Friday, January 15, 2021

Trump sold off the Arctic Refuge — Biden can help save it


BY KARLIN ITCHOAK, OPINION CONTRIBUTOR — 01/15/21 

THE VIEWS EXPRESSED BY CONTRIBUTORS ARE THEIR OWN AND NOT THE VIEW OF THE HILL

© Getty Images


On Jan. 6, the Trump administration — with the full support of Alaska’s congressional delegation — trampled the human rights of the Indigenous Gwich’in people and doubled down on the climate crisis by auctioning off the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge to the oil industry for a paltry $14.4 million.

In the 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act, Republicans promised that lease sales in the refuge would bring at least $1 billion. Now, America’s biggest, greatest wild landscape has been sold for relative pocket change.

The Gwich’in call the coastal plain — a 1.6 million-acre strip of land at the edge of the Arctic Ocean in northeastern Alaska where drilling would occur — “Iizhik Gwats’an Gwandaii Goodlit,” or the Sacred Place Where Life Begins, because the caribou herd is vital to their history and culture and sustains their remote communities by providing the majority of their food. My relatives in the Arctic, the Iñupiat, rely on Arctic marine species for their cultural and traditional diet and spiritual wellbeing, which would be negatively impacted by increased oil infrastructure on Alaska’s North Slope.

Alaska Native peoples have protected this place for thousands of years, but the Trump administration didn’t care about Indigenous concerns. It repeatedly ignored pleas from the Gwich’in people for the government to respect their sovereignty and rights.

In August, the United Nations took extraordinary measures to call for an investigation into the United States regarding violations of the Gwich’in peoples’ human rights from proposed oil and gas development. After the government accelerated the leasing processes, the U.N. submitted a rare follow-up inquiry asking for further precautionary measures given the severity and urgency of the situation.

Nevertheless, proponents of drilling recklessly charged forward to ensure that leases were sold before the inauguration of President-elect Joe Biden, who has long opposed industrialization of the Arctic Refuge. They did this knowing the majority of people in the United States oppose drilling for oil and gas in the refuge. They did it knowing that instead of doubling down on oil, we should be looking for alternative energy sources that don’t harm people and our planet. They did it knowing that their scheme would likely permanently destroy the home for polar bears, wolves, migratory birds and the calving grounds of a 200,000-animal caribou herd. They knew they were throwing fuel on one of America’s highest-profile fights over climate and environmental justice.

Quite simply, the lease sale was irresponsible and should never have happened. The industry’s lack of interest is proof. Recognizing a bad prospect when they see one, none of the major oil companies submitted bids. They know the public opposes drilling, oil reserves are unproven and that the United States’ six largest banks have staked out positions against financing development in the refuge as have Canada’s five largest banks. The banks obviously see the potential for financial risk and reputational damage.

Enter the state of Alaska, which purchased nearly all of the tracts sold. The state made a legally questionable decision to pour more than $12 million, almost the entirety of the bids received in the lease sail, into the scheme via the Alaska Industrial Development and Export Authority because a few key people in the state feared the embarrassment of a federal lease sale attracting zero bids from oil companies. As an Alaskan whose ancestors have been here since time immemorial, I could not be more disappointed in the state’s actions, and its indifference to the harm that will be caused to the Gwich’in and to my fellow Alaskans who are already being harmed by our state’s budget cuts.


Amid a major budget crisis, Alaska threw millions of dollars into leases we could not afford, and that no one else wanted. It illustrates how much our state leaders are incapable of imagining a post-oil economy as North Slope production creeps toward its inevitable decline.

Those of us who work to protect the Arctic Refuge find hope in the election of Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris, and their commitment to make the Arctic Refuge a priority. We encourage their administration to explore all viable options and to take immediate, decisive action to halt any oil and gas development activities from moving forward in the refuge.

We hope the Biden-Harris administration — including Rep. Deb Haaland (D-N.M.), who is set to become the first Indigenous leader to serve as secretary of Interior — will work with local Indigenous communities to identify a feasible, long-term plan that includes Indigenous people in management of the Arctic Refuge. We know it’s possible to address the climate crisis and preserve the coastal plain for generations to come, while still allowing for responsible and sustainable economic development.

Native peoples have occupied the Arctic and have been stewards of the land for millennia, just as we have successfully stewarded lands across the United States. Our involvement in management of public lands is crucial, and key to protecting our inherent inalienable rights and for protecting Mother Earth.

Karlin Itchoak is the Alaska state director for The Wilderness Society. Follow the organization on Twitter @Wilderness.





Major Oil Companies Take A Pass On Controversial Lease Sale In Arctic Refuge



January 6, 2021
TEGAN HANLON,NAT HERZ, FROM


Caribou graze on the coastal plain of the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge. The Trump administration has held the first oil lease sale in the refuge.U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service

One of the Trump administration's biggest environmental rollbacks suffered a stunning setback Wednesday, as a decades-long push to drill for oil in Alaska's Arctic National Wildlife Refuge ended with a lease sale that attracted just three bidders — one of which was the state of Alaska itself.

