MASS STRIKE

How Myanmar’s popular uprising aims to topple military rulers

Amid crackdown, protesters aim is to take away the coup leaders’ power by stopping all governance mechanisms from working.

“For this revolution to be successful, everyone needs to participate,” said the union organiser. “Workers, students, even soldiers and the police. Everyone.”

Trade unions took the lead because they had no other option, the organiser said. “Even under the democratically elected government, we didn’t have our rights, so under a dictatorship, we don’t have a chance.”

A civil disobedience movement began almost immediately after the coup and amassed support from broad swaths of society [File: Stringer/AFP]

By Joshua Carroll

13 Feb 2021

Starve the government of legitimacy and recognition; stop it from functioning by staging strikes; and cut off its sources of funding. That is the strategy emerging from a mass movement in Myanmar aimed at toppling the new military dictatorship.

As protesters defying the February 1 coup brave beatings, arrests, water cannon, and even live ammunition, activists hope a “no recognition, no participation” approach can sustain pressure even if demonstrations are stamped out with violence.

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“The immediate aim is to take away the military’s power by stopping all of its governance mechanisms from working,” said Thinzar Shunlei Yi, who like many activists is now in hiding to avoid arrest.

“It will disable the military’s ability to rule.”

Myanmar’s fragile 10-year experiment in democracy was snuffed out in early February when soldiers arrested civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi, President Win Myint, and other top officials in early morning raids as military chief Min Aung Hlaing seized power.

A civil disobedience movement began almost immediately and amassed support from broad swaths of society. Trains have ground to a halt, hospitals have closed, and ministries in the capital, Naypyidaw, are believed to be straining amid mass walkouts.

Many thousands including nurses, doctors, lawyers, teachers, engineers, farmers, railway staff, civil servants, factory workers and even some police officers, have gone on strike or defected in a bid to cripple the new military government.

Disrupting military’s business empire

In a statement published on a military Facebook page on Thursday, Min Aung Hlaing said “unscrupulous” people were inciting civil servants to leave work.

“Those who are away from their duties are requested to return to their duties immediately for the interests of the country and people,” he said.

The strikes are also disrupting parts of the military’s vast business empire. A copper mine in northern Sagaing region, jointly owned by the military and a Chinese company, has ceased operations after more than 2,000 workers walked out.

And hundreds of engineers and other staff working for Mytel, a telecoms operator part-owned by the military, have stopped work.

Activists hope a ‘no recognition, no participation’ approach can sustain pressure against the military even if demonstrations are stamped out with violence [Reuters/Stringer]

Calls for a boycott of products produced by army-owned companies have also gained momentum. Local business owners have destroyed cartons of cigarettes produced by the Virginia Tobacco Company, which is part-owned by Myanmar Economic Holdings Ltd, a military conglomerate.

Lim Kaling, a major Singaporean shareholder in the venture, announced he was divesting this week after facing pressure from activists at Justice For Myanmar and elsewhere.

Japanese brewer Kirin, meanwhile, has said it will withdraw from a joint venture with a military-owned beer company.

New connectivity

The movement’s tactics go further than a similar uprising did in 2007, when there were widespread street protests similar to those seen in recent days, but no coordinated efforts to hobble the military government with industrial action.

One difference today compared with 2007 is that many people in the formerly isolated country own smartphones and are online, allowing calls for civil disobedience to spread rapidly in the aftermath of the coup, even amid sporadic internet shutdowns.

Another is that, after a ban on trade unions was lifted in 2011, Myanmar has a young but tenacious workers’ rights movement with years of experience organising strikes.

Approximately 5,000 workers in Hlaing Tharyar, an industrial zone in the main city of Yangon, have joined the general strike, a union organiser who requested anonymity told Al Jazeera.

“I can’t say how long we’ll be on strike, but it will be until the abolition of the dictatorship,” she said.

Workers’ rights groups, joined by student activists, were among the first to protest in the streets on February 6, galvanising others who had been reluctant to march because of the military’s history of shooting protesters.

Civil servants risk jobs

Trade unions took the lead because they had no other option, the organiser said.

