millions of Americans believe these lies and repeat them regularly. Why is this, and why is it so easy to convince so many people of something that is obviously not true? The answer is that this lie plays into the long history of the fusing of anti-communism with anti-Semitism that is ingrained in much of American right-wing thought.

From the moment Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels published The Communist Manifesto in 1848, anti-communism has gone hand-in-hand with anti-Semitism. Many of Marx’s enemies (both on the right and the left) used his Jewish heritage to disparage his ideas and followers. However, the joining of anti-Semitism and anti-communism reached its zenith after the Russian Revolution and the rise of the Bolsheviks in 1917.

Fox News TV host Glenn Beck ran a series on his program in 2010 depicting billionaire Jewish businessman George Soros as a ‘puppet master’ who pulled the strings of the radical left and Democrats. The connection of anti-Semitism and anti-communism remains a staple of right-wing conspiracy theories. | via YouTube

By the start of the 20th century, the Russian Empire was the third largest empire in history. Its expansion had not only increased the landmass of the country, but also diversified the population of the empire. One of the largest minority groups now under the rule of the Tsar were the Jews, who were seen as second class at best, or as foreign and unwanted at worse. Russian Jews were subject to all kinds of abuse, both official and unofficial. There were laws restricting where Jews could live, and most infamously, they were subject to pogroms. Pogroms were repeated, large scale, violent attacks conducted by Russians against Jewish communities. These attacks were often incited by the anti-Semitic rhetoric of the authorities and the local churches. In the years leading up to 1917, thousands of Jews were murdered, even larger numbers injured and assaulted, and more still had their homes and possession destroyed.

After the October Revolution, Russia descended into Civil War. On the one side, there were the Bolshevik-led forces known as the Red Army. On the other side, there were various anti-Bolshevik groups, the largest being known as the White Army. The White Army was made up of monarchists, conservatives, and other reactionary, anti-revolutionary forces. Some of the elite in the White Army knew that they could use the existing, high levels of anti-Semitism to their advantage. To that end, they sought to merge anti-Semitism with anti-Bolshevism in order to increase their base.

In 1917, they published a pamphlet titled Jewish Bolshevism, which used traditional racist propaganda to vilify Jews and, by proxy, Communists. This was followed by the mass publication of the 1903 Protocols of the Elders of Zion, one of the most infamous publications of the 20th century. The Protocols were produced by the Tsarist secret police, claiming to prove a massive conspiracy by the Jewish people for world domination. The document was arguably the single most influential anti-Semitic publication in modern history, and it threw fuel onto the already raging fire that was the early 20th-century hatred of Jews.

Kornilov’s Shock Detachment, the White Army’s elite Shock Regiment during the Russian Civil War. | Wikimedia Commons

With the success of the Bolshevik-led working class revolution in Russia, reactionary powers and capitalists around the world began to fear communist uprisings in their own countries. In no country was this truer than the United States. The U.S. government began a campaign of persecution and slander against communists, initiating a period now known as “The First Red Scare.” As part of this effort, a White Army officer brought a copy of The Protocols from Russia to the U.S. for distribution. There were many versions, with some freely switching between the words “Jew” and “Bolshevik” in their translation.

Rabid Jew-hater and reactionary Henry Ford—of Ford Motor Co. fame—made it his personal mission to spread the joint anti-communist/anti-Semitic plot. The automobile mogul published excerpts from The Protocols, along with other anti-communist and anti-Jewish pieces, in his newspaper, The Dearborn Independent, as part of a series called, “The International Jew: The World’s Foremost Problem.” He also paid for the book’s translation into various languages and its printing for distribution around the world. Ford knew that he could appeal to people’s existing anti-Semitism to help stoke the fear of communism, and thereby protect his wealth and the wealth of the rest of the capitalist class.


Related Stories:

Democratic outreach to Jewish voters cites rising anti-Semitism under Trump

Republicans’ rabid anti-communism is a sign of their political weakness

Trump turns to neo-Nazi symbols to attract racist votes

Don’t ignore Trump fanning the flames of QAnon conspiracy theories

Without a doubt, the most infamous purveyors of the idea of “Jewish Bolshevism” was the German National Socialist (Nazi) Party. The idea that they would protect the “Aryan race” from “the Communist plot led by world Jewry” was at the center of their ideology and propaganda. In fact, exterminating the large Jewish population in Eastern Europe was a significant impetus for the invasion of the Soviet Union, as was the prospect of destroying the world’s only Communist-led state.  Automobile titan Henry Ford funded the publication and distribution of massive amounts of anti-Semitic propaganda, including ‘The Protocols.’ Here is the front page of a 1920 edition of his ‘Dearborn Independent’ newspaper. | Wikimedia CommonsMany people imagine that the story of this fused hatred ends with the defeat of the Third Reich. Although the Nazis might have been the loudest propagandizers against “Jewish Bolshevism,” they were not the last. The right continued to push this conspiracy theory throughout the Cold War and into modern times. Right-wing authors such as Elizabeth Dilling and Frank L. Britton published works throughout the Cold War warning against a Jewish-Communist plan to take over America.

In the immediate post-war years, the most deplorable instance of this carefully composed fusion of right-wing fantasies came in the high-stakes atom bomb spy trial of Julius and Ethel Rosenberg who, despite worldwide appeals for clemency, were executed by the U.S. government on June 19, 1953, under a cloud of manufactured evidence and perjured testimony. Historians have pointed out that although most of the principals in the case were Jewish—the defendants, lawyers, judge—there was not a single Jew allowed to serve on the jury in the densely Jewish city of New York. A prominent advisor for the prosecution was lawyer Roy Cohn, who would later become a mentor to the young Donald Trump.

At the beginning of the 1990s, with the collapse of the USSR, the propagators of “Judeo- Bolshevism” needed to rebrand, and “cultural Marxism” became its stand-in. The meaning, however, remained the same. The so called “moderate right” in the USA would like people to believe that this problem only exists on its fringes, but many mainstream conservative and reactionary personalities openly and loudly promote this conspiracy theory.

Pat Buchanan, a prominent Republican and frequent presidential candidate throughout the 1970s, ’80s, and ’90s, has warned his followers against the “threat of cultural Marxism” and its “de-Christianizing of America.” Jordan Peterson, a pseudo-intellectual with a large right-wing following whose books have become best sellers in the U.S. and around the world, often rants about how “cultural Marxism” is destroying “Western Civilization.”

