Germany's anti-mask movement draws strange bedfellows

Issued on: 21/11/2020 - 

A demonstrator carries a mock grave marker inscribed "German Basic Law" (constitution) in Berlin on November 18 

Odd ANDERSEN AFP/File

Berlin (AFP)

A dancer in harem pants moves down a Berlin street next to a skinhead wearing a "Reich" flag: Germany's escalating anti-mask protests in the coronavirus pandemic draw from a wide, seemingly contradictory range of political camps.

A rally of nearly 10,000 opponents of government-imposed social restrictions to curb the spread of Covid-19 in Berlin this week brought together a motley band of demonstrators with ostensibly little in common -- apart from crumbling faith in institutions and representative democracy.

On Saturday, another demonstration is set to take place in the eastern city of Leipzig. The protest in the German capital, which led to 365 police detentions, gives a taste of what could be expected.


The scene in front of the Brandenburg Gate Wednesday marked a dizzying confluence of LGBT rainbow flags and Gandhi banners intermingled with posters for the increasingly international QAnon conspiracy movement.

Marchers wearing red Trump "MAGA" hats could be spotted in the crowd next to evangelicals, climate activists and "peace"-shouting hippies.

Most of the protesters remained peaceful while they railed against vaccines and dismissed the dangers of the virus, but a violent hard core attacked police.

Some 77 officers were injured at the demonstration, with Berlin police chief Barbara Slowik saying that "the brutality of the violence was immense."

"Some have told me that we have not experienced something like that in decades," she told the Tagesspiegel daily.

"We are moving away from a very colourful public and are now increasingly dealing with a spectrum of people who generally reject our system and are prepared to use extreme violence."

- New conspiracy theorists -

Repeating a common but false refrain of the demonstrations, one protester, Ina Meyer-Stoll, claimed: "The death rate isn't higher than ones you see for flu outbreaks."

Another activist on the streets, Achim Ecker, an erstwhile Greens voter in his 50s, said he had "lost confidence in the political parties" particularly with regard to potential approval of a vaccine.

Others' harmless appearance belied jaw-dropping views.

Grandmother Birgit Vogt, 75, denied the existence of the pandemic and didn't hesitate to draw a parallel between the restrictions and the seizure of dictatorial powers by the Nazis in 1933: "Fear and panic allow you to control the masses, as in Hitler's time".

"Just like after 9/11, which gave way to countless conspiracy theories, I worry that we're seeing the same phenomenon with the pandemic," warned Miro Dittrich of the anti-extremism group Amadeu Antonio Foundation.

He told AFP that such movements were "dramatically increasing their followers and many are newcomers. The shutdown has played a role, as people are cut off from their social environment and spend an extremely large amount of time online."

- 'Think differently' -

In the meantime, right-wing extremist groups and the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) party have been effective in harnessing a wide range of objections to the government response to the pandemic.

On Wednesday, about a dozen demonstrators began shouting "Sieg Heil" while performing the banned stiff-armed Hitler salute, in the presence of police, an AFP reporter saw.

Anti-Semitic slogans have been a fixture of some of the corona-sceptic demonstrations in Germany this year.

"The link between the conspiracy theorist scene and the far right is unfortunately quite logical because they have a lot in common," Dittrich said.

"Both believe that a small elite secretly controls events at the expense of 'the Germans', as well as controlling the mass media, and that the truth can only be found in 'alternative' media."

The umbrella group for most of the demonstrations since the outbreak of coronavirus is called Querdenken or "Lateral-thinkers".

Founded in Stuttgart, it calls itself a "freedom movement" that embraces "peaceful and non-partisan" ideals and claims to have more than 100,000 supporters, including personalities such as international footballer Thomas Berthold.

But "the organisers of Querdenken have shown in the past that they're not afraid of contact with the (virus) deniers and conspiracy theorists," warned Simon Teune, a researcher at Berlin's Technical University who specialises in protests.

"The original intention of the demonstrations -- namely to protest against the measures initiated by the state -- is often overshadowed," it said.

"Instead, they are being used to turn governments and the media themselves into 'objects of protest and hatred'."

© 2020 AFP

Rally Around the Flag? The Far-Right Response to Covid-19

11 SEPTEMBER 2020
Alexander Ruser
Amanda Machin

Europe’s far-right parties such as Alternative für Deutschland, the Lega and the Swedish Democrats have all struggled to find a message amid the pandemic. However, things might be changing. As populations tire of lockdowns and fear for their livelihoods, these parties are attempting to harness discontent and speak for “the people”. While some hope that scientific truths will win out against populist lies, the prominent place given to experts could produce a backlash. Ultimately the social and economic consequences of government measures will be decisive for the future of far-right populism.

The coronavirus pandemic has brought huge changes to all corners of the world. Daily life has been fundamentally transformed; working conditions, social events and international travel have all been disrupted. Besides the profound economic and social transformations in the wake of a global health crisis, how has the political landscape been affected? How have political parties fared? What has been the response of the far-right populist parties, who might have been expected to appreciate the closed borders? Six months ago, these parties were poised to make sweeping electoral gains. Before the pandemic, a populist surge was regarded by some as almost inevitable due to deep structural changes across Europe and the lack of political alternatives. An important question today is whether the coronavirus pandemic has dampened this surge or whether, on the contrary, it will provide it with new fuel.

Though there is good reason to be wary of sweeping generalisations and simplistic assumptions often made about populism in general, and right-wing populism in particular, it is worth comparing these parties in order to understand the variations and commonalities of far-right populism. Broadly speaking, populism works by championing “the people”, who are distinguished in populist discourse from “elites” or the “establishment”.[1] While left-wing populism makes the people an inclusive category, the populism of the far right constructs them in exclusive and ethnic terms, and distinguishes them from an unresponsive elite as well as from immigrants.[2]


Perhaps unsurprisingly in a war-like situation, we have witnessed what is referred to as a “rally around the flag” effect: many leaders and parties of governments have seen an increase in their approval ratings.

This division has apparently been difficult to maintain over recent months. Perhaps unsurprisingly in a war-like situation, we have witnessed what is referred to as a “rally around the flag” effect: many leaders and parties of governments have seen an increase in their approval ratings. This has made it difficult for far-right populist opposition parties to find and assert a strong message. And indeed, as Cas Mudde points out, “Populist parties and politicians have responded very differently, in part depending upon whether they are in government or opposition. They are also faced with very different contexts, both in terms of number of infections and control of the media.” Things might be changing. As populations tire of lockdowns and fear for their livelihoods, these parties are attempting to harness discontent and speak for the people against what is construed as hostile government policy.

This certainly seems to be the case with three far-right parties: the Italian Lega, the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) in Germany, and the Swedish Democrats (SD). These parties have had striking electoral successes over recent years. They have acted very differently in response to the coronavirus-induced crisis but they all seem to struggle to carve out an appealing message and a strong identity during the pandemic. Currently, these parties are all continuing to construct national government policy as illegitimate and damaging. What is most pertinently revealed in our comparison is that this indictment is made regardless of government response to the crisis. Whether the strategy is to enforce a lock-down or resist it, populist parties construct a division between the people and the “other” by exploiting the coronavirus crisis.


