Sunday, October 18, 2020



GREEN CAPITALI$M

How the 137 million Americans who own stock can force climate action

The two best ways to hold companies to their climate commitments.

By Michael O'Leary and Warren Valdmanis Updated Oct 15, 2020

Oil giant BP has said it will cut oil production by 40 percent in the next decade and reach net zero emissions by 2050. Getty Images/iStockphoto


With the US presidential election weeks away, we have the tempting possibility of a viable political solution to the looming climate crisis. If elected, a Biden administration may deliver sweeping climate legislation. But there is no guarantee of what that might ultimately look like or when it will happen. And under the current administration, the Department of Energy has started referring to natural gas as “molecules of US freedom.” Not quite the prelude to a carbon tax, a policy Republicans have shown some support for.

So where is immediate, needle-moving action on climate change going to come from? We need corporations to step up.

Some appear to be doing so. For example, BP may finally be making good on its decades-old promise to move “Beyond Petroleum.” This August, it announced it would cut oil production by 40 percent in the next decade and reach net-zero emissions by 2050.

It now joins hundreds of others in setting science-based targets for cutting emissions. A group of nearly 300 companies, ranging from automotive to apparel, have committed to reducing their emissions by 35 percent, a substantial goal given that these companies currently account for more emissions than France and Spain combined.

For their part, tech giants are seemingly in a sustainability arms race. Last year, Amazon pledged to buy 100,000 electric delivery vans as part of its effort to go carbon neutral by 2040. Not to be outdone, this summer Microsoft committed to go carbon negative by 2030 — and to remove enough carbon from the atmosphere to offset all of its historical emissions. Microsoft is part of Transform to Net Zero, a group of private companies including Maersk, Unilever, and Starbucks committed to achieving net-zero global emissions no later than 2050.


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This latest slate of climate commitments has elicited both cynicism and hope — hope that change at this scale can make a difference, but also cynicism about whether these commitments are real.

We’re two impact investors, and we think what’s too often missing from the conversation is that to make corporations sustainable, we must first make them accountable.


As we describe in our new book, Accountable: The Rise of Citizen Capitalism, this requires two things. First, accountability requires mandatory, standardized social and environmental metrics, built off the template of our mandatory, standardized financial reporting system. And second, it requires a more aggressive culture of engagement from citizens to hold corporations to account — in our capacities as consumers, employees, voters, and, yes, shareholders.

In all, 137 million Americans own stock, either directly or through an investment fund — that’s 15 million more people than voted in the last national election. We can use that position as shareholders to push companies to our long-term interests and our deeper values.

As impact investors, we’re often met with skepticism that private companies can be oriented around the public good. We helped launch Bain Capital’s impact investing fund, and now one of us leads Two Sigma Impact, a business that makes investments focused on workforce impact. We’ve seen the power of building companies around a deeper purpose as the broader impact investing field has grown to $715 billion under management.

But we’ve also seen every hollow promise and dead-end trend in this movement. It doesn’t help when companies adopt a posture of social responsibility without actually becoming more responsible. In the fight to reform capitalism, we risk winning the battle of ideas and losing the war of substantive action.    
Depending on whom you ask, Facebook is either one of the most or least environmentally responsible companies. Mladen Antonov/AFP/Getty Images


We need metrics to separate greenwashing from measurable progress

In 2018, Chevron announced it would invest $100 million that year in lowering emissions through its new Future Energy Fund. The same year, it invested $20 billion in traditional oil and gas. It’s hard to argue that you’re committed to change if you’re spending 99.5 percent of your budget doing the same old thing.

For those who put their faith in corporate social responsibility (CSR) as a panacea for our ailing society, we have the unfortunate reality: This kind of allocation of efforts is not uncommon. Superficial public commitments on issues like sustainability and diversity are much easier for companies than substantive action.


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Corporations publicize every climate-conscious dollar they spend, with press releases, glossy reports, and expensive advertising. Eighty-six percent of S&P 500 companies now issue sustainability reports of some type, up from only 20 percent in 2011. They talk about the importance of the environment. They talk about focusing on all of their stakeholders: employees, customers, and communities. They talk about corporate citizenship and shared prosperity. They talk.

But the average company spends just 0.13 percent of its revenue on CSR. Corporations may dominate our world, but not through their CSR departments. CSR is often small and superficial, a Potemkin village constructed to appease capitalism’s critics. It is far easier for business leaders to sign on to lofty statements like the Business Roundtable’s on the purpose of a corporation or the Davos Manifesto than publicly commit to specific environmental or social targets.

New climate targets like BP’s make news not just because they are important and specific, but also because they have been historically rare. Many companies still fail to disclose their emissions, and despite the progress noted above, few have set reduction targets. Measurement of environmental, social, or governance (ESG) performance is notoriously unreliable. Companies self-report without external verification. Nearly all decide for themselves the style, format, and content of their reporting rather than following a common framework.