“Even under the democratically elected government, we didn’t have our rights, so under a dictatorship, we don’t have a chance.”

Myanmar’s civil servants, who have spent the last five years working for the only credibly elected government most people in the country have ever known, are also risking their livelihoods and their freedom to avoid a return to the dark days.

Than Toe Aung, deputy permanent secretary at the Ministry of Construction, announced he was joining the strike on Monday.

“I call on my colleagues to follow suit to help bring down the dictatorship,” he said in a statement posted to Facebook.

From civil servants to healthcare workers and labourers, Myanmar protesters have defied the military threats and arrests as they march to call an end to the coup [Than Lwin Times/Reuters]

Staff from the ministries of investment, transport, energy and social welfare, among others, have also pledged not to return to work until power is handed back to Aung San Suu Kyi’s government.

Myanmar’s ambassador to the United States, Maung Maung Latt, said last week he is seeking asylum in the US to protest the coup, and urged other diplomats to follow suit.

On Thursday, staff from the Myanmar Economic Bank, which disburses government salaries, also joined the strike.

Threat of defections

But perhaps most worrying for the generals is the threat of defections from the military-controlled police force.

During a rally in Naypyidaw on Tuesday, a police lieutenant named Khun Aung Ko Ko broke ranks to join protesters.

“I am aware I will be put in jail with a long prison sentence if our fight for democracy does not succeed,” he wrote in a statement handed out at the demonstration afterwards.

“My sacrifice for the people and members of the police force, to fight for democracy and the fall of dictator Min Aung Hlaing, will be worth it.”

MUTINY!

Some Myanmar police officers across the country have also reportedly joined in the protests against the military rule [File: Stringer/AFP]

Another officer joined protesters in the coastal town of Myeik, while dramatic footage from Magwe in central Myanmar showed three riot officers leaving their lines to defend protesters from water cannon with their shields.

Then on Wednesday, 49 uniformed officers from the police department in Loikaw, the capital of eastern Kayah state, joined a march there with a banner that read, “No military dictatorship.”

The officers are now in hiding and the remaining members of the department are looking to arrest them, The Kantarawaddy Times reported.

Thinzar Shunlei Yi said she believed that not just police officers but also rank and file soldiers want to join the movement.

“I hope this is possible,” she said. “In the past few years, I’ve been contacted by different soldiers asking for help because their rights have been violated. They’ve been bullied, they’ve been harassed, they’ve been tortured. It’s brutal inside the military.”

Military crackdown

One of the key demands from protesters has been for the military to return power to Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy party. But many activists, especially those from often ethnic minority groups who feel betrayed by the party, are pushing for more radical demands.

“Some people are demanding the military accept the 2020 election result and restore democracy,” said Maung Saungkha, a prominent freedom of expression activist, referring to a November 8 poll, which the NLD won in a landslide.

“If we accept the 2020 election, then we will still be under the military’s 2008 constitution, and with that constitution, coups will happen again and again,” he added.

“So, we need to negotiate with protesters about the strategy and a set of common demands.”

The military government’s crackdown has already begun. Dozens of protesters have been arrested and one young woman is on life support after police shot her in the head on Tuesday.

The military government is also making plans to impose a so-called “cybersecurity law” that would mean three-year prison sentences for speaking out against the government online.

Activists said the movement’s best hope of survival is solidarity.

“For this revolution to be successful, everyone needs to participate,” said the union organiser.

“Workers, students, even soldiers and the police. Everyone.”

VIDEOS HERE
How Myanmar’s popular uprising aims to topple military rulers | Politics News | Al Jazeera

Hundreds of thousands swell Myanmar protests against coup

Protests on Friday the biggest so far, and came a day after the US imposed sanctions on generals who led the coup.
The sanctions name top military commander Min Aung Hlaing and his deputy Soe Win, as well as four members of the State Administration Council [Sai Aung Main/AFP]

11 Feb 2021


Anti-coup protesters in Myanmar clashed with police as hundreds of thousands joined nationwide pro-democracy demonstrations in defiance of the military government’s call to halt mass gatherings.