Alaska's state-owned economic development corporation was the only bidder on nine of the parcels offered for lease in the northernmost swath of the refuge, known as the coastal plain. Two small companies also each picked up a single parcel.

Half of the offered leases drew no bids at all.

"They held the lease in ANWR — that is history-making. That will be recorded in the history books and people will talk about it," said Larry Persily, a longtime observer of the oil and gas industry in Alaska . "But no one showed up."

The sale generated a tiny fraction of the revenue it was projected to raise.
It was a striking moment in a 40-year fight over drilling in the coastal plain, an area that's home to migrating caribou, polar bears, birds and other wildlife. It also potentially sits atop billions of barrels of oil, according to federal estimates.

But amid a global recession, low oil prices and an aggressive pressure campaign against leasing by drilling opponents, oil analysts have for months been predicting little interest in the sale.

Persily took the sale as evidence that while drilling in the refuge remains a long-held dream of some politicians, it is no longer treasured by oil companies.

"It was, in the oil industry terms, a dry hole. A bust," he said. "They had the lease sale, the administration can feel good about it, but no one's going to see any oil coming out of ANWR."

Even Kara Moriarty, head of the Alaska Oil and Gas Association, acknowledged that the sale results weren't as "robust" as expected. But she said the industry still supports future access to the coastal plain.

"Today's sale reflects the brutal economic realities the oil and gas industry continues to face after the unprecedented events of 2020, coupled with ongoing regulatory uncertainty," she said in a statement.

The lease sale raised a total of $14.4 million in bids, according to the Bureau of Land Management, the federal agency that held the sale. Nearly all of that came from Alaska's state-owned economic development corporation, the Alaska Industrial Development and Export Authority.


ENVIRONMENT AND ENERGY COLLABORATIVE
As Oil Drilling Nears In Arctic Refuge, 2 Alaska Villages See Different Futures

Half of the cash will go to the federal government, and half will go back to the state of Alaska.

Rep. Deb Haaland at a 2018 rally in Washington, D.C., to oppose drilling in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge. President-elect Joe Biden has tapped Haaland to lead the Department of the Interior.Liz Ruskin/Alaska Public Media


The amount raised is nowhere near what was projected when a Republican-led Congress officially opened the coastal plain to drilling in 2017 as part of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act. The bill ordered two lease sales, the first by the end of this year, with the revenue aimed at offsetting massive tax cuts.

Despite the lack of industry interest, Alaska's Congressional delegation applauded the sale on Wednesday, and so did officials with the Bureau of Land Management, describing it as historic and a success.

"It was a joke"

Opponents had a different reaction.

"I laughed out loud. It was a joke. A joke to the American people," said Desirée Sorenson-Groves, director of the Arctic Refuge Defense Campaign.

"I'll tell you, I have a message to those who bid today, there were only three. But here's the message: 'You will never ever drill in the Arctic Refuge. We'll stop you.'"

The land that received no bids on Wednesday will not be leased in this sale.

Of the two small companies that did win leases, one is Regenerate Alaska, a subsidiary of Australia-based 88 Energy. The other is Knik Arm Services, a small Alaska company managed by an investor named Mark Graber.

The state-owned entity which dominated the sale, has never held federal oil leases before.

But Alaska politicians, including former Republican Gov. Frank Murkowski, recently pushed the state to bid, citing the lack of industry interest. Murkowski, in an interview Wednesday, said he expects the corporation to eventually partner with companies to do the actual drilling.

"We'll see how good an investment it is when we see what the interest is from some companies to negotiate," he said.

The oil leases are still not finalized.

That process, which includes an anti-trust review by the U.S. Department of Justice, typically takes about two months. But the Trump administration is expected to rush to issue the leases formally before the president leaves office in two weeks.

Even if it succeeds, additional oil leasing and drilling in the refuge will face headwinds, said U.S. Rep. Jared Huffman, D-Calif., a longtime drilling opponent.

He said his next step will be pushing for "permanent protection" for the Arctic refuge. He's likely to have support from a Biden administration. The president-elect and his appointee to lead the Interior Department have both said they oppose drilling there, and Georgia's run-off elections give Democrats control of the Senate along with the House.

Huffman said he's open to a compromise with drilling boosters — from the state of Alaska to Indigenous Iñupiaq leaders in Kaktovik, the only community inside the refuge's boundaries — that would provide them with alternative paths toward economic development.

"We're not hostile to taking care of the interests here, and helping put folks on a path of economic development that makes sense and that's sustainable," Huffman said.