Look up the five largest companies in the world by revenue, and every list will be the same. Look up the most socially responsible, and there’s no agreement. In 2018, only one company made it into the top five of both Barron’s 100 Most Sustainable Companies and Newsweek’s Top 10 Green Companies.

If we look at a company’s credit rating, there is an almost perfect correlation between how different ratings agencies evaluate them. But between a company’s various ESG ratings, the correlation may be zero. Depending on whom you ask, Facebook is either one of the most or least environmentally responsible companies, and Wells Fargo is either one of the best or worst governed.

This makes holding companies to their commitments difficult and benchmarking across companies almost impossible. It also impairs our ability to connect environmental or social performance to financial performance, a critical need if we are to convert more corporations to this approach.

Compare this Wild West of ESG reporting with the staid and standardized world of financial accounting. In the United States, all public companies comply with Generally Accepted Accounting Principles, which are set by the Financial Accounting Standards Board as overseen by the Securities and Exchange Commission and audited by private accounting firms such as Ernst & Young and PricewaterhouseCoopers. It’s an alphabet soup of accountability, but for the most part, it works. Though each company is unique, all financial statements are reported according to the same standards and thus can be reliably compared against one another

We need mandatory, standardized, audited ESG metrics for large public companies. This is an area where government and industry can work together to create more accountability, as they already do on financial reporting.

There are hopeful moves in this direction elsewhere: The European Union is currently considering a set of common standards, while many of the emerging standards bodies in the ESG world like the Sustainability Accounting Standards Bureau and the Global Reporting Institute recently committed to work together to create comprehensive reporting metrics. The World Economic Forum also followed up the Davos Manifesto with its recommendation for a common set of metrics.

These sorts of clear standards are key for keeping companies on track. Last year, Irving Oil, which operates Canada’s largest oil refinery, abdicated its climate targets, silently removing commitments from its website. As part of Irving’s backtracking, the company changed the metrics by which it would be judged, choosing instead a muddier system that would allow it to claim progress despite higher emissions.

This is the risk with voluntary commitments: They’re voluntary. Nothing stops corporations setting voluntary targets from voluntarily resetting them. What if the next CEO of BP is less committed to clean energy? To hold corporations accountable, we need mandatory, independent metrics by which to judge them. 
NRG Energy’s Joliet Station power plant in Joliet, Illinois, shown in 2015. Getty Images


All investors can and should demand “stakeholder capitalism”

But better metrics will only get us so far. Who, exactly, will be holding these corporations to account? While some corporate leaders say they are more focused on society and the environment, there is one stakeholder group they cannot ignore: shareholders.


In a capitalist society, the capitalist is king. Unless investors and shareholders support these transformations, they will ultimately be perpetually superficial or only temporarily substantive.

Take the case of NRG, one of the largest power producers in the US. NRG suffers from sustainability whiplash. The public company sells electricity across the country, and under its former CEO David Crane, NRG began to transform. In a 2014 letter to shareholders about climate change, Crane wrote, “The day is coming when our children sit us down in our dotage, look us straight in the eye … and whisper to us, ‘You knew … and you didn’t do anything about it. Why?’”

And so NRG announced it would cut its carbon dioxide emissions by 50 percent by 2030 and 90 percent by 2050 — real commitments that would lead to substantive change.

But in 2017, Crane found himself deposed when the activist hedge fund Elliott Management forced him out. Elliott named new members to the board of directors, including a former Texas energy regulator who had called climate change a hoax. Two years later, NRG announced it was once again accelerating its carbon emissions goals. Today, the sustainability section of its website is bannered with the feel-good slogan, “Becoming a voice and an example of change.” They’ve got that right.

After he lost his job, Crane reflected that there’s all this “happy talk coming out of the senior ranks of major pension funds, sovereign wealth funds and university endowments about investing their money in a climate positive way,” but when it came time to make hard choices, he found only “money managers who are, at best, climate-indifferent.”

Elliott was able to force change at NRG because it owned part of the company. That’s how ownership works in a capitalist economy. But Elliott didn’t own the whole company. The fund owned only 6.9 percent of the shares. Even with its partner — the private investor Bluescape Energy Partners — it could speak for only 9.4 percent of the ownership.

Where were the other 90.6 percent of shareholders? Where were all the shareholders who cared about climate change, about the long-term viability of carbon power, about the need to transform our electrical grid? Why didn’t they speak up, supporting Crane and forcing Elliott to back off?

Without the support of these other shareholders, NRG’s transformation could not last.

As investors, we’ve seen how corporate leaders are pulled in opposite directions. Boards and shareholders want companies to hit their quarterly profit targets, while customers and other stakeholders want more sustainability and social responsibility.

Against these conflicting demands, the rational response from business leaders is hypocrisy: Say different things to different audiences and then continue to serve the priorities of shareholders — those bringing the money — above all. This enables companies to pacify reformers without sacrificing investors. It’s easier to fake good works than good returns.