The United Nations human rights office said more than 350 people, including officials, activists and monks, have been arrested in Myanmar since the February 1 military coup that removed Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi, including some who face criminal charges on “dubious grounds”.

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The UN rights investigator for Myanmar told a special session of the Human Rights Council in Geneva that there were “growing reports, photographic evidence” that security forces have used live ammunition against protesters, in violation of international law.

The mass protests on Friday were mostly peaceful but were the biggest so far, and came a day after Washington slapped sanctions on generals who led the takeover.

More than 100,000 people joined various protests in Yangon that remained peaceful.

But three people were wounded when police fired rubber bullets to break up a crowd of tens of thousands in the southeastern city of Mawlamyine, a Myanmar Red Cross official told Reuters news agency.

Footage broadcast by Radio Free Asia showed police charging at protesters, grabbing one and smashing him in the head. Stones were then thrown at police before the shots were fired.

“Three got shot – one woman in the womb, one man on his cheek and one man on his arm,” said Myanmar Red Cross official Kyaw Myint, who witnessed the clash.

“The crowd is still growing,” he added.

Doctors do not expect a 19-year-old woman shot during a protest in the capital Naypyitaw on Tuesday to survive. She was hit in the head with a live round fired by police.


Far from losing steam, it looks like today is the largest protest turnout yet #WhatsHappeningInMyanmar pic.twitter.com/N6R1ThcSIh
— Andrew Nachemson (@ANachemson) February 12, 2021



On Friday, protesters welcomed the US decision hours earlier imposing new sanctions against Myanmar the country’s top military officials who ordered this month’s coup.

US President Joe Biden signed an executive order that allowed the Treasury Department to also target the spouses and adult children of those being sanctioned.

“As a part of today’s action, Treasury is designating 10 current and former military officials responsible for the February 1, 2021 coup or associated with the Burmese military regime,” the US Treasury said in a statement announcing the sanctions.

The sanctions name top military commander Min Aung Hlaing and his deputy Soe Win, as well as four members of the State Administration Council.

A police officer aims a gun during clashes with protesters taking part in a demonstration against the military coup in Naypyidaw on February 9, 2021 [STR/AFP]

The move will prevent the generals from accessing more than $1bn in Myanmar government funds held in the United States. The sanctions also will affect the Myanmar Ruby Enterprise and Myanmar Imperial Jade Co, businesses controlled by the regime.

President Win Myint, de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi and other civilian officials were arrested in what Biden administration said earlier this month was a coup. The declaration set the stage for the administration to levy the new sanctions.

“Today’s sanctions need not be permanent,” the White House said in a statement.

“Burma’s military should immediately restore power to the democratically elected government, end the state of emergency, release all those unjustly detained, and ensure peaceful protestors are not met with violence.”

In a separate statement of social media, US Secretary of State Antony Blinken called on the generals “to relinquish power, restore the democratically elected government, and release those unjustly detained.”

While welcoming the sanctions, supporters of detained leader Suu Kyi and her party, National League for Democracy (NLD), said tougher action was needed to push the military out of power and force it to recognise the NLD’s landslide victory in November elections.

“We are hoping for more actions than this as we are suffering every day and night of the military coup here in Myanmar, ” Suu Kyi supporter Moe Thal, 29, told Reuters news agency on Friday.

“We want to finish this ASAP. We may need more punishment and action against Myanmar’s acting president and generals.”


The 7th day of nationwide protests against military rule starting agains all over Myanmar despite that raids had taken place throughout the country the night before which targeted protest organisers and election officials. #2021uprising pic.twitter.com/MV3bR89UuD

— Myanmar Now (@Myanmar_Now_Eng) February 12, 2021


The military cited unsubstantiated allegations of electoral fraud as part of the reason for the February 1 takeover of the government and declaration of a one-year state of emergency.

The generals have maintained the actions are legally justified, and have cited an article in the Constitution that allows the military to take over in times of emergency.

It remains to be seen what, if any, affect the sanctions will have. Many of the military leaders are already under sanctions because of attacks against the mostly Muslim Rohingya minority.

Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen said the US is “prepared to take additional action should Burma’s military not change course. If there is more violence against peaceful protestors, the Burmese military will find that today’s sanctions are just the first.”