Whether the strategy is to enforce a lock-down or resist it, populist parties construct a division between the people and the “other” by exploiting the coronavirus crisis.
Wavering message, wavering support

The Italian Lega, led by Matteo Salvini, is certainly not letting up on its populist framing of the crisis. With slogans such as “let’s close our borders”, the Lega is notorious for connecting immigration to insecurity as well as promoting the fining and expulsion of migrants. The Lega connected the Covid-19 virus directly to immigration from the outset. According to Salvini, the “terrible virus” was “spreading from China”. Note that in his discourse, the specific characteristics of the migrant might have changed (they no longer come from Africa but from Asia), but the construction and blaming of a foreign other has not.

During the first months of the lockdown, this anti-immigration discourse seemed to be completely out of touch with reality. First of all, due to the lockdown, NGO rescue boats had effectively ceased to operate, resulting in a sharp decline of people reaching Italy. Secondly, concerns over fresh food shortages, created by the disruption of the influx of legal seasonal workers, has sparked an acknowledgement of the importance of illegal immigrants for Italy’s agricultural sector.

Up until now at least, Salvini’s messages have largely fallen flat. Part of the reason may be that the lively rallies, where the Lega thrives most, are now banned under social distancing rules. Another may be that he has promoted inconsistent messages and flip-flopped. In February, Salvini argued that the Italian Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte was not doing enough but by July, he began touting that the prime minister was doing too much. Now Salvini is pronouncing the lockdown as unnecessary and harmful to the Italian people: “keeping them terrified, distanced and locked up is an attack on our democracy and our economy.” Although the Lega remains Italy’s strongest party, with 26 per cent share of the national voting intention, it has slipped in the polls. Yet it is important to acknowledge this slip as not indicating a weakening of the far right in Italy, but rather shifts of popularity within the country. The Lega has lost 10 per cent to the post-fascist party Fratelli d’Italia (FdI), turning its leader and Salvini’s most important ally, Giorgia Meloni, into a potential rival.
Germany’s struggling far right

The challenge for the far right in Germany has not been to maintain a consistent message but rather to find one in the first place. Like the Lega, the AfD is overtly populist. Consider its 2017 manifesto in which the party publicised its wish to: “maintain our language and traditions in a peaceful, democratic, and sovereign nation state for the German people” since “Germany’s political class has exploited and modified election laws and procedures with increasing cunningness in order to reduce the influence of the electorate.” It also targets migrants, in particular Muslims (established Muslim communities are targeted too), unambiguously declaring that “Islam does not belong to Germany. Its expansion and the ever-increasing number of Muslims in the country are viewed by the AfD as a danger to our state, our society, and our values.”


[…] while the stringent travel restrictions and strict border controls fit within the far-right discourse, the enactment of such policies has deprived the AfD of a distinctive position.

The problem for the AfD since the pandemic, however, has been that the German Chancellor, Angela Merkel, has been widely credited with effectively managing the crisis. Her party, the Christian Democrats, has seen the most noticeable increase in support in Europe. And this simply does not fit with the AfD’s populist insinuation that elected elites do not serve the German people. So while the stringent travel restrictions and strict border controls fit within the far-right discourse, the enactment of such policies has deprived the AfD of a distinctive position.

In general, the leadership of the party has been quite subdued throughout 2020, and the party has slipped to 10 per cent of the national voting intention. The pandemic came at a time when the party was already dealing with internal division and party infighting. The party has a radical far-right wing (known as “the wing”) which was formally dissolved in late March 2020, after the German domestic intelligence agency deemed it a potential threat to the constitution and put it under surveillance. In addition, prominent figures in the party have been pushed out due to their former membership in a banned neo-Nazi group.

But the formal dissolution of the wing has clearly done nothing to stop some of its members from questioning the reality of the global health crisis: various prominent party figures and former wing members have publicly referred to the “alleged corona crisis” while one posted a “checklist” to distinguish a pandemic from a “fake pandemic”. Prominent wing activists have also been active in the so-called “Hygiene Demonstrations” which have drawn thousands of people in cities across Germany to protest the government’s coronavirus policy. Protestors blame Jews and immigrant communities for the spread of Covid-19 in Germany.

These responses have begun to dominate the public impression of the AfD’s current position, and party leaders are concerned that the connection of members to neo-fascist groups, conspiracy theorists and anti-vaccination activists will alienate more moderate conservative voters. The coronavirus has therefore exposed the cleavage between the national-conservative party mainstream and the marginalised far-right wing – a divide that may, according to former party leader Alexander Gauland, actually end with the dissolution of the party.


The coronavirus has […] exposed the cleavage between the national-conservative party mainstream and the marginalised far-right wing – a divide that may, according to former party leader Alexander Gauland, actually end with the dissolution of the party.
Swedish exceptionalism, one step too far for populists

In contrast to both Italy and Germany, countries that have been experiencing strict lockdown policies, Sweden has kept its schools, restaurants and borders open. Its exceptional approach to the pandemic has been defended as entirely in line with science. The Swedish Minister for Health and Social Affairs Lena Hallengren stated: “All countries do the best they can, but so far there is no one who knows exactly how to best deal with this virus”. Swedish health experts have been given priority over advice from the World Health Organization (WHO), especially since their strategy is considered more in line with cultural particularities of the Scandinavian country.

This has left the far-right SD in a difficult position. Over the last decade, they have sharply increased their share of the vote to 20 per cent. Their unambiguously populist and ethnic-majoritarian discourse constructs an ethnically homogenous Swedes as antagonised by immigrant-friendly and politically correct elites. In order to oppose the Swedish government, the SD not only decries the relatively high mortality rate resulting from Sweden’s solo run a “massacre”, but they also urge the government to fall in line with the “international consensus”. This is an odd situation: the Swedish government’s strategy on the coronavirus crisis is based on highlighting the country’s exceptionalism and, of all parties, the SD is advocating the adoption of international blueprints.
No time for a victory lap

What can be concluded from the comparison of the three parties? Despite operating in different political landscapes and coping with their own issues, these parties have, nevertheless, continued to maintain a populist division between the people and the other (discursively constructed as immigrants and elites). Until recently, this has not resonated with publics. Commentators have observed that, so far, the far right might well be floundering in opposition while those in power are also struggling. However, this may well not be the case for much longer. Far-right populist parties are using the crisis to continue to divide the people from others: immigrants, foreigners, and social and political elites. As Yannis Stavrakakis and Giorgos Katsambekis note in an important recent report, crises are often seen as particularly opportune moments for the exaggeration of social and political divisions. The unevenly distributed effects not only of the virus itself, but of the strategies to tackle it, create an environment ripe for far-right populism.