But here too we are beginning to see hopeful progress. Climate Action 100+ is a group of investors representing over $47 trillion in assets and committing to use their power to push companies toward better disclosure and management of climate risk. Chris Hohn, who runs a $30 billion hedge fund in the United Kingdom, has publicly committed to voting against directors who don’t improve pollution disclosures and dramatically reduce greenhouse gas emissions. They join other shareholder activists like Ceres, As You Sow, and the Interfaith Council for Corporate Responsibility.


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These organizations recognize that focusing on sustainability is not just the right thing to do, it’s also actually in the best interests of most shareholders. Many critics of capitalism frame the problem as shareholders benefiting at the expense of stakeholders, but that misunderstands the interest of a vast majority of shareholders.

Of the 137 million Americans who own stock, the median shareholder is 51 years old with $65,000 in a retirement account. The median shareholder won’t withdraw that money for decades. If they’re invested in index funds, they likely hold thousands of stocks worldwide. Their economic interests — let alone their moral or political ones — aren’t best served by maximizing quarterly earnings at specific companies today. They’re best served through policies and practices that ensure the long-term, sustainable development of the global economy in a safe and stable climate.


With more and more investors joining the fight, there is greater potential for corporations to take the historically radical change required to make meaningful progress and greater potential to hold them accountable even when such progress is no longer in the best short-term interests of corporate managers.
Restoring trust with accountability

Nearly two-thirds of people worldwide want CEOs to lead on change rather than to wait for government. At the same time, two-thirds of people don’t trust most of the brands they use. Four out of five don’t trust business leaders to tell the truth or make ethical decisions. No wonder recent climate targets have been met with equal parts cynicism and hope.

This distrust doesn’t exist with smaller businesses. Three out of four people have very little or no confidence in big business, but the opposite is true for small companies: Three out of four people trust them. This is partly because externalities don’t exist in the same way for small, local companies. If a local company pollutes the river or fires its workers, it’s their river they’ve polluted and their neighbors they’ve let go.

It’s also because there’s greater accountability at the local level where, measured or not, local stakeholders have a better sense of each company’s impacts.

We’re also seeing more small businesses embrace explicit social and environmental goals through the B Corp certification process. This process allows stakeholder-minded companies to opt in to a rigorous set of standards. Certification is still voluntary, but it approximates the sort of accountability that mandatory metrics would provide. In our experience, adherence to these standards makes for better companies overall — both socially and commercially. There are currently more than 2,500 B Corps in over 50 countries, most of them very small.

To make meaningful progress toward sustainability, we must restore the trust that smaller companies have and larger corporations have lost. And to do that, we need better accountability — from mandatory metrics and engaged stakeholders, shareholders included.

Just because corporations are stepping up doesn’t mean the rest of us should be stepping down. It is up to us to hold them accountable through the laws we choose to pass, the jobs we take, the products we choose to buy, and the demands we make on them as investors. To the threadbare question of, “Can companies do well by doing good?” we have our answer: It’s up to us — as voters, consumers, employees, and savers — to decide.

Are these climate commitments harbingers of a new era of capitalism? Or just the latest collection of hollow promises? Only time will tell. But with an uncertain political future in a country suffering from heat waves, wildfires, and hurricanes exacerbated by climate change from coast to coast, time is running out for corporations to do what must be done.

Michael O’Leary and Warren Valdmanis are the co-authors of Accountable: The Rise of Citizen Capitalism. They were on the founding team of Bain Capital’s impact investing fund. Valdmanis is now a partner with Two Sigma Impact. The opinions expressed are their own and do not reflect the views or opinions of their employers.
New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern wins historic reelection

Ardern’s Covid-19 response was hailed around the world. Now her party has won a landslide victory.

By Anna North Oct 17, 2020
New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern delivers her victory speech in Auckland, New Zealand, after being reelected in a historic landslide win on October 17. 
Lynn Grieveson/Newsroom/Getty Images


New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern has been hailed around the world for her government’s quick action on Covid-19, which has helped New Zealand avoid the mass infections and deaths that have devastated the US and Europe. Now, voters in the country have responded to her leadership by handing Ardern and her Labour Party their biggest election victory in 50 years.

Ardern, 40, gained international attention when she became prime minister in 2017, then one of the world’s youngest female leaders. At the beginning of this year, her center-left party looked set for a tight election due to a lack of progress on issues it had promised to prioritize, like housing and reducing child poverty, CNN reported.

Then came Covid-19. Ardern responded swiftly, with an early lockdown that essentially eliminated spread of the virus. She also spoke directly to New Zealanders with a warmth and empathy that’s been lacking in other world leaders, helping to soothe New Zealanders’ anxieties and getting them on board with coronavirus restrictions. To date, New Zealand has reported fewer than 2,000 cases and 25 deaths due to Covid-19.