The White House also announced that USAID, the US foreign development agency, is redirecting $42.4m of assistance that had been slated for Myanmar, funding that was intended to support efforts to overhaul the nation’s economic policy, as well as programmes that support civil society and the private sector.

USAID, however, is keeping in place $69m to support healthcare, food security, independent media, and peace and reconciliation efforts.

Meanwhile, arrests and detentions continue across Myanmar against those who are suspected of expressing their opposition to the military rule.

One social media posted on Friday showed a man being taken away by authorities, as his daughter confronted them, saying his father is not a criminal.

At the same time, the government announced that at least 23,000 prisoners have been pardoned, or have been issued shorter sentences.

The order is signed by Min Aung Hlaing, the chairman of the military junta government.

According to reports, among those included in the pardon is the controversial Buddhist monk, Wirathu, who has a history of inciting violence against minority Muslims in the country including the Rohingya.

There is a serious concern that the release of the prisoners is meant to clear space for the detention of more political detainees and anti-military protesters.

"My father is not a criminal, tell me why you arrested him" A man was taken by armed soldiers in Southern Shan State, at least 260 political dissidents were arrested after military coup in Myanmar. #WhatsHappeningInMyanmar pic.twitter.com/RkWQjCPD3x
— Wa Lone (@walone4) February 12, 2021


SOURCE : AL JAZEERA AND NEWS AGENCIES

VIDEOS
Hundreds of thousands swell Myanmar protests against coup | Human Rights News | Al Jazeera

Myanmar's military: A state within a state

Since Myanmar emerged as an independent nation in 1948, the army has staged three coups to secure its firm hold on political and economic power. Here's a look at the long arm of the military.

Soldiers take part in a military parade in the capital Naypyidaw in 2019

THIS IS AN ARTIFICIAL CAPITOL CREATED BY THE MILITARY TO REPLACE THE TRADITIONAL CAPITOL


Myanmar has witnessed widespread anti-coup protests this week where public anger at the military for toppling a democratically elected civilian government is on full display. On Wednesday, young protesters in the nation's largest city Yangon held a mock funeral for the army chief Min Aung Hlaing.

Protesters were seen carrying placards demanding an end to military dictatorship, as well as the release of the de facto leader of the civilian government, Aung San Suu Kyi, and other political prisoners.

The Tatmadaw, as the military is known in Myanmar, is both omnipresent and impalpable. It is omnipresent because it dominates not only the political landscape but also the country's economy. It is impalpable because the military functions like a "state within a state," Marco Bünte, political analyst and Myanmar expert at the University of Erlangen-Nuremberg, told DW.

Yoshihiro Nakanishi, a Myanmar expert who published a book on the Tatmadaw in 2013, wrote: "Information about civil-military relations still remains limited; to a considerable extent we are forced to rely on hearsay and guesswork for analysis."

It was not without reason that the generals decided to relocate the capital to Naypyidaw, surrounded by dense forest and mountains, in the nation's heartland. A large area of the capital is a restricted military zone.

IN PICTURES: PROTESTS SPREAD IN MYANMAR OVER COUP

Doctors and nurses on the frontline

Less than 24 hours after the coup, doctors and nurses from many state hospitals announced that they were going on strike. They also called on others to join a campaign of civil disobedience.  PHOTOS 123456789101112

Self-perception of the military

Myanmar's army has about 406,000 soldiers in active duty as of 2019, according to data published by the International Institute for Strategic Studies. In absolute terms, it's the 11th largest army in the world.

The Tatmadaw has been the most powerful political player in Myanmar since it emerged as an independent country in 1948, and the army's influence has continued to grow over the years.

It is the only institution that has endured all challenges and survived with its power intact. Even massive international sanctions in the 1990s and early 2000s made little impact on the generals.

The military's self-perception and self-confidence are rooted in the nation's history. "One must not forget that the army is older than the state. It was founded in 1941 in Thailand as the 'Burma Independence Army' by the independence hero Aung San, who is still revered today," Bünte said. "Money and logistical support came from Imperial Japan. Aung San admired Japanese militarism, at least until he defected to the Allies shortly before the end of World War II."