The unevenly distributed effects not only of the virus itself, but of the strategies to tackle it, create an environment ripe for far-right populism.

Whether populist messages strike a chord with voters in the near future may well hinge on the way the forthcoming economic turbulence and uncertainty is handled. The potential of far-right parties to speak to popular discontent will depend upon the extent to which government responses to the crisis are seen to be legitimate, representative and democratic. This applies not only to the national and regional but also the European level. The general lack of coordination between EU institutions and the bitter negotiations between the member states on post-pandemic relief efforts may have opened the opportunity to reinforce the far-right populist divisions between national peoples and European elites. FdI leader Meloni, for example, directly accused the European Commission president of bias: “When the coronavirus was just an Italian problem it didn’t interest anyone in the European Union. When we had the first red zones in Lombardy, Ursula von der Leyen was with Greta Thunberg. They only did things when the virus arrived in Germany.”

Some believe that the recent struggles of the far right can be seen as a result of the triumph of scientific truth and rational decision making. They claim that people have finally realised that in a crisis what is needed is expertise rather than the conspiracy theories, shocking exaggerations, blatant mistruths, and the entertaining antics of certain populist parties. However, these claims downplay the impact that developments in the upcoming months will have on public opinion of government policies, and the fact that the privileged role of scientists in political decision-making is in danger of being anti-democratic.


Any claim to epistemic authority, in the face of an unknown virus especially, can be challenged.

Politicians have relied upon the “epistemic authority” of medical experts, which has not only been a valuable resource during the pandemic but has allowed them to shift responsibility for stringent measures. However, any attempt to delegate policymaking to experts is likely to further justify populist backlash against professional elites. Any claim to epistemic authority, in the face of an unknown virus especially, can be challenged. Politicians have to choose experts from a large pool of trained professionals leaving plenty of room for criticising a particular choice. Moreover, different experts can deliver diverging or even directly contradictory advice.

The distinct path taken by Sweden illustrates that scientific evidence can be interpreted in various ways; in a context of uncertainty created by a health crisis, the prior scientific knowledge available is often deficit. To be democratically valid, a decision must not only be based on expertise but on genuine political debate between real alternatives. Governance of the pandemic should not only be a matter of following the science, but of sustaining a tangible commitment to economic equality, social justice and political discussion. If not, Europe might well witness a renewed surge of far-right populism.

FOOTNOTES

[1] Stavrakakis, Y. and Katsambekis, G., 2020. Populism and the pandemic: A collaborative report. Available at: < https://bit.ly/2Rc9kll > [Accessed 10 Sep. 2020].

[2] Ruth Wodak (2015). The politics of fear: what right-wing populist discourses mean. London : SAGE Publications Ltd.

REGULATING CAPITALI$M

Food health star ratings can improve diets, study finds

More evidence has emerged that food labelling can encourage manufacturers to improve product nutrition, but University of Melbourne experts say the star labelling system must be compulsory to make a big difference.

UNIVERSITY OF MELBOURNE

Research News

 

More evidence has emerged that food labelling can encourage manufacturers to improve product nutrition, but University of Melbourne experts say the star labelling system must be compulsory to make a big difference.

A team from the University of Melbourne, the University of Auckland, and the George Institute for Global Health analysed product nutrition labels in Sydney and Auckland supermarkets to see if the Health Star Rating system (HSR) made a difference to how the food industry formulates food.

Nutritional information is mandatory on the back of packaged Australian and New Zealand foods but HSR labels, which have appeared on the front since 2014 and rate a food from 0.5 (least healthy) to five (most healthy) stars, are voluntary.

The most comprehensive study of food industry response to the HSR system, published in PLOS Medicine, has confirmed that HSR labelling causes some products to become healthier.

The Australia and New Zealand Ministerial Forum on Food Regulation introduced the voluntary front-of-pack HSR and a published HSR calculator decides how many stars a food gets. HSR labels aim to improve diets by encouraging consumers to choose healthier products and prompting manufacturers to reformulate their products to be healthier.

This study looked at the reformulation effects of HSR labels. Researchers analysed nutrition and labelling information on packaged products in four major New Zealand supermarkets annually from 2013, and Sydney supermarkets Aldi, Coles, IGA, and Woolworths from 2014.

They tracked the nutrition information of 58,905 unique packaged food products to see if HSR labelling led to nutrient composition changes. Using the HSR calculator, they also scored unlabelled products to allow control comparisons.

Products that elected to display the HSR on-pack were 6.5 and 10.7 per cent more likely to increase their HSR score by 0.5 stars than those that didn't display the stars in Australia and New Zealand respectively.

New Zealand products with HSR showed a four per cent decline in salt content, while Australian products fell by 1.4 per cent. The HSR was associated with a 2.3 per cent decrease in sugar content in New Zealand and a statistically insignificant 1.1 per cent decline in Australia.

The healthiest products that would have scored four to five stars showed little healthier reformulation - most reformulation occurred in less healthy products with HSR labels.

In Australia, an average product with HSR that scored 0.5 to 1.5 stars lost 14kJ of energy per 100g (1.3 per cent), compared to a product that scored four to five stars which saw almost no changes in energy. Similar patterns were observed for almost all nutrients studied in both countries.

Lead author and University of Melbourne Research Fellow Dr Laxman Bablani said while the improvements sounded small, even modest changes could lead to big health impacts at a population level.

"If the labels were compulsory the impact could be much greater, as HSR adoption by the unhealthiest products was less than half that of the healthiest products," Dr Bablani said.

In 2019, around 15 per cent of products that scored two stars had HSR labels in both countries, compared to more than 35 per cent of those that scored four stars and above. Examples of positive reformulation included:

• A popular flavoured cracker now has six per cent less fat and roughly 10 per cent less sodium per 100g than before it adopted HSR labels in 2016. This took it from 1.5 to two stars.

• Several instant soup varieties cut sodium and energy to increase their rating from three to 3.5 stars in the year they were labelled.

• A major supermarket branded barbeque sauce cut sugar by 4.5g per 100g (9.6 per cent) in 2017 when it adopted HSR labels.

University of Auckland Professor Cliona Ni Mhurchu said the HSR could have a much bigger impact if more unhealthy products adopted it.

"Our study suggests that the total effect of HSR on supporting healthier population diets could be markedly increased if it was adopted by many more products," Professor Ni Mhurchu said.

"In short, it suggests that making the HSR mandatory would generate substantially greater public health benefits than the current voluntary system."

Senior author and University of Melbourne Professor Tony Blakely agreed compulsory HSR labels could improve unhealthy foods.

"There is little incentive for manufacturers to label unhealthy foods voluntarily," Professor Blakely said.

"If it was compulsory, the quality of packaged food would improve, and consumers may possibly make better choices about healthy and unhealthy foods."