In Saturday’s election, Ardern’s party is on track to win 64 of the 120 seats in the country’s parliament, according to Reuters. That would give the Labour Party decisive control of the government, allowing it to govern without having to form a coalition, and granting Ardern and her allies more power than ever to chart New Zealand’s course through the pandemic and beyond.

“We will build back better from the Covid crisis,” Ardern said in her acceptance speech on Saturday, evoking a slogan also used by former US Vice President Joe Biden’s presidential campaign. “This is our opportunity.”

Ardern has always been popular abroad. Now she has a mandate at home.

Ardern has maintained a high profile around the world since she was elected, as Damien Cave reports at the New York Times. It wasn’t just her youth that drew attention — she also became the first world leader in nearly 30 years to give birth while in office in 2018. Her six-week parental leave was hailed as groundbreaking, showing the importance of paid leave for parents at a time when many — especially in the US — struggle to access this benefit. (In New Zealand, new parents can access up to 26 weeks of paid leave funded by the government.)

But Ardern hasn’t always been as successful at home as she was popular abroad. Leading a coalition with the nationalist New Zealand First Party, she has struggled to deliver on progressive promises like making housing more affordable and tackling climate change, Cave reports.

Covid-19 then changed everything. Ardern was praised not just around the world but in New Zealand, where her quick action meant that many children could go back to school, and adults could return to work, while countries like the US saw a surge in infections.

Meanwhile, her personal addresses amid the pandemic to New Zealanders were lauded for their directness and warmth. In April, for example, she reassured the country’s children that both the tooth fairy and the Easter bunny were considered essential workers.

Ardern’s response was in many ways the embodiment of one of her leadership mantras: “Be strong, be kind.” Ardern’s effectiveness, alongside strong responses by Germany’s Angela Merkel, Taiwan’s Tsai Ing-wen, and others, even led some to wonder if female leaders were better at handling the pandemic than male leaders.

And now, her constituents have voted to keep her at the helm as New Zealand continues to weather Covid-19. With a majority in the country’s parliament, Labour will be able to form a single-party government that may give Ardern greater ability to deliver on her priorities than she’s had in the past.

Despite this mandate, Ardern’s second term will bring new challenges including repairing an economy weakened by successive lockdowns, and ensuring her majority is able to deliver on its campaign promises. “She has significant political capital,” Jennifer Curtin, director of the Public Policy Institute at the University of Auckland, told the Times. “She’s going to have to fulfill her promises with more substance.”

But Ardern says she’s ready to get to work. The campaign slogan that carried her to victory was simple: “Let’s keep moving.”

Incumbent PM Arden Wins New Zealand Election by Landslide
October 17, 2020




New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern has won a landslide victory in the country’s general election. With most ballots tallied, Ardern’s Labour Party has won 49% of the vote and she is projected to win a rare outright parliamentary majority. The opposition centre-right National Party, currently on 27%, has admitted defeat in Saturday’s poll.

The vote was originally due to be in September, but was postponed by a month after a renewed Covid-19 outbreak.

More than a million people had already voted in early polling which opened up on October 3. New Zealanders were also asked to vote in two referendums alongside the general election.

According to the Electoral Commission, the Labour Party are on 49% of the vote, followed by the National Party on 27%, and the ACT New Zealand and Green parties on 8%.


“New Zealand has shown the Labour Party its greatest support in almost 50 years,” Ardern told her supporters after the victory. “We will not take your support for granted. And I can promise you we will be a party that governs for every New Zealander.”

National Party leader Judith Collins congratulated Ardern and promised her party would be a “robust opposition”.

“Three years will be gone in the blink of an eye,” she said, referring to the next scheduled election. “We will be back.”

Ardern’s Labour Party is projected to win 64 seats – enough for an outright majority. No party has managed to do so in New Zealand since it introduced a voting system known as Mixed Member Proportional representation (MMP) in 1996.

Before the vote, experts doubted whether the Labour Party could win such a majority. Professor Jennifer Curtin of the University of Auckland said previous party leaders had been tipped to win a majority, but failed to do so.

“New Zealand voters are quite tactical in that they split their vote, and close to 30% give their party vote to a smaller party, which means it is still a long shot that Labour will win over 50% of the vote.”

Ardern pledged to instil more climate-friendly policies, boost funding for disadvantaged schools and raise income taxes on top earners.

Collins and the National Party had pledged to increase investment in infrastructure, pay down debt and temporarily reduce taxes.
Tags: Incumbent
Explainer: What's Behind Thailand's Protests?

By Reuters, Wire Service Content Oct. 15, 2020,



BANGKOK (REUTERS) - Thailand's government banned gatherings of more than five people on Thursday in the face of three months of escalating demonstrations that have targeted King Maha Vajiralongkorn as well as Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha.

HOW DID THE PROTESTS START?