In 2017, at the so called “Unite the Right” rally in Charlottesville, Va., the marchers were recorded chanting “Jews will not replace us.” This is a direct reference to the idea of “Judeo-Bolshevism” in The Protocols of the Elders of Zion. The next day, President Trump referred to the marchers as “very fine people.” An idea does not get any more mainstream than when it is condoned by the president of the United States and head of the Republican Party.In this photo taken Friday, Aug. 11, 2017, multiple white nationalist groups march with torches through the UVA campus in Charlottesville, Va., for the so-called ‘Unite the Right’ rally. Pitched as a protest against the radical left, the event prominently featured anti-Semitic and anti-communist themes, as well as the chanct ‘Jews will not replace us.’ One anti-fascist demonstrator, Heather Heyer, was murdered by a right-wing extremist the following day. | Mykal McEldowney / The Indianapolis Star via AP

This tactic of using pre-existing prejudices to build support for reactionary ideas has been very successful for the right. It has been so successful that they are expanding its use in the contemporary USA. While dog whistles like George Soros conspiracy theories are still used, the rhetoric about dangerous conspiracies between Marxists and racial minorities has been expanded to include and focus on the Black Lives Matter movement. BLM is constantly accused of being a radical left organization and Marxist, despite no evidence supporting this claim.

However, when Trump and his minions declare that BLM is a “Marxist group,” what he is doing is telling the many racists in the USA that they should be afraid of communism. At the same time, he is telling those who have already fallen for the red-scare tactics used over the past century to be afraid of BLM.

We now stand at the threshold of a new Cold War. The Trump administration is telling Americans to be afraid of communism, to be afraid of BLM, and to be afraid of China. This coincides with an emboldening of white supremacists across the USA, as well as the growing anti-racist movement to counter the right. We must be aware of the long-used tactic of the reactionary right that links minority groups with Communist thought and uses already-existing racism and bigotry to swell the ranks of anti-communists so that we are better prepared to both recognize it when we see it and combat it successfully.

As with all op-eds published by People’s World, this article reflects the opinions of its author.

ONTARIO
Workers, families hold protest for long-term care changes

Protests happened in 20 municipalities across Ontario

Julie Ireton · CBC News · Posted: Oct 08, 2020

Amy Ayers, a personal support worker at Almonte Country Haven, has worked throughout the pandemic, except for 14 days when she was sick with COVID-19 herself. (Francis Ferland/CBC)


Workers, unions and families gathered in Almonte, Ont., Thursday to call for immediate action by the Ford government to recruit staff and to improve working conditions in Ontario's long-term care homes.

Amy Ayers, a personal support worker at Almonte Country Haven who helped organize the day of action, has been at the long-term care facility throughout the COVID-19 pandemic, and she even contracted the virus herself last spring.

"What we're doing here is coming out to make people who are unaware, aware of the crisis in long-term care centres," said Ayers.

Similar protests happened in more than 20 municipalities across Ontario.

Last spring, 72 of 82 residents, along with several staff members at Almonte Country Haven, tested positive for COVID-19. There are currently no cases in the long-term care home right now.

"I'm kind of coming out of my shell to speak up about the very damaged system and I hear a lot from coworkers, other PSWs ... they're afraid to come out, talk and stand up for what they believe is right. So I'm here to say, it's OK," said Ayers.
More needs to be done

The Ontario Health Coalition said the problems include understaffing, testing backlogs, sharing of four-person rooms, and insufficient infection control provisions. It's calling for a minimum daily standard of four hours of hands-on care for every resident.

Ayers says a lot of lessons have been learned, but more is needed across the care system.

"Number one would be more staffing per ratio of residents. With that we can give more quality of care," said Ayers. "Our elderly in long term care deserve better. They deserve to have top notch care. I can't stress that part enough."

Mae Wilson died of COVID-19 at Almonte Country Haven in the spring. (Submitted by Grant Wilson/Karen Thompson)

Mae Wilson lived at Almonte Country Haven for four years until she died of COVID-19 in May.

Her daughter, Karen Thompson, attended the day of action with her own signs and ideas about how the system can be improved now.

"We have to make the system better. We're going into the second wave, and we haven't really done a thing to make it better," said Thompson.
Patient ombudsman report

The day of action for long term care in Ontario happened on the same day as the province's patient ombudsman released a report.

The report details complaints about the safety of residents and staff and points to a crisis in the province's long-term care homes.

At Queen's Park on Thursday, Ontario's minister of long-term care, Merilee Fullerton was asked when changes in nursing homes can be expected.

"Staffing is a priority and our government is putting dollars behind that as we speak," said Fullerton in the legislature.

Karen Thompson's mom died of COVID-19 at Almonte Country Haven in the spring. She wants the system to change to better care for residents and staff. (Francis Ferland/CBC)

Karen Thompson hopes the system improves but she is worried that the government doesn't have an accurate account of what's going on inside many care homes because workers like Amy Ayers who speak out, are rare.

"Everyone clams up. I know a lot of the PSWs. They say everything is fine. They just can't talk. They're afraid to say stuff and then get in trouble later and get fired," said Thompson.

Legal Evictions Are Banned During The Pandemic, But ‘Invisible’ Evictions Are On The Rise

PART OF THE AFFORDABILITY DESK
Ally Schweitzer
DCIST | OCT 15

In D.C., evictions can’t be legally carried out during the pandemic. That didn’t help Denis Gallegos, whose landlord locked him out after he lost his job.
Tyrone Turner / WAMU

Denis Gallegos was two months behind on rent when he came home to find his locks had been changed.

The 34-year-old immigrant from Honduras was sharing a townhouse on Trenton Place SE with a young family, paying them $500 in cash each month for a small room. But when the pandemic hit in March, Gallegos lost his job at an upscale restaurant in Georgetown. He couldn’t afford to pay his rent. Neither could his roommates. The landlord started turning up at the house, insisting they pay or move out.

“I told him I couldn’t go because we were in the middle of a pandemic,” Gallegos says.

So the landlord called the authorities.

A police report shows that the landlord, Abiyot Hirui, called to report a burglary at the townhouse on June 17. Police entered the home late and found Gallegos inside. He told them he was a tenant, not a burglar, and that Hirui had been harassing him and his housemates for weeks. The police informed Hirui that evictions were a civil matter and there was nothing they could do, and left.

The following day, Gallegos says, he found the locks changed at the house. All of his belongings, including his HIV medication, were inside.

Gallegos says he slept at Casa Ruby, a safe space for at-risk LGBTQ youth, that night. On June 19, he filed a complaint for wrongful eviction in D.C. Superior Court. The judge ordered Hirui to give Gallegos keys to the house that same day. But Gallegos didn’t want to stay there, he says, and he soon moved out. He’s now crashing at a friend’s home in Northwest D.C., occupying a small room off the back of the house, not sure where he’ll go next. And he’s still shaken from his experience.

“It was a very ugly thing for me,” Gallegos tells WAMU/DCist through an interpreter. “I had nightmares. I couldn’t sleep. I couldn’t eat.”

Hirui did not respond to a request for comment, and his attorney referred WAMU/DCist to transcripts of his court hearings.