Roger Herrera, a retired BP executive and longtime lobbyist for an Alaska group that pushed Congress to open the refuge, said he was "hugely disappointed" in the results of the sale.

"Alaska is a natural resource state," he said in a phone interview. "You take away its natural resources and it has basically nothing."

Pompeo's flurry of foreign policy moves hampers Biden start

BY LAURA KELLY - 01/14/21 THE HILL 

Secretary of State Mike Pompeo is pushing through last-minute foreign policy decisions ahead of President-elect Joe Biden’s inauguration as part of an effort to cement his and the Trump administration’s legacy in their final tumultuous and violent days in office.

The moves are likely aimed at hampering efforts by Biden to reverse Trump-era policy measures, creating a laundry list of intricate policies, big and small, that will take time, effort and organization to unravel.

With less than a week left in office, while much of Washington is focused on President Trump’s second impeachment, Pompeo has instituted a flurry of policy changes and ramped up a public relations campaign to tout the administration’s accomplishments.


He has elevated U.S. relations with Taiwan in an affront to China, designated Yemen’s Iranian-backed Houthis as a terrorist organization and put Cuba back on the list of state sponsors of terrorism.

Ryan Hass, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, called Saturday’s announcement on Taiwan “the policymaking equivalent of a hit-and-run.”

Pompeo “announced a policy shift on one of America’s most sensitive foreign policy issues in his final days in office, and with full knowledge he will not be around to contend with the consequences,” Hass said.

Ash Jain, a senior fellow with the Atlantic Council who has served as a State Department official in Republican and Democratic administrations, said the eleventh-hour actions by Pompeo “reflect a desire to box in the incoming administration.”

Removing the designation of the Houthis as a terrorist organization is one area where Biden is likely to have bipartisan support.

Neither Democrats nor Republicans are sympathetic to the Houthi separatists, viewing them as responsible for gross atrocities in Yemen’s six-year civil war and dangerous allies with Iran, but Pompeo’s recent action toward them united lawmakers in opposition, saying such a designation would hinder the delivery of critical humanitarian aid to Houthi-controled areas.

Experts say Pompeo’s action toward the Houthis is part of his push to solidify his legacy on Iran.


The secretary is the chief enforcer of the administration’s “maximum pressure” campaign against Tehran, a policy geared toward financially and diplomatically isolating the Islamic republic in an effort to thwart its nuclear ambitions and eliminate the threats from its proxy forces in the Middle East.

“The administration is seeking to fortify its pressure campaign against Iran in advance of the Biden administration, particularly given concerns that Biden may seek to return to a deal with Iran,” said Varsha Koduvayur, a research analyst at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, a think tank that has been supportive of the administration's policy toward Iran.

Koduvayur added that designating the Houthis as a terrorist group "will severely impact humanitarian aid efforts in Yemen and will constrain the ability of the US, and likely the UN also, to play a role in the diplomatic process. It will certainly clip the Biden administration’s wings, at least in the beginning."

Biden has vowed to return the U.S. to the 2015 Obama-era nuclear deal if Iran returns to compliance. The agreement aims to reduce Iran’s uranium enrichment to levels that would significantly delay the time it would take to obtain nuclear capabilities.

The Trump administration, buoyed by Republican support, pulled out of the nuclear deal in 2018, and Pompeo has remained forceful in his arguments against any rapprochement with Iran.

“Let’s not lie to the American people about Iranian moderation and pretend appeasement will work,” Pompeo said in a speech Tuesday at the National Press Club.

He later announced new sanctions against members of the al Qaeda terrorist organization being harbored in Iran, adding to what he said were nearly 1,500 sanctions levied by the Trump administration against individuals and entities that contribute revenue to the Iranian government.

Pompeo announced even more sanctions on Wednesday, targeting two charitable organizations controlled by Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, charging the charities with corruption and enriching the religious and political leader.

Tehran is likely to benefit from immediate sanctions relief if the U.S. reenters the 2015 nuclear deal, though it won’t eliminate all of those imposed under Trump.

Kaleigh Thomas, an associate fellow at the Center for a New American Security, which has been critical of Trump's foreign policy, said that while the administration’s decisions are not impossible for Biden to reverse, they will still eat up time and energy.

“It will take time, effort, and potentially even political capital to determine which policies must be rolled back and to actually undo those identified as roadblocks to the implementation of the Biden administration's agenda,” she said.

“And in the context of all the Biden administration will have to address outside of the Middle East portfolio starting on Day One — including the ongoing pandemic and the Capitol Hill insurrection last week — it's important to remember that time, effort and political capital are finite resources.”

It’s unclear how those resources will be directed toward action on Cuba. Pompeo’s last-minute designation of the country as a state sponsor of terrorism is being viewed as a direct snub and obstruction of Biden’s promise to return to Obama-era diplomatic engagement with Havana.