Anti-government protests emerged last year after courts banned the most vocal party opposing the government of former junta leader Prayuth Chan-ocha.

After a pause during measures to stop the spread of the novel coronavirus, protests resumed in mid-July - pushing for Prayuth's removal, a new constitution and an end to the harassment of activists.

Some protesters went further with a list of 10 demands to reform the monarchy - demands that were cheered by tens of thousands of people at a demonstration in September.

Protesters say they do not seek to end the monarchy, only reform it, but conservatives are horrified by such attacks on an institution the constitution says is "enthroned in a position of revered worship".

WHAT IS THE GOVERNMENT DOING?

Until Thursday, the government had said protests would be tolerated but that they must keep within the law.

That changed suddenly after it accused jeering protesters of obstructing Queen Suthida's motorcade and as thousands gathered at Government House to demand the removal of Prayuth.

It imposed emergency measures banning gatherings of more than five people in Bangkok, forbid publication of news or online information that could harm national security and freed up police to arrest anyone linked to the protests.

Soon after the measures were imposed, riot police cleared protesters from Government House and at least three protest leaders were arrested.

WHAT DOES THE PALACE SAY?

The Royal Palace has made no comment on the protests and the demands for reform despite repeated requests.

WHO ARE THE PROTESTERS?

Most are students and young people and there is no overall leader.

Key groups include the Free Youth Movement, which was behind the first major protest in July and the United Front of Thammasat and Demonstration, a student group from Bangkok's Thammasat University, which has championed calls for monarchy reform.

Then there is the Bad Student movement of high schoolers, which also seeks education reform.

Most protest leaders are in their 20s although one of the most prominent figures, human rights lawyer Arnon Nampa, is 36.

WHAT ROYAL REFORMS DO THE PROTESTERS WANT?

Protesters want to reverse a 2017 increase in the king's constitutional powers, made the year after he succeeded his widely revered late father King Bhumibol Adulyadej.

Pro-democracy activists say Thailand is backtracking on the constitutional monarchy established when absolute royal rule ended in 1932. They say the monarchy is too close to the army and argue that this has undermined democracy.

Protesters also seek the scrapping of lese majeste laws against insulting the king. They want the king to relinquish the personal control he took over a palace fortune estimated in the tens of billions of dollars, and some units of the army.

WHY ELSE ARE THEY UNHAPPY?

Protesters complain that the king endorsed Prayuth's premiership after elections last year that opposition figures say were engineered to keep his hands on power. Prayuth, who as army chief led a 2014 coup, says the election was fair.

Protesters have voiced anger that the king spends much of his time in Europe.

They have also challenged the spending of the Palace and lifestyle of the king, who has been married four times and last year took a royal consort.

WHAT DO THE LESE MAJESTE LAWS MEAN?

The monarchy is protected by Section 112 of the Penal Code, which says whoever defames, insults or threatens the king, queen, heir-apparent or regent shall be jailed for three to 15 years.

In June, Prayuth said the law was no longer being applied because of "His Majesty's mercy". The Royal Palace has never commented on this.

Rights groups say opponents of the government - including more than a dozen of the protest leaders - have recently been charged under other laws such as those against sedition and computer crimes.

The government has said it does not target opponents but it is the responsibility of police to uphold the law.

(Writing by Matthew Tostevin; Editing by Robert Birsel)

Copyright 2020 Thomson Reuters.

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Sophia Ankel  Oct 17, 2020, 
Pro-democracy protesters show the three-finger salute as they gather demanding the government to resign and to release detained leaders in Bangkok, Thailand on October 15, 2020. Reuters/Jorge Silva

Protests have erupted in Thailand as anti-government demonstrators demand democratic reforms, the removal of Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-o-cha, and curbs on the royal family's power and budget.

 King Maha Vajiralongkorn is famous for his mistresses, crop tops, and globetrotting ways.

 The student-led protests defied a government-issued emergency decree on Thursday, which banned large gatherings of more than five people.

 Protesting against royal reforms is extremely dangerous in Thailand, which has some of the strictest lèse-majesté (to do wrong to majesty) laws in the world.



In the last week, Thailand has seen some of its biggest anti-government protests in decades as thousands of students took to the streets to demand democratic reforms.

Protesters are demanding the removal of Prime Minister and former military leader Pray uth Chan-o-cha.

They are also calling for curbs on the powers of King Maha Vajiralongkorn, a ruler famous for his mistresses, crop tops, and globetrotting ways.

Thailand has some of the strictest lèse-majesté (to do wrong to majesty) laws in the world, with some protesters facing up to 15 years in prison if charged.