Denis Gallegos, who was locked out of his home in June, now lives in the back of a friend’s house in Northwest D.C.Tyrone Turner / WAMU

Lawyers who represent low-income renters in the D.C. area say they’re encountering more stories like this as the pandemic lurches into its seventh month.

The reason, they say, is the extreme economic uncertainty wrought by the crisis, combined with waning government assistance. The region’s jobless rate was close to 7% in August, unemployment benefits are running out, and as many as 715,000 renters in D.C., Maryland and Virginia are now at risk of eviction, according to the Aspen Institute. Some landlords have become desperate to replace out-of-work residents with new ones who can pay the rent. Consequently, more are evicting tenants without court orders, which is illegal.

There are restrictions on evictions during the pandemic. A sweeping national mandate from the Centers for Disease Control halts evictions for renters who earn less than $99,000 annually until the end of the year. In D.C., landlords are barred from evicting tenants for any reason while the city remains under a state of emergency. But these measures only prevent legal evictions. Landlords who choose to evict tenants illegally may not have gone through the courts anyway, advocates say.

Tracking, and stopping, illegal evictions can be challenging. Eviction filings in Northern Virginia were down 85% earlier this year compared to 2018, according to the RVA Eviction Lab, likely because the state’s high court issued a series of temporary eviction bans through September. But the data don’t capture evictions that take place outside the courts. A recent national survey of legal aid and civil rights attorneys showed widespread reports of illegal lockouts. Some advocates call these “invisible evictions” because they don’t leave a paper trail.

“We’re hearing stuff like this pretty steadily now,” says Elaine Poon, managing attorney at Legal Aid in Charlottesville. She says her office received three calls about illegal evictions just last week. “It’s kind of at an all-time high.”

In one case brought to Poon’s office, a renter reported that after their landlord lost his eviction case in court, he threatened to come to their house every day until they vacated the property. Poon suspects that many renters facing intimidation from their landlords simply move out to avoid a fight.

“What ends up happening is a lot of landlords get away with it,” she says.

Invisible evictions, Poon says, often affect immigrant households.

Renters facing intimidation from their landlords will often move to avoid a fight. “A lot of landlords get away with it,” says attorney Elaine Poon.

“They don’t always know what the law is here, and it might be that in [their] home country, there isn’t a lot of protection,” the attorney says. “They just assume, ‘I’d better get out of here.’”

Immigrants and other vulnerable renters are also affected by what’s known as self-eviction. That’s when a tenant moves out after receiving their first eviction notice, even though they’re not legally required to. Anecdotal evidence suggests self-eviction is on the rise during the pandemic, too. When Legal Aid staff recently visited the homes of Charlottesville residents slated for legal evictions, Poon says, they often found they had arrived too late.

“Almost every single time, a huge percentage of the people had moved out already,” she says.

The D.C. Council passed a temporary ban on issuing tenants eviction notices in September after hearing stories of self-eviction from advocates in the District. There’s no such ban in Virginia or Maryland. And the protections that do exist in those states aren’t perfect, advocates say. In order to seek protection under the CDC mandate, renters must sign a declaration affirming their lack of income and other details, and present it to their landlord. That requires a certain level of know-how, says Matt Hill, an attorney with the Public Justice Center in Baltimore.

“The biggest problem [with the CDC order] is that folks really don’t know about it,” Hill says. “We see a real lack of outreach and education.”

There’s also a significant loophole in landlord-tenant law that isn’t addressed by the mandate, Hill says. In Maryland and Virginia, landlords can simply terminate the leases of renters who fall behind on payments, then seek to evict them for overstaying their lease. (D.C.’s “just cause” eviction law bans this practice in the city.) Hill says these “holdover” tenants aren’t necessarily covered under the federal eviction order.

“There’s an open question, at least to some judges, about whether the CDC order applies in those cases,” Hill says. “The order isn’t drafted as clearly as we would like.”

Regardless of how renters get evicted, they often wind up in one of three different situations: They move in with friends or family, often in crowded living conditions; bounce between temporary accommodations or shelters; or wind up on the streets. None of these outcomes are ideal under normal circumstances, let alone during a pandemic, Hill says.

“We know that evictions lead to homelessness,” he says, “so we need to do everything we can to stop evictions.”

“Landlords don’t want to evict anyone, ever, let alone evict in the winter,” says Patrick Algyer with the Northern Virginia Apartment Association.

Landlords and their surrogates don’t necessarily disagree, says Patrick Algyer, executive director of the Northern Virginia Apartment Association. He says most property owners view eviction as a last resort.

“Landlords don’t want to evict anyone, ever, let alone evict in the winter,” Algyer says. “That’s just a horrible time.”

Still, Algyer says, landlords who have gone months without some or all of their rental revenue have to pay their mortgages, bills, maintenance expenses and taxes and without relief from local or national governments, they’re reliant on tenants, who are often struggling. Rent collection at professionally managed buildings across the country has fallen slightly during the health emergency, according to the National Multifamily Housing Council. Small, independent landlords have anecdotally reported losing rental income, too, though there’s no comprehensive data on rent collection at properties owned by “mom-and-pop” landlords.

Without income, some landlords — especially small ones — risk defaulting on their mortgages. To avoid foreclosure, some may decide to sell their properties to condo developers, taking housing out of the already strained rental market.

Like D.C. and Maryland, Virginia has committed millions of dollars to help struggling tenants pay their rent. But Algyer says Virginia’s $50 million rental assistance program — paid for by the CARES Act — hasn’t gone nearly far enough. At first, funds were only available to tenants, not landlords, so property owners had to wait for tenants to navigate the process of applying for, and receiving, payments. And because Virginians owed an estimated $169 million to $211 million in missed rent as of September, according to the RVA Eviction Lab, the assistance won’t reach everyone who needs it.

“As this continues to snowball, we really have to start providing the landlords with more relief to help them get through this,” Algyer says. “All we’re doing with this program is just kicking the can down the road.”

Landlords have lobbied Congress for economic relief, but they’ve hit a wall with Senate Republicans, many of whom oppose another coronavirus relief package. Real-estate interests have also mounted legal challenges to eviction bans on the state and federal level. In one high-profile federal suit, landlords argue that federal agencies lack the authority to waive state laws, and that the CDC eviction ban encroaches on private property rights. Advocacy organizations including the National Housing Law Project and Legal Services of Northern Virginia have urged the court to deny the motion.

But landlords and tenant advocates agree on at least one thing: the importance of large-scale rental assistance. Without it, they say, both landlords and renters will continue to struggle. Elaine Poon with Legal Aid in Charlottesville says renters temporarily saved by the CDC order could still become homeless once the mandate expires Dec. 31.

“They will be evicted New Year’s Day in the dead of winter, and I doubt the pandemic will be gone by then,” she says.

Denis Gallegos says his lockout experience was traumatic, but he thanks God that he had somewhere else to go.