“Secretary Pompeo has self-righteously defended Donald Trump’s worst foreign policy failures, and on his way out the door he seems intent on making things as difficult as possible for his successor,” said Sen. Patrick Leahy (D-Vt.), an advocate for engagement with Cuba, and the highest-ranking Democrat on the Senate Appropriations Committee.

Lawrence Ward, a partner at the international law firm Dorsey & Whitney who works with international businesses to prevent running afoul of federal sanctions on foreign governments, said reversing the Cuba designation will require time and energy that will be critical for larger issues like combating COVID-19 and confronting more threatening foreign adversaries.

“Removing the designation would require a certification to Congress. And because the Biden administration will be focused on achieving as much bipartisan support as possible on a host of important domestic issues, it is tough to imagine that the administration will prioritize such a certification over ongoing tensions with China, Iran and Russia,” he said.

Jain, of the Atlantic Council, expressed more optimism about the ability of the Biden administration to quickly reverse or scale back some of Pompeo’s last-minute moves.

"Most of these policies can be fairly easily reversed, and the Biden team is certain to give careful scrutiny to each of these eleventh-hour actions. In others, it may need to navigate through various review processes," he said.

Pompeo, who is considered a potential 2024 presidential candidate, has been using his official government Twitter account since Jan. 1 to lay out what he views as his and the Trump administration’s greatest successes.

On Wednesday, he issued a farewell ahead of Biden’s inauguration, saying followers should migrate to his personal page.

“One week from today, I will be stepping aside as Secretary of State and this account will be archived. Be sure to follow me @mikepompeo. Go do it now.”

 Opinion

How the Capitol police privileged white rage

When Black-led groups protest, the Capitol police don't open barriers for us or gently point the way.

(RNS) — I’m so damn tired of living in a country that treats Black grief as a threat and white rage as a sacrament.

I’m upset, but I’m not shocked, that self-entitled and enraged White supremacists — incited by our sociopath president — attacked our nation’s Capitol building, just as I was angry, but not surprised, four years ago, when the Capitol police arrested members of our Black-led protest in that same building.

Our crime? Singing, with the Bishop William Barber III, Rabbi Sharon Brous and a gathering of multiethnic leaders outside then Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell’s office to demand that the Republican Senate not take away the Affordable Care Act. 

The Capitol police were not opening barriers for us; they did not gently point the way for us. We were Black, and though our protest was appropriate, we were in danger by putting it on display. Earlier, when a Black-led group of leaders staged a die-in on the floor of a cafeteria in the building, we got up at the third warning because the police meant business, and we were afraid.

I’m disturbed about the insurrection of January 6, 2021, and all the circumstances that led up to it. But I disagree with President-elect Biden’s claim that “this is not America.” In fact, it is precisely who we are and who we have always been. White rage is privileged over Black grief.

The first time I experienced white rage was in kindergarten, where I was the only Black child in Mrs. Easley’s classroom, and my best friends were the two Tommies — one blonde and one red-haired. We took naps and ate lunch together. When Lisa, a girl with brown bobbed hair and green eyes, moved to our Air Force base in New Hampshire, she brought the word “n@gger” with her and called me one right before naptime.

At 5, Lisa was already angry that I had something I didn’t deserve — the friendship of these two white boys. Mom had the talk with me that night, that some people wouldn’t like me just because I was Black. She was being gentle; she and Dad grew up in Jim Crow Mississippi and had plenty of experience with white rage.

Mom’s talk opened my eyes and ears to the racism around me. I saw the picture of 14-year-old Emmett Till’s lynched body on the cover of Jet magazine, his face bloated, an eye missing, because he flirted with a white woman. I saw the violent rage of the white police beating marchers on the Pettus Memorial Bridge

Closer to home, I saw the police viciously beat Mr. Johnson across the street from our house while arresting him for outstanding parking tickets. I heard his cries, saw his head bleeding, saw their red faces, twisted in rage.

It was white rage clothed in white sheets that terrorized Black people, hanging men, women and children from trees like strange fruit, gouging eyes, burning flesh. White churchgoers watched and took pictures of the lynchings, holding their children on their shoulders for better sight lines.

Rage baptized the children in the blood of Black people, in the stench of white supremacy. Training them to grow up hating Black people, feeling entitled to step on the rights of Black people, to be in the front of the line, to earn more, live in better spaces and have better schools than Black people. Teaching the children that they have the right to have their knees on the necks — on the fate — of Black people.

And should the Blacks dare to demand equal treatment, dare to protest their existence, dare to write the fury and sadness, the children should grow to resent this as a loud annoyance intended to frustrate the status quo.

Thus, white rage turned brutal at Black wealth amassed in Black communities, enraged at Black students getting into Ivy league schools, enraged that a Black man named Obama with a Muslim name could become president of the United States.