Pro-democracy protests have erupted again in Thailand despite a government emergency decree that has banned large gatherings.
Pro-democracy protesters show the three-finger salute as they gather demanding the government to resign and to release detained leaders in Bangkok, Thailand on October 15, 2020. Reuters/Jorge Silva
Source: BBC

The main symbol used by protesters has been the three-finger salute, similar to the one used in the popular film franchise "The Hunger Games."
Pro-democracy protesters demanding the government to resign in Bangkok, Thailand on October 15, 2020. Reuters/Jorge Silva

People have been urged to use the three-finger salute during the national anthem, which is usually played in public spaces such as train stations, twice a day.

Source: The Guardian

The student-led protest movement has been ongoing ever since the country's prime minister, Prayuth Chan-o-cha, was appointed after controversial elections in 2019.
An anti-government demonstrator skates over an image of Thailand's Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha during a Thai anti-government mass protest in Bangkok, Thailand, on October 14, 2020. Athit Perawongmetha/Reuters

Chan-o-cha, who is a former army chief, first seized power in a 2014 coup.

Source: BBC

Protesters have since been calling for the government's dissolution and for democratic reforms.
Pro-democracy protestors confront police at a rally at the Ratchaprasong intersection on October 15, 2020, in Bangkok, Thailand. Lauren DeCicca/Getty Images


But it's not just the prime minister that people are protesting against. In recent months the demonstrators have also started calling for curbs on the powers of King Maha Vajiralongkorn.
An image of King Maha Vajiralongkorn is seen as pro-democracy demonstrators march during an anti-government mass protest in Bangkok, Thailand on October 14, 2020. Jorge Silva/Reuters
Source: BBC

King Vajiralongkorn reportedly fled the country months ago, spending lockdown in a four-star hotel in the Bavarian Alps with an entourage of 20 women. His absence prompted Thai resident to tweet: "Why do we need a king?" over one million times
Exterior view of the Grand Hotel Sonnenbichl. © Leuchtende Hotelfotografie/Grand Hotel Sonnenbichl

Vajiralongkorn has been the King of Thailand since his father died in 2016. With an estimated net worth of $30 billion, Vajiralongkorn is the world's wealthiest ruler as of 2020.

Before his coronation, the King married his longtime partner and personal bodyguard, Maha Vajiralongkorn, in a surprise ceremony.

However, in July, he bestowed the title of Royal Noble Consort to Sineenat Wongvajirapakdi, a former army nurse believed to be another longtime girlfriend. She was later spotted wearing a crop top and piloting a plane, according to pictures released by Reuters.

Source: Insider

Protesting against royal reforms is extremely dangerous in Thailand, which has some of the strictest lèse-majesté (to do wrong to majesty) laws in the world.
Thai King Maha Vajiralongkorn presides over the annual royal ploughing ceremony at the Sanam Luang park in Bangkok, Thailand, on May 9, 2019. Anusak Laowilas/NurPhoto via Getty Images
Anyone who "defames, insults or threatens the king, queen, heir-apparent or regent" in the country can face up to 15 years in prison on each charge, according to the Guardian.
Source: The Guardian


More than 20 people have been arrested this week, including three protest leaders.
A Thai police chief speaks to pro-democracy protestors while they rally on October 15, 2020, in Bangkok, Thailand. Lauren DeCicca/Getty Images

Prominent protest leader Parit Chiwarak, otherwise known as Penguin, was also arrested.
"For our future, we demand three things. First, Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-0-cha must resign. Second, we want to rewrite the constitution, and third, we demand reformation of the entire monarchy," Chiwarak told the Guardian last week.
Source: The Guardian

Protesters have also been wearing white ribbons and chanting "Free our friends!" in reference to those detained in the crackdown.
A protester makes a white ribbon as a symbol of peace in front of a police officer during anti-government protests in Bangkok, Thailand on October 15, 2020. Reuters/Soe Zeya Tun
Source: BBC

Thousands of people defied the emergency decree hours after it was issued on Thursday, gathering in Bangkok's busy Ratchaprasong intersection.
Pro-democracy protestors attend a rally at the Ratchaprasong intersection on October 15, 2020, in Bangkok, Thailand. Lauren DeCicca/Getty Images

People were chanting "release our friends" and called police "slaves of dictatorship", according to the Guardian. Deputy police spokesman Kissana Phathanacharoe said student leaders who had called for a protest on Thursday were "clearly breaking the law," the paper reported.
Source: The Guardian


In response, a large force of police officers in riot gear were sent to the streets to advance on protesters. Although the protest was mainly peaceful, pictures from the scene did show some clashes and a handful of protesters being arrested.
Police officers march in position behind riot shields in Bangkok, Thailand, on October 15, 2020. Reuters/Athit Perawongmetha TPX Images of the Day
Source: BBC

"Like dogs cornered, we are fighting till our deaths," Panupon Jadnok, one of the protest leaders told crowds on Thursday. "We won't fall back. We won't run away. We won't go anywhere."
Pro-democracy protesters show the three-finger salute as they gather demanding the release of detained leaders in Bangkok, Thailand on October 15, 2020. Reuters/Jorge Silva
Source: The Guardian

Transit shutdowns fail to deter Thai 
pro-democracy protests

Jerry Harmer, Associated Press Updated Saturday, October 17, 2020

Pro-democracy protesters march during a protest in Udom Suk, suburbs of Bangkok, Thailand, Saturday, Oct. 17, 2020. The authorities in Bangkok shut down mass transit systems and set up roadblocks Saturday  Photo: Gemunu Amarasinghe, AP
IMAGE 1 OF 23


BANGKOK (AP) — Pro-democracy activists in Thailand staged a fourth straight day of high-profile protests in the capital on Saturday, thwarting efforts by the authorities to stop them, including a shutdown of the city's mass transit systems.