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Disclaimer: AAAS and EurekAlert! are not responsible for the

Mysterious remains of a huge, 'ship-shaped' house discovered near the Viking ship grave at Gjellestad

Archaeologists suggest that the almost 40-metre-long building may have been a house for ancient rituals, or a feasting hall.

This is all that remains of the houses near Gjellestadhaugen. To the right you can see the holes that were discovered using ground-penetrating radar-technology. They imply that there once was a huge, 40-metre-long house at H3. Could this be an ancient feasting hall, or a place of worship? 

(Photo: Gustavsen et al/Antiquity 2020)

Lasse Biørnstad

JOURNALIST
Thursday 12. november 2020 - 

When archaeologist first examined Gjellestad in 2018, they were having a rather bad day at work, says Lars Gustavsen. He is an archaeologist at the Norwegian Institute for Cultural Heritage Research (NIKU).

The archaeologists were examining the site with a ground-penetrating radar, an instrument that uses radar pulses to map patterns and artifacts found under the ground. The georadar is mounted on a small tractor or an ATV.

“It was so wet that day, that we kept getting stuck, and repeatedly had to get help getting out”, Gustavsen says to sciencenorway.no.

But as the data they had collected was transferred to the computer, the world underneath them started to reveal itself. The images showed them a place that was probably very important in the ancient history of Norway.

“So all of a sudden it was a very good day at work”, Gustavsen says.

Burial mounds used to be lined up here

The most famous part of the Gjellestad-site, is the grave containing the Gjellestad Viking ship. This ship is currently under excavation, making it Norway’s first Viking Ship excavation in 100 years. The archaeologists who examined the findings found that it had to be excavated as soon as possible due to extremely unfavourable conditions.

But this ship grave was one of the last things that were built at Gjellestad, which is to be found near the city of Halden in South-Eastern Norway, on the eastern shores of the Oslofjord.

Currently, the only burial mound left is the large Jell Mound, but once upon a time burial mounds were lined up one after the other on this site. A site that may have played an important role in the surrounding society for several hundreds of years.

The mounds were leveled to the ground several decades ago, due to modern farming.

The meaning of the site at Gjellestad is now being discussed in a recent scientific article in the journal Antiquity. Sciencenorway.no has spoken to Lars Gustavsen, who led the work with the new study.

What was in that big building?

From the radar images, the archaeologists could see that four buildings were placed close to the burial mounds. You can see this yourself in the illustration at the top of this article.

This has not been excavated yet, so the researchers are left to interpret what the buildings may have been based on the images from the radar pulses.

Not much is left from the buildings, but you can se rows of holes. These are postholes. These holes were for solid posts that held up the entire roof of the building, Gustavsen explains.

One of these buildings, called H3, is being highlighted by the researchers as something special. It’s very large compared to other buildings found from this same period of time in this same area. The building is 38 metres long and seven metres wide. The placements of the postholes suggest that the building had outwardly curved walls, convex walls, sort of in the shape of a ship.

The postholes are so big that it is likely that this was a very tall and large building. The placement of the building would have made it visible in the landscape, so it could have had the function of a landmark.

Finally, there are no signs of this being a building where people lived. There are for instance no findings of a fire pit. In the article, the researchers argue that this could have been a cult house or a feasting hall.

“It could have been like a high seat of a chieftain, where perhaps everything from networking to religious rituals took place. There could have also been abundant drinking and brawls here.


“The other buildings that surround this large one are also odd, which draws our interpretations toward a house of rituals”, says Gustavsen.

In the scientific article, the archaeologists argue that Gjellestad could have been a so-called high-status ‘central-place’ in the Late Nordic Iron Age (AD 550–1050) in this part of Norway. But what does that mean?

To the left you can see a diagram showing all the burial mounds in Gjellestad. To the right you can see the pictures from the geo-radar. The Ship-grave can be seen clearly at the bottom of both pictures. 

(Photo: Gustavsen et al/Antiquity 2020)

Wealthy people?

As the name suggests, this could have been an important place.

The typical features of such places are that there are burial mounds with rich findings, possible ritual buildings, and also trade and production of goods, says Gustavsen.

The researchers aren’t sure that trade and production took place nearby, but Gustavsen believes there are good chances it did.

“This is a place that expresses a position of power in the landscape”, he says.

“The family or the people who made these buildings, are maintaining their position of power by showing off with these buildings and these burials mounds”, says the archaeologist.

Several other features also suggest that this was a seat for the elite. In the Gjellestad mound, where the ship was buried, they have used turf collected from a different location – which suggests that great resources were used here.

You can read more about this in this article from The Norwegian Institute for Cultural Heritage Research: The Gjellestad burial mound belonged to the Iron Age elite.

But the timeline for this place is still not clear.

The ship grave was the last addition

Several clues suggest that the first burial mounds are from around 500 AD. This is called the age of migration in Norway, and is part of the Norwegian Iron Age.

But there are few good datings from this place. Archaeologists cannot date the place based on the images from the georadar. In order to date the place properly with a carbon dating, they need biological material which has not been contaminated, for instance coal from a fire pit.

The Viking ship has so far been dated to having been built some time between late in the 700s and early in the 900s, in other words early Viking age.

“We can with certainty say that this ship grave is one of the last things that happens on this site”, says Gustavsen.

He tells sciencenorway.no that this can be interpreted in different ways. Either this is a dominant family fortifying its position by placing a large and eye-catching ship grave on the site.

“Or it could be another family coming in and taking over. They are then demonstrating the take-over by placing their ship grave in an already existing site of power”, he says, adding that:

“We may never know which it is”.

If this area is to be excavated in the future, Gustavsen believes it would be useful to get good carbon dating from the different buildings and the burial mounds. Then we could find out if the buildings were built here at the same time, or if it was a place that developed over centuries.

“We also don’t know why this place was important. Did they perhaps have control over the sea lane, or control of the roads?”.

There are still many unanswered questions about Gjellestad.

Translated by: Ida Irene Bergstrøm

Reference:

Gustavsen et al: Gjellestad: a newly discovered ‘central place’ in south-east Norway. Antiquity, 2020. DOI: 10.15184/aqy.2020.39.

Remains of what may be a temple where Norse gods were worshiped have been found in Norway

Researchers believe they have found the remains of a pagan temple, where Vikings made sacrifices to gods like Thor and Odin. If so, then this would be the first Norse temple identified in Norway.

South of the settlement was the cult house, which here is illustrated using planks. (Photo: University of Bergen)

Simen Høseggen

JOURNALIST
Wednesday 14. october 2020 - 10:42

The find was uncovered during an excavation of the Ose farm in Ørsta, in Møre og Romsdal County. The regional bureau of the Norwegian Broadcasting Corporation, NRK, was first to report on the find.

Researchers found evidence that people have been calling the location home for a long time, perhaps as far back as the 6th century.

But it’s not the remains of houses and longhouses that got people’s attention.

Instead, it was evidence on the ground of a large structure, as long as fourteen metres and eight metres wide, with evidence of thick walls and smoky rituals.