White rage turns violent when beautiful Black trans and queer people dare to walk down the street in freedom; the joy itself incites rage. Chants of Black Lives Matter causes enraged white people to counter that all lives matter. What they really mean is that if a Black life matters, then their white life doesn’t matter enough.

White rage is as American as apple pie. Thomas Jefferson planted the seeds of it in his “Notes on the State of Virginia,” when discussing the emancipation of enslaved Africans:

The first difference which strikes us is that of colour… And is this difference of no importance? Is it not the foundation of a greater or less share of beauty in the two races? … They seem to require less sleep. A black after hard labour through the day, will be induced by the slightest amusements to sit up till midnight, or later, though knowing he must be out with the first dawn of the morning. … They are more ardent after their female: but love seems with them to be more an eager desire, than a tender delicate mixture of sentiment and sensation. Their griefs are transient.

Black grief is not transient; it is generational, incarnate in our bodies. When Black grief dares to mourn publicly, dares to speak the truth of the permanence and pernicious nature of the white entitlement that formed our nation on stolen land, and built it with the brutal system of chattel slavery, that grief is met with disdain. We’re told to get over it.

When teenage boys rap their grief, dance their grief, take their grief to the streets, that grief is criminalized, amplified, coated in words like Black on Black crime. When Black grief is expressed in writing, in social media, in art and song, it is fetishized, appropriated, caricatured.

When Black grief shows up in the office and dares to speak up, demand the demolishing of ceilings, white backlash and white rage interprets that grief as “too angry” for a team player who can’t be coached, and therefore not promoted. Black grief, which of course is angry, is shut down, cut off.

So the grief festers, rots, depresses and kills the soul of Black folk. When Black grief protests, marches in the streets, dies-in on a national floor, it is snatched from the ground, put in handcuffs, thrown in a cell. Beaten like Fannie Lou Hamer and John Lewis. Shot like Medgar Evers and Martin King.

Still, Black grief is prophetic. It knows how to weep, wipe its tears and build a movement. It knows how to keep its eyes on the prize and hold on. It knows that anyone who believes in freedom cannot rest until it comes, until the death — and the life — of a Black mother’s child is as important as a white mother’s child.

Black grief is resilient because it knows its help comes from God, that its hope is built on the love of a poor, brown, Jewish Palestinian baby named Yeshua. It knows that the moral arc of the universe bends toward justice and that nothing is going to turn us around. Black grief gives way to Black joy, because though weeping lasts for a season, joy always comes in the morning.

We are perched upon a dangerous precipice. The meagre gains of Reconstruction were dismantled and gave way to Jim Crow because politicians ignored Black grief and acquiesced to white rage, as they did on Wednesday at the Capitol, as they did in Minneapolis in May: Which of us can forget the rage in the face of the white police officer who crushed George Floyd under his knee?

Who could not recognize the white rage in the violent mob (let’s not call that protest) that rioted in our capital to disrupt our democratic process?

That mob was handled gently, as though their rage was holy. White murderous rage has been tolerated, celebrated and acquitted throughout our history.

But now our leaders must take a different road, one that recognizes white rage for the terrorism it has always been and tend to the Black grief that has been ignored and suppressed for far too long.

As people of faith and moral courage, we must accept our leadership role and join together in prophetic grief and divine outrage to critique our racist culture in which being Black is a preexisting condition for poverty, discrimination and death.

The Rev. Jacqui Lewis. Photo courtesy of Béatrice de Géa

Anti-Black racism is a festering sore, a putrid hole in the soul of America that will only heal with moral courage and furious intention. We are the ones we’ve been waiting for to write a new American story. We must organize across our differences and build strategies for a better tomorrow. We who believe in freedom cannot rest until it comes.

(The Rev. Dr. Jacqui Lewis is senior minister of Middle Collegiate Church in Manhattan. The views expressed in this commentary do not necessarily reflect those of Religion News Service.)

How self-proclaimed ‘prophets’ from a growing Christian movement provided religious motivation for the Jan. 6 events at the US Capitol

Because Trump is God’s chosen candidate, they believe, any other candidate, no matter what the vote totals show, is illegitimate.

(The Conversation) — In addition to symbols of white supremacy, many of the rioters at the Capitol on Jan. 6 carried signs bearing religious messages, such as “Jesus Saves” and “In God We Trust” while others chanted “Jesus is my savior and Trump is my president.” In a video interview, one of those who breached the Senate floor describes holding a prayer to “consecrate it to Jesus” soon after entering.

Many white evangelical leaders have provided religious justification and undying support for Trump’s presidency, including his most racially incendiary rhetoric and policies. But as a scholar of religion, I argue that a particular segment of white evangelicalism that my colleague Richard Flory and I call Independent Network Charismatic, or INC, has played a unique role in providing a spiritual justification for the movement to overturn the election which resulted in the storming of the Capitol.