Unlike protests a day earlier, in which police used a water cannon to disperse protesters, Saturday's demonstrations were peaceful, with no reports of any clashes by the time participants started heading home in the evening.

The protesters are calling for Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha to leave office, the constitution to be amended to make it more democratic and the nation’s monarchy to undergo reform.

All stations of Bangkok’s elevated Skytrain transit system were closed Saturday afternoon to try to keep protesters from gathering. The underground MRT system was also shut, and police blocked off several roads.

Protesters met anyway as planned at the Skytrain stations, where they held small impromptu rallies, in effect establishing a temporary but active presence across the city.

The organizers then issued a fresh advisory for followers to gather at three stations outside the city’s central area, where access was easier. Once that was announced, money was pooled by participants so they could take taxis to get around the transit shutdown.

“Right now we can do nothing much,” said a 26-year-old hotel worker who asked to be called only Veronica. “What we can do right now is only show our power to let the outside see."

Several thousand people gathered in multiple locations, with some taking turns airing their views over a megaphone. By the evening, police had not disturbed them, even when some groups took to marching in the street. Protesters began dispersing at 8 p.m., the time organizers had said the protests would end.

The protesters acted despite a state of emergency imposed by Prayuth on Thursday that makes them all subject to arrest.

They also appeared not to be cowed by a crackdown on their rally in central Bangkok on Friday night, in which riot police backed up by water cannons cleared the streets in about an hour.

No major injuries were reported from that confrontation. It was the first time in three months of sporadic protests that the authorities have employed such forceful tactics against the student-led movement.


A 20-year-old student who used the name Ryo said Friday night’s events had hardened his resistance.

“I respect people’s political opinions, but after yesterday’s incident, I feel it was so harsh, perpetrating violence against unarmed people who had no weapons to fight back,” he said.

Protective gear such as goggles was distributed Saturday at some venues.

Friday night’s violent dispersal led the People’s Party, the protesters' umbrella organization, to declare in a statement that “the government and military have established themselves as the enemy of the people,” Most of the group’s top leaders have been arrested.

The protesters have been doing their best to elude the authorities, using social media to assemble followers before police have time to block them. The government has announced plans to take legal action against Twitter and Facebook accounts that announce the protests, but fresh calls to action were posted Saturday.

The protesters charge that Prayuth, who as army commander led a 2014 coup that toppled an elected government, was returned to power unfairly in last year’s general election because laws had been changed to favor a pro-military party. The protesters say a constitution promulgated under military rule and passed in a referendum in which campaigning against it was illegal is undemocratic.

The call by the protesters for reform of the monarchy has significantly raised the political temperature in Thailand, angering many older conservative Thais for whom any critical discussion of the royal family is tantamount to treason.

King Maha Vajiralongkorn and other key members of the royal family are protected by a lese majeste law that has regularly been used to silence critics who risk up to 15 years in prison if deemed to have insulted the institution.

Prayuth’s declaration of a state of emergency said the measure was necessary because “certain groups of perpetrators intended to instigate an untoward incident and movement in the Bangkok area by way of various methods and via different channels, including causing obstruction to the royal motorcade.”

He was referring to an incident Wednesday that showed some members of a small crowd heckling a motorcade carrying Queen Suthida and Prince Dipangkorn as it slowly passed.

On Friday, two activists were arrested under a law covering violence against the queen for their alleged part in the incident. They could face up to life in prison if convicted. They denied any wrongdoing.

 

Thailand’s protest movement gains momentum amid a government crackdown

Thai protesters defied a ban on large gatherings to call for the prime minister’s resignation.

Protesters attend a rally on October 17, 2020, in Bangkok, Thailand. This rally marks the latest in a string of anti-government protests that began in late July, as students and protesters call for governmental reform.
 Getty Images

In Bangkok, Thailand, on Saturday, tens of thousands took part in continuing pro-democracy protests following a government crackdown Friday, which saw riot police unleash water cannons containing a chemical irritant on crowds calling for the resignation of Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha.

Protests against the prime minister began in March this year, following the dissolution of a popular pro-democracy party, but have dramatically increased in size this week, with crowds numbering in the tens of thousands.