The researchers believe this was a so-called god's temple or pagan temple. A place where people made sacrifices to Odin and his extended family, before Christianity came to Norway.

Very rare

“This is the first of its kind in Norway,” Søren Diinhoff said to sciencenorway.no.

Diinhoff is a researcher at the University of Bergen who is in charge of the dig.

The researchers started their excavation because new homes were going to be built in the field, but Diinhoff says that he and his colleagues had suspicions that they would find something even before they put a shovel in the ground.

“The northern part of the area already contains a historic yard for the Ose farm, so we knew there was a high likelihood of at least finding a medieval settlement,” he said.

And it is precisely in the northern part of the field that researchers have now uncovered evidence of several buildings. The team has not yet sent pieces of charcoal for dating, but the settlement probably dates back to the 6th century AD.

“It has been difficult to find this settlement for many years,” Diinhoff said.

He says this is probably because Viking-era buildings were located inside and under the current farm yard.

“Unfortunately, it’s not that often that archaeologists have the opportunity to dig in places like this. Being able to excavate Ose is of great value,” he said.

The northern part of the excavation. Here, the researchers found traces of long-term settlement. To the right you can see rows of posts from a large longhouse dated to the middle of the Iron Age. To the left are ten pillars from a longhouse from around the 13th century. (Photo: University of Bergen)

Viking religious life

Several sources provide an insight into the northerners' religious life during the Iron Age, including traces of burial customs and rituals, sacrificial sites in the landscape, and buildings that show evidence of cults or worship.

Other researchers have previously presented what they believe are similar findings. Diinhoff says it’s not that simple.

“Just because you have found a fireplace and a gold bracteate (a type of gold jewellery) it doesn’t mean you have found what we found. A spade may be a spade, but not everything is a house for the worship of the gods,” he said.

Some of the finds that provide evidence of the northerners' spiritual life are pits — cooking pits. Large clusters of cooking pits were common during the middle of the Iron Age in the areas between farms.


Diinhoff himself believes that these places, with their raised terraces and water views, are what are called "horg" in old texts. Researchers have found these kinds of places in Hardanger, for example.

“These were a ritual sacrificial site where consecrated meals were prepared for religious celebrations,” he said.

Read more about one such possible sacrificial site in this article, produced and financed by NTNU: More than 1000 cooking pits of yore found in one area. Was this a ritual gathering place?

Gods like Odin and Thor could have been honoured in buildings like this. This reconstruction is modest, as the researchers want to wait until they get more information about the dating of the site. (Photo: Ragnar Børsheim / University of Bergen)
Upheavals

Researchers have found evidence of major societal changes throughout the Roman Iron Age.

Contact with the aging Roman Empire and Germanic tribes in the south increased, and the farms with the best soil expanded considerably — some were up to seven times larger than they were before.

An elite of rich peasant families held power, farmers with large landholdings left behind rich graves, imported goods and large farms.

“It was expected that the families on the large farms would seize power and control in society. The big farmer (chief) was now the lawgiver, warlord and leader of the cult,” says Diinhoff.

During this period, the cooking pit fields and parties moved indoors — into large halls, under the chief's control.

“We see this in Ose. We have what is probably a large longhouse from the middle of the Iron Age, and we have a cooking pit field. We also have a strange circular enclosure with a small hut in it in the southern part of the longhouse,” he said.

“This find has quite a few parallels in southern Scandinavia, where it is also considered to be evidence of worship,” says Diinhoff, who added that a ritual penis-shaped stone had been found at Ose earlier

This is how the inside of the structure may have looked, when the gods were given tributes. “When we have more information on the dating, we can add more information about the furnishings that would be inside,” says Diinhoff.

 (Photo: University of Bergen)

Large temple

“All in all, it’s clear there was a large farm established at Ose sometime towards the end of the older Iron Age, and this farm has had a central function in the cult in the area,” Diinhoff said.

“Then, later in the younger Iron Age, we have the distinctive building that we see as a place of worship,” he said.

This is where the big house of the gods comes in.

It was fourteen metres in length, and seven metres in width. The walls were strong, and four posts in the centre of the building supported an elevated central section. In short, a significant building.

“There are really no other parallels than a handful of buildings from southern Scandinavia that are this kind of place of worship. They have been found in a few very large settlements, such as Uppåkra (in Skåne, in southern Sweden) and Tissø (in Sjælland in Denmark).

“These structures appear at a time when we have the first indications of the worship of Odin, and thus the Nordic gods. And since this is a house of worship that belonged to the elite of society, there is little doubt that this is the foremost house of worship in the Norse religion,” he said.

"Osehuset" is a clear parallel to the southern Scandinavian structures, the researcher said.

“It has the same size, the same appearance. It is surrounded by thick, charcoal-containing layers of coke, and had it not been for the acidic soil, then surely many animal bones,” he said.

Danish archaeologist not quite convinced

Søren Sindbæk, professor of archaeology at Aarhus University in Denmark, says that the newly discovered building is reminiscent of a house of the gods like the one found in Skåne.

“At Uppåkrå and other areas that have been said to be places of worship and houses of the gods, a number of objects and sacrificial offerings have also been found that support the theory. But I don’t see that they have found these things in Ørsta,” Sindbæk said to the website videnskab.dk.

“The most common feature of localities we have recognized as pre-Christian cult buildings is the discovery of destroyed weapons, which appear to have been part of the cult. We have seen this both at Tissø and Uppåkrå,” he said.

“So if they had found three or four curved spearheads in Ørsta, I would have been very excited about the find. But without having found those kinds of objects, it is difficult to be convinced that it is a place of worship,” Sindbæk said.

However, the archaeologists have found the same kinds of gold objects that have been found in Sweden and Denmark. Diinhoff believes this is due to the fact that Osehuset dates to the Viking Age, while the other gold finds have been made in temples from the age of migration.

“Had the floor layer in our house been preserved, we would probably also have found objects offered in sacrifice,” Diinhoff says.

This is how the researchers worked: an excavator removed the top soil layer. Behind it came researchers who combed the area, and mapped all finds. 

(Photo: University of Oslo.)

Unique?

The findings are described by the University of Bergen as “unique”; but Diinhoff is more modest. When asked if this is a fantastic find, he answers:

“Not really. At least it shouldn’t be. The fact is, however, that it is the first of its kind in Norway,” he said.

He points out that there has been discussion about similar finds having been made in Norway, but says that he doesn’t think that is the case, even though he says that some colleagues have been close.

“For example, when gold foil figures (small thin pieces of beaten gold that have been stamped with a motif) have been found under medieval churches, it is probably a house of worship like this that was once there. But the buildings themselves have not been found until now,” he said. “So yes, the find is rare.”

Read more about gold foil figures in this article: The mystery from pre-Viking days: Only the most powerful had these little pieces of gold

When the Norse religion disappeared, and Christianity came to the elites, these places of worship perhaps disappeared under the churches, and were thus wiped out.