“It’s not comfortable,” he says. “But I’m inside.”

Martin Austermuhle contributed Spanish language interpretation to this report.

This article is part of our 2020 contribution to the DC Homeless Crisis Reporting Project, in collaboration with other local newsrooms. The collective works will be published throughout the day at DCHomelessCrisis.press. You can also join the public Facebook group or follow #DCHomelessCrisis on Twitter to discuss further.

This story originally appeared on DCist.

No Really, What is Anarchism?

Eric Fleischmann
October 7, 2020

The terms ‘anarchist’ and ‘anarchism’ are returning to the center stage of political lingo in the twenty-first century. To quote my own article on Center for a Stateless Society:

“President Donald Trump has repeatedly attempted to associate Black Lives Matter with anarchists and anarchism. He has tweeted such threatening posts as just the phrase ‘Anarchists, we see you!’ with a video of a man dressed in black at one protest, and he has referred to protesters in Portland, Oregon as ‘anarchists who hate our Country’ and called for Governor Kate Brown to ‘clear out, and in some cases arrest, the Anarchists & Agitators in Portland.’

It is certainly true that many anarchists—such as myself—have been involved in Black Lives Matter protests, but it is obvious that President Trump is not making an objective ideological observation but rather is attempting to use anarchist as a ‘dirty word’ intended to make protestors out to be terroristic criminals.”

“Joe Biden employed a similar tactic in the following statement: “‘I’ve said from the outset of the recent protests that there’s no place for violence or destruction of property. Peaceful protesters should be protected, and arsonists and anarchists should be prosecuted, and local law enforcement can do that.’”

The mainstream media’s understandings of anarchism since (at least) the nineteenth century have involved a desire for chaos, disorder, and destruction. In early twentieth century North America, anarchists were depicted as bearded, often-foreign men with bombs, knives, or other weapon threatening symbols of the United States, liberty, or civilization. Modern day examples might include psychopathic terrorists like Solomon Lane from “Mission Impossible: Rogue Nation and Fallout” who, as Villains Wiki explains, seeks to create “a new world order based on unstoppable accidents and terrorist attacks that will actually turn the entire world into a massive terrorist superpower.”

Or, more generously, there is the character Zaheer in “Legend of Korra” (voiced by punk rock legend Henry Rollins) who seeks to bring down all governments, prompting the protagonist Korra at one point: “The idea of having nations and governments is as foolish as keeping the human and spirit realms separate [a reference to a previous season’s plot]. You’ve had to deal with a moronic president and a tyrannical queen. Don’t you think the world would be better off if leaders like them were eliminated?”

The latter example is a tad kinder to the ideology, but media depictions of anarchism rarely give a full view or even the benefit of the doubt. There are numerous schools of thought — generally differentiated by their economic models — that fall under the descriptor of anarchism ranging from anarcho-communism to individualist anarchism (and even ideologies that claim the title to the dismay of almost all other anarchists such as anarcho-capitalism and the racist, crypto-fascist national anarchism), but I would like to semi-informally compile some quick (unfortunately largely Western) information to hopefully help anybody begin to genuinely answer the question “what is anarchism?”

I am no expert in etymology, but according to (may a higher power forgive me) the Internet, it seems that ‘anarchy’ is derived from the ancient Greek anarkhia (‘without a ruler’) — composed of an- (‘without’) and arkhos (‘ruler’) — which was used first recorded as having been used in 404 B.C.E. in reference to the Year of Thirty Tyrants in Athens during which there was no one ruler or archon. This transformed into the Medieval Latin anarchia and French anarchie (both meaning roughly the same thing as the Greek). Thus, for numerous centuries ‘anarchy’ was used to refer to confusion in the absence of authority.

According to the Merriam-Webster Dictionary, the first usage of the term ‘anarchism’ as opposed to ‘anarchy’ was in 1642. However, it is popularly accepted that the first usage of it as a political ideology in itself is by Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, who wrote in 1840, “Anarchy, — the absence of a master, of a sovereign, — such is the form of government to which we are every day approximating.” Thus, Proudhon adds the -ism—stating in a hypothetical back-and-forth “‘What are you, then?’ — ‘I am an anarchist.’”— to denote a deliberate political ideology.

Proudhon acknowledges that “[t]he meaning ordinarily attached to the word ‘anarchy’ is absence of principle, absence of rule; consequently, it has been regarded as synonymous with ‘disorder.’” Then he rejects these previous understandings, stating that “[a]lthough a firm friend of order, I am (in the full force of the term) an anarchist.”

A formal and ‘mainstream’ definition of anarchism can be found in the 1910 edition of The Encyclopedia Britannica, in which Pyotr Kropotkin writes that anarchism is “the name given to a principle or theory of life and conduct under which society is conceived without government – harmony in such a society being obtained, not by submission to law, or by obedience to any authority, but by free agreements concluded between the various groups, territorial and professional, freely constituted for the sake of production and consumption, as also for the satisfaction of the infinite variety of needs and aspirations of a civilized being.”

Furthermore, it must be added that many thinkers have identified anarchism as the libertarian branch of the much larger socialist movement. Mikhail Bakunin—the famous anarchist rival of Karl Marx—identified anarchism as “Stateless Socialism” and writes that “freedom without Socialism is privilege and injustice” and that “Socialism without freedom is slavery and brutality.”

Continuing, in Anarchism and Other Essays, Emma Goldman writes that anarchism is “[t]he philosophy of a new social order based on liberty unrestricted by man-made law; the theory that all forms of government rest on violence, and are therefore wrong and harmful, as well as unnecessary” — which might be a commonly accepted definition by students of politics, who may not be deeply knowledgeable on the subject.

But two more contemporary thinkers, David Graeber and Noam Chomsky give definitions that, when coupled together — deepen an understanding of anarchism: Graeber, in The Democracy Project, writes that “[t]he easiest way to explain anarchism…is to say that it is a political movement that aims to bring about a genuinely free society — and that defines a ‘free society’ as one where humans only enter those kinds of relations with one another that would not have to be enforced by the constant threat of violence.” Noam Chomsky says, in an interview with Harry Kreisler, that…

“The core of the anarchist tradition, as I understand it, is that power is always illegitimate, unless it proves itself to be legitimate. So the burden of proof is always on those who claim that some authoritarian hierarchic relation is legitimate. If they can’t prove it, then it should be dismantled.”

There are many questions left to be asked of anarchism: how will individual violence be handled? How will a stateless society protect itself from neighboring states? What economic formations will take shape in the absence of a state? However, these are not questions to be answered here.

The most salient concept demonstrated is that anarchism is not an ideology of violence (or at least it is significantly less so than those ideologies that call for concentrations of violence in the state and its cronies) but one which opposes violence at a systemic level and seeks liberation and voluntary interaction in all spheres of life.