The government responded to these growing protests with an emergency decree on Thursday, which banned groups of more than five people and gave police the authority to make areas of Bangkok off limits to protesters. Along with this new measure have come the arrests of protesters, including a human rights lawyer and several student activists.

The protesters have released several demands, chief among them that the prime minister resign. A former general, Prayuth seized power in a 2014 military coup. A new constitution was put in place by military leaders three years later that sets aside parliament seats for military officials — so many that protesters argue the prime minister will maintain power regardless of the outcome of elections.

As Panu Wongcha-um reported for Reuters, protesters made three demands in July: “the dissolution of parliament, an end to harassment of government critics, and amendments to the military-written constitution.”

Demonstrators are still working towards those goals, but increasingly, protesters are demanding changes to the country’s monarchy as well.

As Richard Bernstein has explained for Vox, citizens of Thailand have traditionally avoided statements that could be seen as critical of the royal family, which is currently led by King Maha Vajiralongkorn, due to the country’s “lèse-majesté laws, which outlaw ‘defaming, insulting, or threatening’ of a member of the royal family.”

That has changed: For example, at an August protest, a student protest leader gave a speech accusing the government of “fooling us by saying that people born into the royal family are incarnations of gods and angels,” and asking, “Are you sure that angels or gods have this kind of personality?”

The king, who ascended to the throne four years ago, rules largely from Europe, but has nevertheless spent extravagantly and “steadily amassed power” in a way that harks back to the bygone days of Thailand’s absolute monarchy, according to the Economist. His support for the prime minister has frustrated Prayuth’s critics, and his successful efforts to bring royal wealth and military forces under his direct control have led some protesters to call for new limits on the monarchy’s powers.

Arrests for breaching the country’s lèse-majesté laws have continued, and Friday, two protesters were charged under an obscure law for “an act of violence against the queen’s liberty,” — in this case, for yelling near Queen Suthida Vajiralongkorn Na Ayudhya’s motorcade. The two protesters face a potential sentence of life in prison for “endangering the royal family.”

These charges — as well as threats from the prime minister — have not deterred the protesters. After Friday’s police offensive, the demonstrations that continued Saturday appear to have remained largely peaceful — and were well-attended despite a shutdown of Bangkok public transit. As many as 23,000 people turned out at several locations around the city, according to a police estimate reported by the Bangkok Post.

“The goal is to change the whole political system, including the monarchy and the prime minister,” one Bangkok student told the New York Times.

A democratic legitimacy crisis

As Vox’s Zeeshan Aleem explained in August, Thailand’s protests hinge on the tenuous legitimacy of the current government.

Though current prime minister Prayuth ostensibly won another mandate in 2019, the results of that election are disputed. Since then, a major opposition party has been disbanded by the courts, and pro-democracy activist Wanchalearm Satsaksit was reported as disappeared in Cambodia, possibly taken on the orders of the Thai government.

Wanchalearm hasn’t been seen since his abduction in June, and Jakrapob Penkair, another dissident living in exile, told the BBC in July that Wanchalearm, also known as Tar, was likely dead.

“I think the message is: ‘Let’s kill these folks. These are outsiders, these are people who are different from us and they should be killed in order to bring Thailand back to normalcy,’” Jakrapob said. “But nothing could be more wrong in that interpretation. I believe their decision to kidnap and murder Tar, and others before him, has been subconsciously radicalizing the people.”

The protest movement has been fueled by student activism, but lacks defined leadership, according to the BBC. That’s by design — activists have reportedly drawn inspiration from decentralized pro-democracy protests in Hong Kong in order to maintain momentum amid arrests.

In part in order to circumvent restrictions on speech, activists have also relied on pop culture symbolism at protests. According to Aleem,

Protesters have used creative methods drawn from the world of popular fiction to veil their criticism of the government and mitigate charges for violating restrictions on political speech. For example, some protesters have dressed up as characters from Harry Potter in order to advance their arguments against the government and monarchy. Other pro-democracy protesters display three-finger salutes inspired by the Hunger Games series.

The Thai government’s crackdown on protesters has been condemned by multiple international organizations. Human Rights Watch, for instance, argued that the ban on protests, as well as other new restrictions, meant that “rights to freedom of speech and holding peaceful, public assemblies are on the chopping block from a government that is now showing its truly dictatorial nature.” Amnesty International has decried the arrests of protesters as an intimidation tactic.

It’s unlikely that the protest movement will stop soon, though — even if the government’s response begins to echo the violent anti-protest crackdowns Bangkok saw in the 1970s.

“The dictatorship must be confronted by the people, even under the threat of arrest,” activist Panupong Jadnok told the Washington Post. “We won’t step back. We will fight until our death.”


 

Thailand imposes 'selfie rules' to discourage young protesters

Snapshots at marches considered incitement as rallies enter fifth day










A pro-democracy protester takes a selfie with a clown at a rally in Bangkok on Oct. 17.   © AP