“It is also a strange coincidence that we also find cooking pit fields near the early churches. The connection is that these were the place where people worshipped for a long time,” says Diinhoff.

“First as a cooking pit field (horg), then a house of the gods (hov), and finally a church. At Ose, the house of the gods was preserved because the first church was not built here, but on one of the neighbouring farms,” he said.

Translated by: Nancy Bazilchuk

Record high levels of CO2 and methane in the atmosphere over Norway in 2019

For the 19th year in a row, record high levels of CO2 and methane were measured in the atmosphere over Norway, according to new numbers.



Pictured here is the Zeppelin observatory in Spitsbergen, the largest of the islands in Svalbard. (Photo: Ove Hermansen/Nilu)

NTBNORWEGIAN NEWS AGENCY
Friday 20. november 2020 - 13:30

The observations from 2019 show that the annual average CO2 concentration in the atmosphere that year was 411,9 parts per million (ppm) at Zeppelin in Svalbard. This is 2,6 ppm more than the year before.

At Birkenes in Agder, the concentration is 416,1 ppm, which is 0,9 ppm higher than the year before.

This is according to a report by NILU, the Norwegian Institute for Air Research, commissioned by the Norwegian Environment Agency.
Concentration of CO2 is increasing

“We have observed new CO2-records at Zeppelin every year since 2001”, says Cathrine Lund Myhre from NILU in a press release.


“As long as we keep emitting more CO2 than that which is stored, the concentration in the atmosphere will continue to increase”, she says.

If the world is to keep the temperature below the 2 degree limit, the concentration of CO2 needs to stabilize at a level below 400 ppm over time.
Increased concentration of methane

When it comes to methane, the annual average was measured to 1961,2 parts per billion (ppb) at Birkenes, and 1952,9 ppb at Zeppelin.

Compared to 2018-levels, this represents an increase at Zeppelin of 14,3 ppb, the highest annual increase ever registered. At Birkenes, the increase was also considerable, at 8,2 ppb.

According to Lund Myhre, the increase in the concetration of methane is still a mystery to the researchers.

“We don’t know for certain whether the increase is due to emissions of methane from human activity, or if it is because climate change has started processes in nature that release more methane into the atmosphere”, Lund Myhre says.

Translated by: Ida Irene Bergstrøm

The far left: What happens when activist groups are labelled violent extremists?

Little research has been done on extreme left activists. Now, two researchers have looked at what happens when they are labelled as violent. Researchers who study extremism believe that the findings can be transferred to activists on the far right.

The Swedish Syndikalisterna (Central organisation of the Workers of Sweden) and the Revolutionary Front are among the groups on the far left that Swedish authorities believe society should be on guard against. But research shows that branding them as violent could lead to further radicalization. The same probably applies to the far right, says one researcher. (Photo: HENRIK MONTGOMERY / NTB)

Siw Ellen Jakobsen

JOURNALIST
Sunday 25. october 2020 

#Following terrorist attacks in the early 2000s, many countries introduced various measures to prevent radicalization and violent extremism.

Sweden – more so than Norway – has named organizations that they believe society should be wary of.

Four of these groups are to be found on the left side of politics.

The goal of the authorities and the security police has been to prevent recruitment and mobilization in these groups.
Created debate


Groups have been named in public reports and documents. These have not only been disseminated among the police, but also among teachers and social workers who work preventively. The names have also spread to the public.

This created debate in Sweden, both in the media and in local communities.

When the Swedish government made the names public in an action plan against extremism in 2015, 15 Swedish professors were among those who reacted.

In an opinon piece in the national Swedish newspaper Dagens Nyheter they wrote that it was wrong to label non-violent political activism against injustice and oppression as violent, even if activist actions included breaking the law.

Rune Ellefsen has studied far left activists. 

Little research has been done on them until now. (Photo: UiO)

Interviewed 31 people

Two researchers have now studied the Swedish groups that were so labelled.

The groups they targeted are: Antifascistisk aktion (Anti-Fascist Action, AFA), Syndikalistiska Ungdomsförbundet (Anarcho-Syndicalist Youth Federation, SUF), Revolutionära Fronten (Revolutionary Front, RF) and Förbundet Allt åt Alla (Association Everything to Everyone, AåA).

“These groups were all very active in the early 2000s. Today the RF has disbanded, and AFA is less active. The other two groups are still active,” says Rune Ellefsen, a criminologist and researcher at the University of Oslo.

Ellefsen and Jan Jämte, a political scientist at Örebro University in Sweden, interviewed 31 people connected to the far left in Sweden.

Twenty of them are from the four groups named above. The others are part of the left-wing radical movement around them.

The researchers also reviewed almost 4000 actions carried out by these groups and categorized them based on whether they were conventional (legal), transgressive (on the border between legal-illegal) or violent (towards property or persons).
Two groups use violence, two are more peaceful

Two of the groups studied have used a lot of violent tactics, although they have also carried out many conventional and transgressive actions.

Violence has mainly been directed at people the activists consider neo-Nazis and fascists.

One example is the 2014 conviction of eight people from the Revolutionary Front for gross abuse of Nazis, according to svt.se.

The researchers found that Antifascistisk aktion also employed a lot of violent tactics.

On the other hand, their findings show that the other two groups – Syndikalistiska ungdomsförbundet and Förbundet Allt åt alla – almost never use violence. In a few actions, they have destroyed private property.

These groups have a broader political commitment. They are engaged in issues such as racism and fascism, but are to a greater extent also involved with labour market, welfare and housing issues.

Double effect

In the interviews, the researchers were interested in the consequences of stigmatizing these activists as violent extremists.

How has labelling and stigmatization affected their activism at the individual level and at the organizational level?

The goal of the Swedish authorities and the security police has been to disrupt and limit activists’ activities, but the researchers believe this approach has been shown to have a double effect.

“Labelling groups has made it more difficult for them to pursue activism. For example, they’ve been banned from school events where they used to have permission to distribute brochures to students. It’s also become more difficult for activist groups to rent public spaces for events,” says Ellefsen.

But the consequences seem to be greatest for individuals. Many of them fear that being part of a group stigmatized by the authorities could lead to more sanctions from the police, problems in the workplace or more harassment from right-wing extremist groups.

At the same time, researchers have found that some people see the label as a feather in their cap.

“They’ve received positive confirmation that they’re considered a threat by the authorities, which is something they want. The labelling boosts their self-image. Some of the interviewees said it’s motivating.”
May have a radicalizing effect

The activists who do not use violent tactics and who work more openly to engage people politically, find being branded as violent to be the biggest problem, says Ellefsen.

"They've experienced problems with the 'wrong people' being attracted to their group. Suddenly they ave to deal with people who come because they want to take part in militant actions", he says.

Ellefsen believes that the stigma of being labelled as violent has marginalized and isolated them more.

They have become more cautious about being open about their political involvement, both private and public, even if they don’t employ violence.