About the Writer
Eric Fleischmann,

1A 

What Is Anarchism?
NPR October 12, 2020

An anarchy symbol is viewed after it was spray painted on a window during a demonstration by Occupy Wall Street and other groups in downtown Chicago on the eve of the NATO summit in Chicago, Illinois.Spencer Platt/Spencer Platt/Getty Images

We've been hearing a lot about anarchists lately, especially from the president.

President Trump tends to bring them up in his descriptions of the recent protests for racial justice that have happened across America.

And in September 2020, a White House memo deemed Seattle, New York and Portland "anarchist jurisdictions" and ordered a review of the federal funding for these cities.

But what exactly does it mean to be an anarchist? And what would an "anarchist jurisdiction" even look like?

To find out, we talked with anarchists Kim Kelly, William C. Anderson, and Ruth Kinna.

Analysis |
Egypt's 'Anarchists' Are Once Again Calling on Sissi to Resign, but This Time It's Different

The president must contend with a protest that has spread for the first time to the countryside, just before elections where his parliament's legitimacy is at stake


Egyptian President Abdel-Fattah al-Sissi on a visit to London in January 2020.

Credit: Henry Nicholls / AP

Zvi Bar'el Published on 10.10.2020

Five bullets from a policeman’s gun ended the life of Owais al-Rawi of the village of al-Awamiya in Luxor province in southern Egypt. His father and neighbors rushed to his aid and loaded him into a car to take him to the hospital, but he died on the way. All he wanted was to free his younger brother, who had been detained by police, but other officers chased him down.

For many hours, the police held Rawi’s body to use as a bargaining chip with the villagers for the release of three security personnel who had been abducted during demonstrations in the village on September 20. Rawi isn’t believed to have been among the abductors, but the police suspected that he knew about the abduction plan because on social media he encouraged his followers to protest against the regime.

Neighbors told journalists that Rawi was an ordinary man who would simply go to work and come home, and was awaiting the birth of his third child. He worked at the international hospital in Luxor and was barely able to scrape by.

Millions of Egyptians are in a similar situation. According to the World Bank, more than 60 percent of the country’s 100 million people live below the poverty line. The government says this figure is too high by half, though the government determines the height of the poverty line at will.

The precise statistics are of no interest to the people who are well aware of their situation; after all, they’re the ones bearing the costs of the reforms of President Abdel Fattah al-Sissi – the gas prices that rose sharply after the fuel subsidy was canceled, the soaring cost of getting to work by subway, the cost of medication that skyrocketed even before the coronavirus hit, and the cost of vital private medical services, given the inferior public health services.

On September 20, Egypt was shaken by riots that erupted in rural areas, too, for the first time. This is a historic date for Egypt. Last year on September 20, massive protests erupted in the wake of videos published by businessman and actor Mohammed Ali about corruption in the military and by the president and his family. Huge throngs took to the streets calling for Sissi’s resignation and a purge in the army.

Open gallery view

A man walking in front of demolished buildings along the agricultural road leading to Cairo, October 4, 2020. Credit: Amr Abdallah Dalsh / Reuters

According to Ali, Sissi built himself lavish palaces and mansions in Egypt’s New Administrative Capital being built next to Cairo. Also, military leaders are receiving hefty kickbacks from multimillion-dollar projects, and money that’s supposed to go for public services is being pocketed by the president’s associates. None of this is new for Egyptians, but it’s hard to think of another time under Sissi when this phenomenon had gained such publicity.

Hundreds Detained as Egyptian Police Quash Protests, Says Human Rights Group

More than 4,000 people, including journalists, lawyers and political activists, were arrested on charges of violating the law on demonstrations, harming national security and membership in a terror group; that is, the Muslim Brotherhood. The regime was shocked by the scope of the protests, which were the biggest since Sissi was elected president in 2014, and top intelligence officials were held to account for mishandling of the demonstrations.




This time, too, the regime says the Muslim Brotherhood is behind the protests, and thus the government has contradicted itself. On the one hand, it claims that it put down the Muslim Brotherhood, and on the other it acknowledges that the movement can still bring crowds onto the streets.

A small fortune for the people

Although the demonstrations this time were much smaller, with some as paltry as dozens of protesters, the participation of rural Egyptians underscored the nature of the new threat.

The reason for the protests this time was a new law enabling people convicted of construction-related offenses to pay fines and avoid having their homes or home additions demolished. Originally, a more draconian law was passed in 2017 stipulating that all illegal construction would be demolished in keeping with the regime’s zero-tolerance policy for illegal building and its plan to move people out of slums and makeshift homes.



But amid public pressure this law was amended to say that a “ransom” ranging from 125 to 5,000 Egyptian pounds ($318) per square meter could be paid instead – often an unattainable sum.

Open gallery view

A boy walking past a demolished building in Egypt's Qalyubia province, October 2020.

Credit: Mohamed Abd El Ghany / Reuters

These regulations aren’t just aimed at tycoons and real estate sharks. They largely hurt low wage earners with large families and migrants from the countryside who moved to cities decades ago and later expanded their homes without a permit.

This law is a continuation of the government’s decision to freeze construction of new private homes for six months, during which the owners must present business plans that conform to the new construction law and obtain approval.

This is ostensibly a revolutionary decision aimed at regulating the construction industry and reclaiming some of the land the state has lost to illegal building. But Egyptians view the plan as just another means of sucking funds from the people and exerting direct control over their property.

This feeling is heightened by parliament’s assessment that the government could collect 300 billion to 500 billion Egyptian pounds ($32 billion) from the fines and building fees alone, and that the government will increase tax revenues because it will have updated information on homeowners and the size of their properties.

Forceful seizure of property is nothing new to Egyptians. It occurred under Gamal Abdel Nasser, who also removed thousands of Egyptians from the Aswan Dam area, falsely promising that they could return when construction of the dam was complete.

And under Sissi, “for security reasons,” thousands of people near the Gaza border were forced out of their homes – which were then razed – and were required to relocate to El-Arish and other Sinai cities. They received very meager compensation. Such moves have harmed the public’s trust in the government – and the public doesn’t believe the president’s promises now.

Sissi makes threats

Open gallery view

Supporters of Egyptian President Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi holding banners celebrating the 47rd anniversary of the 1973 Arab-Israeli war, Cairo, October 2, 2020. 

Credit: Mohamed Abd El Ghany / Reuters

In an article on the Mada Masr website, Egyptian scholar and journalist Ali al-Rajal outlines the differences between the Mubarak and Sissi eras in this regard. He says the construction violations and the way they were ignored in President Hosni Mubarak’s time were part of the social contract that arose between a government incapable of solving the housing shortage and the public that had no choice but makeshift construction.

It’s true that in Mubarak’s time as well, corruption flourished and major contractors profited handsomely from the lack of regulation, but Sissi’s program that’s being violently implemented isn’t offering solutions. No one knows where the millions of people whose homes have been razed will go and how they’ll make a living. After all, a majority of these structures are in the big cities, and if these people are forced to leave for the countryside, they’ll have no way to support themselves.