INC Christianity is a group of high-profile independent leaders who are detached from any formal denomination and cooperate with one another in loose networks.

Prayer marches

In the days and hours leading up to the storming of the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6 the group Jericho March organized marches around the Capitol and Supreme Court building praying for God to defeat the “dark and corrupt” forces that they claimed, without evidence, had stolen the election from God’s anointed president – Donald Trump.

Jericho March is a loose coalition of Christian nationalists formed after the 2020 presidential election with the goal of overturning its results. Leading up to and following the Capitol violence, their website stated: “We are proud of the American system of governance established by our Founding Fathers and we will not let globalists, socialists, and communists destroy our beautiful nation by sidestepping our laws and suppressing the will of the American people through their fraudulent and illegal activities in this election.” This statement as well as others were removed some time after the Capitol riot.

Jericho March’s main activity has been organizing prayer marches around Capitol buildings around the nation after the election, imitating the “battle of Jericho” in the Bible. In this biblical battle God commanded the army of his chosen people, the nation of Israel, to blow trumpets and then march around the city walls until God brought the walls down and allowed Israel to invade and conquer the city. According to the Bible, this was the first battle that the nation won in its conquest of Canaan, the “promised land” that it occupied afterward.

Jericho March’s activities culminated in a large prayer rally on Dec. 12 in Washington, D.C., that included prayer marches and speeches on the mall by convicted and pardoned former National Security Advisor Michael Flynn, former U.S. Rep. Michele Bachmann, the Trump-supporting founder of MyPillow Mike Lindell and far-right Oathkeepers militia founder Stewart Rhodes.

Michael Flynn among other speakers at a Jericho March rally.

They also held prayer marches and vigils around the Supreme Court and Capitol surrounding the Jan. 6 election certification. Jericho March members believe that their prayer marches will help defeat the corrupt forces they claim, without the basis of any evidence, “stole” the election and that God will install Trump in his rightful place as president on Jan. 20.

Their strategy is peaceful prayer marches, however. After the Capitol violence they released this statement: “Jericho March denounces any and all acts of violence and destruction, including any that took place at the U.S. Capitol.”

There is no evidence that anyone affiliated with the Jericho March organization took part in the Capitol breach. However, their leaders, I argue, are providing the religious motivation for the fight to overturn the election. Here’s why.

‘Prophets’ and Charismatic Christianity

A key part of the Jericho March events has been a group of INC Christians who claim to be modern-day “prophets,” including Lance WallnauCindy Jacobs and Jonathan Cahn.
Charismatic Christianity, similar to Pentecostal Christianity, emphasizes the “gifts of the Holy Spirit,” which include healing, exorcism, speaking in spiritual languages, and prophecy – defined as hearing direct words from God that reveal his plans for the future and directions for his people to follow.

Scholars use the term Charismatic to describe Christians in mainline or independent churches that emphasize the gifts of the spirit as opposed to Pentecostal Christians, who are affiliated with official Pentecostal denominations. Independent Charismatic Christians tend to be more unorthodox in their practices, as they are less tied to formal organizations.

In our research, we found that in most Charismatic churches, those who receive visions or direct words from God that make predictions that later correspond to events or have uncanny insights into people’s lives are seen to have the “gift of prophecy.” Some particularly gifted “prophets” are seen as being able to predict world events and get directions from God regarding entire nations.

While most Charismatic churches do not engage in this world-event predicting type of prophecy, some independent, high-profile leaders that do have become increasingly important in INC Christianity.

‘Seven mountains of culture’

Before the 2016 election a group of INC “prophets” proclaimed Trump to be God’s chosen candidate, similar to King Cyrus in the Bible, whom God used to restore the nation of Israel. After their prophesies of Trump’s winning the election came true, these “prophets” became enormously popular in INC Christianity.

In our book, we showed that INC Christianity is significantly changing the religious landscape in America – and the nation’s politics – by providing an unorthodox theology to promote conservative Christians rising to power in all realms of society. It is the fastest-growing Christian group in America.

BIG BROTHER 

Worshippers pray with Texas Gov. Rick Perry, seen at center and on screen, at The Response, a day long prayer and fast rally, Saturday, Aug. 6, 2011, at Reliant Stadium in Houston. (AP Photo/Pat Sullivan)

Between 1970 to 2010, the number of regular attenders of U.S. Protestant churches as a whole shrank by an average of .05% per year. At the same time, independent Charismatic churches, a category in which INC groups reside, grew in attendance by an average of 3.24% per year. According to the World Christian Database there are over 36 million people attending U.S. independent Charismatic churches – that is, those not affiliated with denominations.

INC beliefs are different from those of most traditional Christian groups, including those affiliated with official Pentecostal denominations. INC promotes a form of Christian nationalism the primary goal of which is not to build congregations or to convert individuals, but to bring heaven or God’s intended perfect society to Earth by placing “kingdom-minded people” in powerful positions at the top of all sectors of society, the so-called “seven mountains of culture” comprising government, business, family, religion, media, education and arts/entertainment.