“We know from other research that when groups become more isolated, this can contribute to radicalization,” the researcher says.

It’s paradoxical that the groups that operate the most openly and non-violently are the most negatively affected, says Ellefsen.

“These are the groups the authorities woul wish to impact the least. The most militant groups aren’t affected that much. They’re already covert organizations, but could become more so and more radicalized."
Don’t know much about what measures work

The whole Nordic region underwent massive mobilization efforts to prevent violent extremism between 2013 and 2015.

This work was primarily aimed at militant Islamists who might become foreign fighters who would go to support the Islamic State (IS).

In the wake of the terrorist attacks in the United States in 2001, says Ellefsen, a large amount of research has been done on radicalization and what happens when a person is radicalized.

“But we know less about which measures actually work. There’s a lot of trial and error here. Often we don’t know whether the measures fulfil the authorities' intention or if they instead bring about undesirable results.”

Ellefsen thinks it’s natural to ask whether Sweden’s approach might be working against its purpose and in fact trigger further radicalization.

“We should also question what scientific basis the authorities have based their assumptions on since they’ve identified groups that are mainly non-violent,” he says.
Less active in Norway

Norway has taken a different approach in tackling radicalization, Ellefsen says.

The Norwegian authorities have not been as open about naming the groups that they believe pose a threat. This topic is primarily discussed in communications between the Police Security Service (PST), the police and the other actors who play important roles in preventing radicalization and violent extremism both locally and regionally.

The left wing radical groups Tjen Folket (Serve the People) and Antifascistisk aksjon (Anti-Fascist Action) are probably the main groups of concern, to the extent they are a topic at all.

“We recently published a study in which we interviewed people in Sweden who work with prevention, the police and locally. Our interviewees believe that the level of activity in the Swedish groups is low now. They don’t see them as a threat like they see militant Islamists and right-wing extremists,” says Ellefsen.

From his own research on the prevention of radicalization in Norway, he believes that the situation is quite similar there.

Jacob Aasland Ravndal is researching the far right. He believes that repressing them could also lead to radicalization. (Photo: UiO)

“The level of activity can change quickly, however, and largely depends on the activity among the far-right groups that their actions are aimed at,” he says.
Do results also apply to the far right?

Jacob Aasland Ravndal is a researcher at the University of Oslo’s Center for Extremism Research (C-REX). He has read Ellefsen’s and Jämte’s article and finds it interesting, for two reasons in particular.

First, there is generally little research on the far left. Secondly, research on counter-reactions, or repression, among activists is limited.

Ravndal's topic of research is right-wing extremists.

He thinks it's interesting that the public acceptance is higher for the authorities to repress actors from the far right versus the far left.

A basic assumption in terrorist research and other research is that extremist attitudes are often about perceived repression. But it isn’t seen as quite so legitimate to explain right-wing extremism in this way, Ravndal believes.

“Most people agree that the far right has to be suppressed and find it problematic when some people claim that the measures against the far right can have the opposite effect.”

But Ravndal believes there are grounds to expect that repression can also have a radicalizing effect on right-wing extremists.

“It would have been interesting to conduct a similar survey among activists on the right,” he says.
More difficult to research the far left

“There are probably several reasons for the limited amount of research on the far left,” says Ravndal.

“One is that they’re pretty marginal, relatively speaking. Besides, they don’t have the same historical cloud hanging over them as the right-wing extremists do here in the West. In addition, far more people agree on the issues that far left extremists are fighting for.”

Gaining access to these groups can also be more difficult, Ravndal believes. The radical left can be sceptical of researchers.

“It probably has something to do with their anti-systemic and anti-state stance. They see the whole system as an adversary that they don’t want to work with. Researchers therefore have to work long hours to gain access to far left groups,” Ravndal says.

Reference:

Jan Jämte and Rune Ellefsen: The consequences of soft repression, Mobilization, Volume 25, 2020.

The Ferguson Report: The psychic Donald Trump should have listened to


Tim Ferguson dishes up the week in fake news. Photo: TND
Tim Ferguson@RealTimFerguson


PSYCHIC SAW HER INABILITY TO SEE IT COMING
“I predicted my predictions would be wrong and I was right,” said a psychic who’ll believe anything but facts.

“I can read palms, especially ones with a phone number written on them.”

She was charged with assault after grabbing Peter Dutton by the skull. She claimed she was merely consulting the crystal bald.


She says that from now on, she will only read people’s pasts.

The psychic was last seen meeting a tall dark stranger.
ROBODEBT & BURIED AT YOUR EXPENSE

The government has denied being liable for Robodebt while paying $1.2 billion settlement for it.

A government spokeswoman ran backwards on a treadmill as she read liable quotes.

“Blessed are the meek, for they shall inherit debt!”

A Robodude said, “We crunched the numbers until they screamed for mercy. Christian Porter was in charge of it at the time, but he … ahem … had his hands full. (Cough.)”

Meanwhile, an odd numbers man stated that algorithms are incapable of error, but he was just adding insult to perjury.

PM Scott Morrison claimed algorithms don’t count, but quickly subtracted the statement.

YOU CAN LEAD THEM TO HOLY WATER…

An ANU survey found people who are religious are more likely to resist being vaccinated against COVID-19.

A baffled bishop said, “I guess God Almighty creating a vaccine isn’t miraculous enough.”
WELFARE CUT TO PIECES

An extra 330,000 people will be tossed under the poverty line when PM Scott Morrison reduces the coronavirus supplement after Christmas.

Morrison claimed the reductions are needed to “incentivise” people to take up work, such as begging outside Centrelink.

“They can take up Poverty Line Dancing, with no boots, no music and no lunch.”

“JobKeeper has given people a false sense of insecurity. We want them to know exactly where they stand. Over there, a little bit further, a little bit further, bit more, bit more… good.”
WORLD TELLS TRUMP TO GO GET FACT

US President Donald Trump claims the recent US election was rigged by millions of voters cheating one at a time.

Trump claims his loss means the death of democracy. He went to buy some big, big, huge flowers for its grave, but he couldn’t see the florist for the trees.

Voters were looking forward to seeing the back of Trump until they saw it.
In other news…

US ACTIVIST LOSES ARGUMENT BY COMPARING NAZIS TO NAZIS

CONSPIRACY THEORIST SO DELUDED HE BELIEVES THE POLLS

SLEEPING DOG LIES. PANTS CATCH FIRE.

GOVT ADMITS THE BIGGEST THREAT TO QUARANTINE IS SECURITY GUARDS

WOKE NON-GENDER BINARY PARROT SPEAKS: “WHO’S A PRETTY HE/SHE/THEY, THEN?”

‘I won the election’: Celebs pile on Trump tweet with their own crazy claims

Play Video
Trump Reportedly Told Advisers He'll Consider 2024 Bid After Certified Biden Win

According to 'The New York Times' Trump told some of his advisers that if Biden is officially declared the winner of the 2020 presidential election.