Government figures show that only 100,000 homeowners have applied for approval so far, a tiny number far below the government’s expectations. Infuriated by this, on September 27 Sissi gave an angry speech warning that the government would use all means to implement the program. He also threatened the mayors and other officials who must implement the law that “anyone who fails to uphold the guidelines will be gone.”

Stormy responses ensued, so the following day the government released 68 children who had been arrested on suspicion of taking part in the demonstrations. But many others remained in custody.

Later Sissi denounced the protests and harnessed the famed institution for Sunni Islamic scholarship, Al-Azhar, to support the plan. The president’s relations with Al-Azhar are tense due to Sissi’s decision to curb the religious center’s monopoly on issuing religious edicts and undermine the fragile balance between religion and state.

Still, Al-Azhar said in a statement it was “following the destructive movements intending to undermine the public order, undermine our beloved Egypt’s security, spread chaos and disrupt the atmosphere of development and investment.” Similar statements were made by the Arab Spring protesters in 2011.

“Anarchists” and “chaos spreaders” aren’t an Israeli invention, and the size of the demonstrations doesn’t necessarily reflect the scope of the people’s distress, frustration and anger.

The president’s son, Gen. Mahmoud al-Sissi, has been tapped to quash the protests, but he must do it in a way that won’t mar the parliamentary election that’s due to begin this month and last a week into November.

Sissi has been praised by foreign banks, Egypt’s foreign currency reserves have increased in the past year and the pound is more or less stable. But Egypt still needs loans from the International Monetary Fund, foreign direct investment has plummeted to $5 billion, tourism is still frozen and natural gas production from the huge Zohr site isn’t yet funneling cash to the state coffers.

Demonstrations where Sissi’s portrait is burned and he’s called on to resign aren’t a threat to his regime, but they unnerve domestic and foreign investors. In the political sphere, Sissi can rely on the election to give him an obedient parliament that’s no different from the current one, but the legislature’s legitimacy depends on voter turnout.

If in the 2015 election voter turnout was meager to disgraceful, reaching only 10 percent in certain districts, this time the protests could erode parliament’s legitimacy even further.

Sissi, who has been criticized abroad for bullying his rivals, is trying to calm things down. He’s offering compensation to evicted families, and he has ordered clay bricks for state projects despite their inferiority to cement blocks.

He’s doing this because most of the production is in the Giza industrial zone, where stormy demonstrations took place, and according to some Egyptian commentators, Sissi might even put off implementing the construction law that’s inflaming the streets. But this would only be a respite in the government’s campaign to reconquer Egypt

WE CANNOT TRANSCEND MENTAL ILLNESS IN THE CONTEXT OF AMERICAN CAPITALISM

By Anuhya Bobba  Sep 24, 2020

HEALTHCARE SYSTEMS IN THE UNITED STATES PLACE THE ONUS OF HEALING ON INDIVIDUALS AND FOCUS ON SELF-OPTIMIZATION IN SERVICE OF INHERENTLY VIOLENT CAPITALISM.

TW: mentions of suicide, depression, anxiety, PTSD, and forced institutionalization

Every suicide prevention day, week, or month, I once conveyed the same message, regurgitating advice that, at the height of my battle with depression, had been readily proffered: “Reach out.” On Facebook and Instagram, on a domain that I purchased for my writing, to friends and family. Reach out.

I would share a highly personalized experience of my depression and later PTSD, my attempted suicide, and reassurance that it does become better. That if people were to embark on a journey of self-care, through counseling, therapy, or medication, their efforts would reach fruition.

But, when I adhered to my own advice, I always seemed to fail. And fail again. I reached out. I attended therapy. I started medication. I attempted to disclose my diagnosis to workplace after workplace, in hope that I would be accommodated in my debilitating anxiety and panic. I continued to commit to X or Y task, because external measures of productivity demanded that I do so, and then I would fail to meet said commitment. At each turn, I only felt overwhelmed, rarely did I feel assured in my capacity to transcend mental illness.

Central to neoliberalism is individualism. Testimonials are inherently individualistic; they speak to an individual’s experience. At first, my testimonials (from social media posts to essays) acted as a means to recover a sense of control and to place trust in my subjectivity after extensive childhood trauma. But, I also understood that testimonials like mine — which utilized a depoliticized “I” and proffered triggering detail, exclusively through the lens of unexamined anger, rage, and self-destruction — existed comfortably in the confines of the capitalist system. Especially because my narrative would culminate in a journey of healing and recovery independent of histories of oppressions and the material realities that they create for people diagnosed with mental illness.

My narrative(s) would be grounded in self-care and would end in my return to “self-optimization” or readiness to function again — this time, properly — in capitalism.

In Radical Care: Survival Strategies for Uncertain Times, Hi’ilei Julia Kawehipuaakahaopulani Hobart and Tamara Kneese write, “Self-care is thus popularly associated with self-optimization, or a way of preparing individuals for increased productivity in demanding workplaces, when, in reality, things like chronic illness are incompatible with capitalist productivity and even visible forms of activism: it is difficult to join street protests if you are a caretaker, suffer from depression or anxiety, or cannot get out [of] bed.”

Plainly, I did not have the capacity to see beyond myself, in my experience of mental illness. I wallowed in self-alienation. I could not see that the struggle for many (including myself) is not “reaching out,” but the struggle is inextricably tied to the system that we occupy — a system that pathologizes our condition, and a system that is not designed to serve the common good.

When I was diagnosed with depression and later PTSD, I was introduced to a system of care that placed the responsibility of my healing in my hands, and my hands only — as if I am the arbiter of all the circumstances that would unfold in and influence my life.

RECOMMENDED: Please Stop Telling Depressed and Suicidal People to “Reach Out”

Integral to this system of care is therapy. My first experiences of western therapy acted as if I existed in a vacuum, separable from the circumstances that I inhabited. The objective of each session had been self-optimization. Not for myself, but to function better in the neoliberal university or the future workplace. My sense of alienation only strengthened after therapy. I could not explain why it did not work; but I knew that it did not.

In On Mental Health and Psychotherapy in Late Capitalism, Richard Lichtman describes therapy as a “mode of conformity to the prevailing system of corporate and state domination.”

“There is no designation in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) for the incapacity of individuals to recognize the malevolence of the system that exploits their labor, then turns it back upon themselves as alienated but ‘natural’ domination,” he explains.

Lichtman continues, “Therapy reinforces the basic assumptions of capitalist culture in regard to its definition of the self and its boundaries, the system of its needs and the material relations it establishes among social members. Its gravitational pull is insular, ‘deeper’ within the individual, personal relationship, or family. These considerations explain one of the major functional paradoxes of therapy; its capacity to ameliorate the conditions of individuals or of small groups while simultaneously strengthening the larger system of social control.”