One INC leader we interviewed in 2015 explained, “If Christians permeate each mountain and rise to the top of all seven mountains … society would have biblical morality, people would live in harmony, there would be peace and not war, there would be no poverty.” They see Trump as fulfilling God’s plan to place “kingdom-minded” leaders in top government positions, including Cabinet members and Supreme Court appointments.

Trump as God’s chosen president

Many of those referred to as prophets in INC Christianity predicted another Trump victory in 2020. After his Nov. 3 loss, many we have studied have not recanted their prophecies, and have adopted Trump’s conspiratorial rhetoric that the election was fraudulent. Many believe that the demonic forces that have stolen the election can still be defeated through prayer.

For INC Christianity’s “prophets,” Trump is God’s chosen candidate to advance the kingdom of God in America, so any other candidate, no matter what the vote totals show, is illegitimate.The Conversation

(Brad Christerson is a professor of sociology, at Biola University. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. The views expressed in this commentary do not necessarily reflect those of Religion News Service.)

 

Conspiracy theories and the ‘American Madness’ that gripped the Capitol

Author Tea Krulos talked to Religion News Service about how conspiracy theories have spread, how religion plays a role and how to talk to friends and family who believe them.

(RNS) — Tea Krulos was introduced to conspiracy theories on TV shows like “The X-Files,” popular in the 1990s.

It all seemed to him like fun and games, or aliens and shadowy government figures, until the 2012 shooting at Sandy Hook Elementary School in Newtown, Connecticut.


RELATED: Russell Moore, Justin Giboney warn that conspiracies must be confronted with truth


That’s when conspiracy theorists — convinced the shooting had been faked by the government to strip Americans of their Second Amendment rights — began harassing the grieving families of 26 murdered children and school staff. And it’s when Krulos realized how deep and dark conspiracies could become.

“It’s just so crazy to think about how much this has changed in the last 10 years or even in the last five years — or even in the last year. It’s just been progressively building more and more steam,” he said.

“American Madness: The Story of the Phantom Patriot and How Conspiracy Theories Hijacked American Consciousness” by Tea Krulos. Courtesy image

The Milwaukee-based freelance journalist — who previously has profiled subcultures in books about paranormal enthusiasts and doomsday preppers — most recently turned his pen to conspiracy theorists in his book “American Madness: The Story of the Phantom Patriot and How Conspiracy Theories Hijacked American Consciousness.”

In it, Krulos follows the story of Richard McCaslin, who spent time in prison after raiding California’s Bohemian Grove in 2002 as his costumed alter ego, the Phantom Patriot, hoping to expose the child sacrifices and satanic ceremonies he believed world leaders were conducting there. McCaslin later died by suicide.

Krulos sees echoes of McCaslin’s story in headlines about Pizzagate and the Nashville bomber, who reportedly believed a popular conspiracy theory that lizard people called Reptilians control the world. He also sees the culmination of many conspiracy theories in last week’s siege of the U.S. Capitol.

“This last year has just been one giant conspiracy theory about everything — the pandemic, the civil unrest, the election — and it all sort of culminated with this terrifying scene we saw on Jan. 6. That was an army of conspiracy theorists, pretty much,” he said.

Krulos talked to Religion News Service about how conspiracy theories have spread, how religion plays a role and how to talk to friends and family who believe them.

This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

How did you get interested in the Phantom Patriot and the wider world of conspiracy theories?

In 2010, I was working on my first book, “Heroes in the Night,” which was about the Real-Life Superhero subculture. Richard found my blog and was reading it, and then he sent me a message. It turned into this almost 10-year project of interviewing him and researching the conspiracy theories he was telling me about.

I think the book added another layer probably around 2015, which was when (Donald) Trump was campaigning for president. I noticed one of the first media appearances he did after he announced he was running for president was on “The Alex Jones Show” on Infowars. Alex Jones had been a big influence on Richard and his raid into the Bohemian Grove. So I was like, there’s a connection here: Richard, Alex Jones, Donald Trump.

And then, of course, the conspiracy craziness really began. I was like: This is not a unique story. It’s a story that’s repeating itself. People are getting influenced by these conspiracies and they’re being driven into extremism because of it.

Author Tea Krulos. Photo by Megan Berendt/Creative Commons

How did conspiracy theories, as you write, hijack American consciousness?

The key ingredients in conspiracy are a lot of fear and anger and division among people, and we’ve just had so much of that, especially in this era. So I think people are really primed to be influenced by this stuff. And the internet is such a huge part of the problem. I think it’s so easy to create misinformation that looks like it could be legit. I see people telling people they need to fact-check stuff, and I’m glad, but a lot of times people don’t want to fact-check it. They see something that confirms this bias they have, and they’re like, “That sounds right to me, and so it’s fact to me.”