Cassandra Tassios


In a lesson on faking it ’til you make it, Donald Trump has falsely claimed he “won” the election – and celebrities have jumped on board with ridiculous claims of their own.

“I WON THE ELECTION!” Trump tweeted on Monday (local time).

Twitter was quick to flag the tweet as factually incorrect, adding a note clarifying that “multiple sources called this election differently”.


Despite losing to Democratic candidate, President-elect Joe Biden, by more than five million popular votes and a projected 74 electoral college votes, Mr Trump is refusing to concede.

In fact, the 74-year-old has doubled down on his faux victory, claiming the election was “rigged” and “stolen”.

Nothing says ‘losing gracefully’ like an all-caps Twitter tirade and allegations of theft.

Play Video
Twitter: 300,000 tweets flagged over election

The CEO of Twitter says the service flagged some 300,000 tweets as part of efforts to combat disinformation in the period around the 2020 election between President Donald Trump and Democrat Joe Biden. (Nov. 17)

Since the tweet went viral, hundreds of thousands of Twitter users and celebrities alike have used the opportunity to pile on with their own comical and absurd claims.

Australian Idol’s season two runner-up Anthony Callea joined in to rectify his devastating loss to Casey Donavan.

TND also suspects the 2004 Idol voting was “rigged” and “stolen” and intends to investigate further.


I WON AUSTRALIAN IDOL! https://t.co/1Y7QBNPPWv

— ANTHONY CALLEA (@AnthonyCallea) November 16, 2020


Two and a Half Men’s Jon Cryer wanted us to know that he is a part-time actor, part-time vegetable.


I AM MADE OF CORN! https://t.co/QvlQsxlJxV

— Jon Cryer (@MrJonCryer) November 16, 2020

Ken Jeong (The Hangover, Community) wants to thank the Academy for his belated win.


I WON THE OSCAR! https://t.co/CWzf0fA8PP

— Ken Jeong (@kenjeong) November 16, 2020

Ever the opportunist, The West Wing’s Josh Malina used the chance to manifest a dream role on Netflix’s hit show The Crown.


I’VE BEEN CAST IN THE CROWN! https://t.co/VMlzpTUhU8

— (((Joshua Malina))) (@JoshMalina) November 16, 2020

Coraline graphic novelist had a magical (and equally believable) revelation to share with fans.


I CAN CONTROL UNICORNS WITH MY MIND! https://t.co/a6MckoBFjq

— Neil Gaiman (@neilhimself) November 16, 2020

Also spreading the magic was Supernatural’s Misha Collins.


I CAN FLY!! https://t.co/hN7F4tb5WK

— Misha Collins (@mishacollins) November 16, 2020

When the world needed him most, actor Tom Payne from The Walking Dead revealed his true identity.


I AM BATMAN! https://t.co/JNlj8bFE3D

— Tom Payne (@justanactor) November 16, 2020

Eighties singer Richard Marx reminded fans that wherever you go, whatever you do, Mark Ruffalo will be right here waiting for you.


I AM MARK RUFFALO! https://t.co/8mD9MwE7oW

— Richard Marx (@richardmarx) November 16, 2020

Like Callea, British football star Gary Lineker had a devastating loss of his own to clear up.


I WON THE WORLD CUP. https://t.co/VOYvlCAySi

— Gary Lineker (@GaryLineker) November 16, 2020

YouTuber, LGBTQIA+ rights advocate and proud lesbian Shannon Beveridge had some good news for her male followers.
I DATE MEN! https://t.co/GzUL2I4STu
— Shannon Beveridge (@nowthisisliving) November 17, 2020

Desperate Donald Trump pursues new strategy to overturn ‘hoax’ election


The New Daily@TheNewDailyAU


Donald Trump is escalating his attempts to undermine the US election, calling it a ‘HOAX’ as he pursues a new strategy to flip states to Republican.

Mr Trump is summoning Republican leaders from key states to the White House in an increasingly desperate bid to switch the outcome amid a failing legal strategy.

According to people familiar with the plan, the Trump team wants to pressure Republican-controlled legislatures in battleground states such as Michigan and Pennsylvania not to certify the election results.


The idea was to press Republican lawmakers to intervene by appointing their own Trump-supporting electors.

The president’s outreach to state officials represents a shift for his re-election campaign, which has been unable to produce evidence to support his unfounded claims of widespread voter fraud.

Michigan’s Republican legislative leaders, Senate Majority Leader Mike Shirkey and House Speaker Lee Chatfield, will visit the White House on Friday (local time) at Mr Trump’s request, according to a source in Michigan.

CNN reports there are also discussions underway about inviting Pennsylvania’s Republicans.

Mr Trump has been fixating on Michigan, claiming Joe Biden received a “dump of 134,886 votes” a day after the election.

“We will use these charts in court,” he Tweeted. “The Election was a HOAX.”


Will use these charts in court case. The Election was a HOAX. Thank you Justin! https://t.co/9Ue7ysDIVb

— Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) November 20, 2020


However Mr Biden’s campaign legal adviser Bob Bauer said it was “not possible” and “not legal” for Michigan’s Republican legislature to overturn the result.

“No state legislature in our country’s history ever has done what Donald Trump is apparently agitating for the Michigan state legislature to do, which is to ignore the results of a popular vote,” Mr Bauer said.

“It cannot be done.”

White House press secretary Kayleigh McEnany on Friday (local time) denied Mr Trump was trying to pressure state legislators, saying his meeting with Michigan representatives was “not an advocacy meeting”.

“There will be no one from the campaign there. He routinely meets with lawmakers from all across the country,” she said.

White House Press Secretary Kayleigh McEnany says Donald Trump is not holding ‘advocacy’ meetings with Republican state officials. Photo: Getty

Meanwhile a hand recount of Georgia’s roughly five million votes affirmed Mr Biden’s victory there, while judges in three states rejected bids by the campaign to challenge vote counts.

Georgia’s Republican secretary of state, Brad Raffensperger, officially certified Joe Biden’s victory in the state on Friday (local time).


it's official. Georgia has certified its election results. pic.twitter.com/CsF4pCoZdQ

— Justin Gray (@JustinGrayWSB) November 20, 2020

Mr Biden called Mr Trump’s latest attempts “totally irresponsible”, though he has expressed little concern they will prevent him taking office on January 20.

The president-elect spent the week putting together his team. His incoming chief of staff, Ron Klain, told CNN that Mr Biden would announce more White House officials on Friday.

Despite the setbacks, the Trump campaign has not abandoned its legal efforts to overturn the election results.

Rudy Giuliani, the president’s personal lawyer, told a news conference on Thursday (local time) he planned to file more lawsuits, accusing Democrats of masterminding a “national conspiracy” to steal the election while offering no evidence to support the claim.

Mr Giuliani’s son Andrew, who was at the tightly packed press conference, has confirmed he has tested positive to the coronavirus and has mild symptoms.

-with AAP