My attempted suicide — the one that resulted in my institutionalization — took place three years after my first session of therapy. My institutionalization demonstrated the carceral response to mental health undertaken by psychiatric care facilities.

I was transferred to an emergency unit, where I was told that “the State of Colorado” is responsible for my forced institutionalization. Once I arrived at the psychiatric ward, my phone was confiscated. I could not leave the ward, and outdoor time consisted of 30 minutes on a heavily fenced balcony. The speakers that visited to motivate us — us, the pathologies of late capitalism — were people who could function (i.e. work) after the onset of X or Y illness. After one such speaker, my body started to twitch. I hurriedly left the room, only to faint and slam my head onto the door handle. As the nurses inserted IV or attempted to take a blood test, I protested. I knew that each pill, each injection only cost more money. The bill amounted to $6,000 for a four-day stay, itemized by pill, injection, and meal.

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My present understanding of my mental health in relation to capitalism only occurred once I left the United States for Europe.

Before Europe, I relocated to New York City, where I worked a desk job at a local nonprofit. I decided that I would disclose my mental health to my employer because I am not the “normal” worker. One week after signing my contract, I disclosed my PTSD. They feigned understanding, but eventually, they grew increasingly frustrated at my inability to fulfill the eight-hour workday. Their sole accommodation remained a two-hour lunch break each Thursday when I would rush to the Upper East Side to see a therapist for 45 minutes. I would have triggering conversations and revelations, only to return again to my desk, to function like “normal.”

But, there had been an unspoken caveat: if I am provided two hours to attend therapy on Thursday (two hours that I would work to cover past 5 PM), then I could not show signs of neurodivergence elsewhere. The exasperation that I would see on my supervisor’s face, if I observed an onset of a panic attack and notified her, caused panic in return — I dreaded work.

I left New York City to live in France, in order to move closer to my then partner and also because I had burned out. I waitressed and took French lessons at the local university, but even as I occupied a service position, I became introduced to affordable health care. Buying my medicine or attending psychiatry, as a non-citizen, did not break my bank. I was provided a housing allowance that reduced my rent in half because I had been a student. I was offered subsidized lunches, again as a student, where I paid 3 euros for an entree, a main meal, and a dessert as well as coffee. I paid 15 euros for unlimited, monthly transportation (in comparison to $120 in New York City). Out of the 800 euros that I made monthly, the fear of more and more debt did not loom as it had in the United States.

I was then accepted to attend university in Finland, where I currently receive subsidised housing, meals, and transportation. I have access to universal health care; I was reminded by a senior student that I did not have to worry about calling an ambulance because the service is free. When a concerned friend had called 911 on me in New York City, I received a bill of $1600 to compensate the emergency personnel that arrived and stayed for 45 minutes, which was reduced to $800 with insurance.

The university here accommodates me and my PTSD as well. Once I had a severe depressive episode around the time of an examination, and I was informed that I have three retakes per final exam. I also work as an intern, and I am paid a hefty salary for a three-month contract, which includes 6 days that I am required to take off for rest or leisure.

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My material reality shifted drastically from the United States to Europe. The system that I started to occupy was intended to support my basic needs — to a certain extent. The welfare systems of Europe are predicated on plundered wealth from colonization. And, my ability to relocate also could not have been possible, were it not for my U.S. passport and the financial stability that I come from. Even the safety guards that I now experience would not be so easily extended if I did not speak English, did not have degrees from American universities, or more generally, did not fit the criteria of a “skilled” laborer.

To be clear: I was able to leave the United States, so as to salvage my mental health. But, for many, the material reality created by late capitalism can not afford an escape; in order to renounce American citizenship, you have to pay $2,350. The United States increased the fee from $400 in March 2020.

The experience of the past two years, outside of the United States, thus also shifted my narrative of self-care to a narrative of radical care. I did not exist as a self disconnected from “particular histories and present situations of violence and vulnerability” but as a self grounded firmly in said histories and situations. So it is not enough to “reach out” in order to prevent suicide. The history and the present of the United States is violent, and it is not easy nor possible for the persons that exist outside of or violate “the structures of white, middle class respectability” to survive its capitalist demands.

DAWNING CLIMATE CATASTROPHE AND THE PARADOX OF GREEN CAPITALISM

By Jude Casimir  Sep 23, 2020

EVEN IN THE FACE OF PLANETARY DESTRUCTION, IT IS CAPITALISM AND CAPITALISTIC INTERESTS THAT DICTATE THE RESPONSE TO OUR CURRENT CLIMATE CATASTROPHE.

Flashback to September 2018: former California Governor Jerry Brown has a plan to save the world. He explains: “Plastic has helped advance innovation in our society, but our infatuation with single-use convenience has led to disastrous consequences […] Plastics, in all forms—straws, bottles, packaging, bags, etc.—are choking our planet.”

Who would have thought that climate change could be reversed by the simple behavior of consumers, discarding plastic, rather than the one hundred companies that account for the majority of pollution, including ExxonMobil and Shell. Thank God it’s that easy!

Wait.

It’s 2020. Jerry Brown is out of office. Starbucks is handing out paper straws. In California, the land is aflame. In Oregon, the sky is an apocalyptic red. In nearly every other state, the stench of smoke is filling our lungs, shepherded by gusts of transcontinental wind.

But what about the straws?

If this were a Hollywood film, a big-budget, end-of-the-world extravaganza, we’d be treated to billionaires and computer jockeys screaming at government officials, promising huge sums of money and brilliant, undiscovered solutions that could set the planet right. Bruce Willis and Ben Affleck would be taking a team of hard-working drillers with calloused hands to obliterate the fuck out of an asteroid. DJ Qualls would be slamming his knuckles down on early-2000s keyboards, promising to hack the planet before our core dies. If that sort of film was made today, we might even have Elon Musk building an armageddon-proof dome of stolen emeralds along with a magical machine that somehow rebuilds the ozone layer via dank memes. If it were directed by Jerry Brown, we might even have a beleaguered Kurt Russell running house to house, grabbing the guilty plastics in order to build an ark to save humanity.

Goddamn those straws.

But this is not a movie. There are no renegade scientific geniuses, no selfless astronauts, and no heroic billionaires to save us. Nor are there easy excuses that place the blame on people rather than the corporations and capitalistic interests that have brought us here.

We are here at the brink, looking off the edge of the world, as so many cling to a crumbling precipice, knowing that they will be the first swallowed. The capitalistic forces that once promised a better world are the same forces that are now boiling the planet alive while at the same time onanistically bragging about life-saving innovations, reinventing necessary infrastructure but more inept, more mercenary, and less accessible.