It has such an incredible fast and far reach, and I think this year has been especially bad because you have so many people stuck at home on the internet, so they start going down these rabbit holes. At first it might be just kind of a curiosity, but it sucks them in.


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How did you see this culminate Wednesday?

The details are still coming out, and the details are just awful. I’m not at all surprised, but guess who was there in the crowd (at a rally outside) riling everyone up with a bullhorn? Alex Jones himself. Lots of QAnon influencers were at the event. In fact, one of the first guys who broke into the building had a Q T-shirt on. And then, of course, the media loves showing images of this guy who calls himself the “QAnon Shaman.”

But, you know, you can’t just paint it as fringe nuts, because there were elected officials who were part of that crowd.

Trump supporters gesture to U.S. Capitol Police in the hallway outside of the Senate chamber at the Capitol in Washington on Jan. 6, 2021. (AP Photo/Manuel Balce Ceneta)

Who are conspiracy theorists?

It seems like everyone has people in their lives who, to varying degrees, believe some of this stuff.

I don’t think it’s relegated to just, you know, blue-collar Trump supporters. There are liberals who spread and share conspiracy theories as well. I think it’s more prevalent now that it’s conservative stuff, just because of Trump being in office and these huge groups like QAnon, but there is a wide range of people who have conspiracy beliefs.

This phrase drives me crazy when conspiracy people use it, and it’s “do your own research.” I think it’s great to read. I think it’s great to be curious about things. But by doing your own research, they’re telling you that you should watch YouTube videos that might look kind of slick because they’re presented in documentary fashion. They have this bad case of what’s called the Dunning-Kruger effect, where they think because they’ve watched these YouTube videos and they read a self-published book they then are equitable in their knowledge to someone who is an actual doctor or someone that works at NASA.


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Religion pops up throughout your book. For one, McCaslin grew up evangelical and his comics were full of references to Scripture. What role does religion play in conspiracy theories and the people who believe in them?

A very strong one. Really QAnon, which is the biggest conspiracy problem today, is just the Satanic Panic all over again. It’s very, very much based on this idea that Trump is a man of God, and he’s engaged in a holy war with the sinister Satan-worshipping cabal of Democrats and other liberals, the media, Hollywood, stuff like that. They are the satanic ring that are pedophiles and cannibals and secretly causing everything awful happening in our country.

Richard McCaslin as his costumed alter ego, the Phantom Patriot, in an undated image. Courtesy photo

For Richard, I think it was very much religion with some comic book stuff mixed in, and both of those combined together made him really see this very black and white. There’s good guys, who are the superheroes, and there’s bad guys, who are satanists, and we’re in this very moral war where you have to pick a side, good or bad.

I found it very interesting, though, that he very suddenly switched to become a Jehovah’s Witness while he was in prison, and then when he got out of prison, he started following the teachings of this conspiracy theorist named David Icke, who really popularized the Reptilian alien theory. After he started following David, he decided to drop religion entirely, and he described himself as being a spiritual person, but no longer a Christian.

So I think that really shows you just how strong some of these conspiracy theorist teachings can be, where they’re so influential people will drop their religion. In some cases, they’ll separate themselves from their family and friends. It’s very cultlike. They’re willing to give up anything — in some cases now, even their lives — because they believe in this stuff.

Last week, Russell Moore and others called on faith leaders to combat the conspiracy theories they say contributed to the mob violence at the Capitol. What can clergy and other leaders do?

I think that’s a great idea. As leaders, they’re in a position where they can, in an empathetic way, talk to people about the dangers of these theories and maybe share some of these stories.

You know, there were four people who died at the Capitol (as well as a Capitol police officer). At first, I had a lot of anger toward this crowd, but one of the women who died was going through a hard time. She had been struggling with drug addiction, and she had talked about someday wanting to be a drug counselor herself. But she had also fallen down this QAnon rabbit hole. She was searching for something to maybe fill this void in her, and she stumbled across QAnon, when she could have filled that with something more positive


What about the rest of us? How can we talk to friends and family members who believe some of the prominent conspiracy theories out there?

It’s really difficult, and I don’t think I have all the answers on this, I’m sad to say. I think being kind and trying to listen to someone and engage in a real conversation with them is something people should try to do, rather than saying, “Oh, you’re so stupid,” or something like that. That’s not going to help at all. Trying to say, you know, “I understand why you would think this, but if you look at legitimate news sources, no one is reporting on this.”

You can try, is the best you can do. A lot of people are just going to completely shut you out, though. It’s sad. There are many, many stories of people who have lost spouses, parents, siblings, really good friends. Their relationships have been severed because a person won’t stop hounding the other person about conspiracy theories.