On the edge of oblivion, the richest among us have gilded their self-salvation and their complicity in the rhetoric of transformation. They won’t save us. In fact, we’re here, burning alive, specifically because of them.

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Our current understanding of climate change and the solutions to it is divided into the investment in two separate saviors: liberal politicians and so-called woke billionaires. Unfortunately, close inspection of the blunt truth laid out in the previous half-decade violently refutes both of these fantasies.

Consider recent Democratic messiah Barack Obama. Before ultimately denying the final permit for the Dakota Access Pipeline, a move that might’ve been more for the ego boost than anything else, the former president delivered a statement about how the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe was making their voices heard, a statement that was no doubt lauded heavily by the media. But this was during the same year he would unleash the worst of what opposition had to offer on those same protesters. Law enforcement would readily and gleefully meet the protesters with tear gas and cannons of ice-cold water, releasing dogs and rubber bullets along the way.

Meanwhile, at the height of the 2020 election, as Joe Biden and Nancy Pelosi both spit in the face of the Green New Deal (which the latter has referred to as “the green dream, or whatever they call it,” after gleefully accepting campaign funding from the fossil fuel industry), the naked opportunism and hypocrisy of alarmist liberal rhetoric around climate is clearer than ever. Recent neoliberal martyr Ruth Bader Ginsburg stood with conservative justices in support of destructive pipeline projects. Current California Governor Gavin Newsom has been all too eager to tweet out warnings about the incredible dangers of climate crisis and pose for photoshoots in the wreckage of historic conflagrations with Kamala Harris despite approving 360 fracking permits as of July 6, 2020.

This performativity is both gut-wrenching and par for the course: emblematic of where these politicians’ allegiances lie. Even in the face of planetary destruction, it is capitalism and capitalistic interests that dictate the response to our current catastrophe.

And that doesn’t even get us started on the racial implications of the problem.

Just as the violence of capitalism and white supremacy are intertwined in other issues, the treatment of global warming and general ecological destruction is intensely racialized. Whether it’s the fact that politicians have treated the Flint water crisis as a sort of trivial infrastructure issue unworthy of real attention, or the blatant FBI infiltration of and police violence against the indigenous resistance at Standing Rock, the reality that climate change will hit poor BIPOC communities the hardest (and that they will receive the least support) is inescapable. Starting with Hurricane Katrina and continuing through the destruction of Haiti via earthquake (and the subsequent disappearance of promised humanitarian funds), all the way up through the devastation of Puerto Rico, there’s an undeniably white supremacist bent to the capitalist nonsense that defines how we understand what is looking more and more like the end of the world as we know it.

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Capitalists don’t have any real incentive to curtail this mess, not when they can further take advantage of natural disasters, especially in those places that have little to no power to fight back. In the aftermath of the continued devastation of Puerto Rico, for instance, we saw energy companies like Whitefish jump in to save the day at a hefty cost, with less focus on people than profit. TigerSwan, the security firm that was a fundamental tool of insurrection against the Standing Rock movement, has undergone an eco-friendly rebrand, now offering its services for good, for security measures in unsafe instances in disaster-stricken areas.

But the insidiousness of this is not always so naked.

Even when people like Elon Musk and others in the Silicon Valley bubble say they have an investment in stopping environmental collapse, they’re also only ever looking for the most exploitative ways to deceive you. Electric cars are quiet, clean, and stylish, but never mind, of course, that buying them brand-new might end up causing more air and carbon pollution in the long run. Never mind that any potential cleanliness these products boast depends mainly on the cleanliness of the country’s leading power sources. Don’t pay attention to the fact that these vehicles don’t simply come out of the ether and need to be manufactured before they hit the streets.

Erase the fact that manufacturing doesn’t always have the greenest, most environmentally-minded roots. According to a 2016 Wired article, electric cars need to be light, which means they need to include a lot of high-performing metals, like lithium and other rare minerals. “Rare metals,” author Lizzie Wade writes, “only exist in tiny quantities and inconvenient places—so you have to move a lot of earth to get just a little bit.”

Elon Musk gets to sell you the easy comfort that comes with easy, largely symbolic gestures.

Even the aforementioned Green New Deal, the so-called progressive way out, serves only to give capitalism a greener face. Since it’s nonbinding, there’s technically no reason for any legislators to take action. And, since the resolution calls for “investments to spur economic development, deepen and diversify industry and business in local and regional economies, and build wealth and community ownership,” and these investments are going to be allocated from banks and “other public financing,” it’ll ultimately be at the behest of corporations and other interested parties, instead of the other way around. Dedication to growth is an inherent feature of capitalism, so any policy “solution” put forth by leaders of a capitalist society is bound to fall short of the actual needs of the situation.

In his 1925 poem “The Hollow Men,” T.S. Elliott wrote about “the dead land…the cactus land,” before predicting that the world would end “not with a bang but with a whimper.” These words seem to hold horrifically true now: portending an empty, self-aggrandizing, and impotent phalanx in the face of armageddon, a wasteland created by the slow encroaching inaction of a world unwilling to face disaster as it throws itself, unceasingly, against the door.

Though Elliott was speaking about the insanity and trauma of the First World War, his frustration and pessimism feel equally potent nearly a century later, as we watch the world crumble under the weight of environmental malfeasance, capitalist vampirism, and the empty gestures that feign compassion yet embolden cruelty. While we might imagine a doomsday defined by super volcanoes and biblical tempests, that apocalyptic bang will, ultimately, be ushered in the whimpering, equivocating, self-sustaining bullshit of corporations all too eager to suck the life from the flesh of the earth, and then turn around with Steve Urkel “ain’t I a stinker” sheepishness as the chickens come home to roost.

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Because this is the way in which liberalism and capitalism point us: towards market solutions, towards the band-aid over the bullet wound, while these systems themselves are simultaneously producing the bandages and firing the gun. Sure, we could go a step further in putting our faith in ecological modernization. We could lean into this idea that new and developing technology will save us and the environment, and that salvation will come in the form of solar panels and electric cars because the future is now! However, this idea doesn’t consider how little impact these solutions will ultimately have as long as capitalism keeps wantonly pillaging, no matter the banner of “green” conscientiousness the system uses to shield itself from scrutiny. Putting our faith in such companies is arguably the primary reason we’re in this environmental mess in the first place, and allowing them to privatize the solution while dodging accountability for the majority stake they hold in causing the problem will leave us with little more than clean vehicles via which to outrun the total collapse of security, health, and environmental stability when this problem finally reaches its horrific climax.

We can sit, watching for whatever happens next, waiting for straw bans to finally take hold, for the solar panels and the electric cars. Still, as we put our faith in some sort of corporatist Deus Ex Machina, we have to come to terms with which god we’re hoping for, and which machine we think will produce Him.

The flames that are engulfing the world and the smoke that’s choking our lungs will likely be coming from that very same machine.

The world is on fire. Long live industry’s inferno.