Protesters are demanding an end to military dictatorship, as well as the release of Suu Kyi and other political prisoners

'Paranoid security complex'

Until his assassination in 1948, Aung San considered a strong army indispensable, as only it could guarantee the country's independence and unity. The army's motto, which is still valid today, originated in Japan. It reads: "One blood, one voice, one command."

In the years after independence, the military saw its main task as fighting communist and ethnic insurgency movements, and preserving the unity of the country. The military always put security above everything else, developing a "paranoid security complex" that persists to this day, Bünte stressed. "The impression that you are surrounded by enemies has not changed since the founding of the state."

Coup and state transformation in 1962

The military first staged a coup in 1962, when General Ne Win initiated the "Burmese Way to Socialism." While the socialist revolution failed, Ne Win was successful in completely transforming the political system to suit the military, Nakanishi underlined in his book. This created a strong linkage between the military and the state. A key mechanism here was that officers leaving military service were given posts in the civilian administration, depending on their rank. Generals were usually provided with ministerial posts.

This system remains largely intact today. According to all that is known about the recent military coup, an important factor was that army chief Min Aung Hlaing would have had to leave the military in 2021 and no follow-up post could be found for him in the civilian government. This was partly because the military's proxy party, the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), had performed poorly in the November 2020 elections.

The people as a new threat

The socialist experiment ended with mass protests in 1988, which the military put down with another coup. According to estimates, about 3,000 people were killed. Saw Maung, the leader of the military regime at the time, declared, as Min Aung Hlaing did a few days ago, that the new military government was fundamentally different from the previous government.

1988 marked a profound turning point, as the military no longer viewed only external enemies and ethnic groups as opponents, but for the first time also own citizens, Nakanishi and Bünte pointed out.

Nakanishi observes a growing paternalism on the part of the military, since from its point of view, only the generals knew what was good for the country and the people. As a motto, the military government defined three national tasks: "No disintegration of the union, no disintegration of national solidarity and consolidation of national sovereignty."

The system of providing retiring military officers with positions in the government was maintained, in addition to an economic opening that saw the emergence of large state-owned companies such as the Union of Myanmar Economic Holding (UMEHL). These firms offered further opportunities to provide army officers with posts in the civilian administration and business.

This resulted in deepening ties between the military, the state and the economy.

The extent of the military's influence can also be seen in the fact that except for Aung San Suu Kyi all founding members of the National League for Democracy (NLD), founded in 1988, were ex-military officers.

As Bünte puts it, "Myanmar was a heavily militarized agrarian state." A military career was the most attractive for many at the time. So it is not surprising that even opposition politicians came from the ranks of the military.
'Disciplined democracy'

In the following years, the military government developed the so-called seven-step road map to a "disciplined democracy," which resulted in the 2008 constitution that is still in effect today.

The goal of the new constitution was, among other things, to assign a political role to the Tatmadaw, in order to sustain the military's vast network of patronage.

At the same time, a "developmental dictatorship" was implemented, as Nakanishi calls it. Cooperation with the NLD led to the lifting of international sanctions, an influx of foreign investment and gave the country a major development boost.

Darling of democracy

But the period after Aung San Suu Kyi's and NLD's election victory in 2015 threatened the model of disciplined democracy in several ways, from the military's perspective.

The NLD's civil service reform in 2017 succeeded in breaking the rule that military personnel should be appointed to government posts. And the NLD made no secret of the fact that it would not accept the 2008 constitution.

"Basically, Suu Kyi never recognized the military. She had become part of the political system to change it, but not to implement it," Bünte said.

With the February 1 coup, the military put a temporary end to the erosion of its power.
Splitting the military?

The crucial question in light of the nationwide protests is how the military will now respond. Will it use force to quell the protests, as it did in the violent crackdown of 1988, or is it indeed a "new military," as Min Aung Hlaing said. Reports are emerging that the military has started using live ammunition against protesters. A look at other countries in the region shows that democracy movements, such as in Indonesia, have only been successful when the military has been unable to maintain its cohesion.

Looking at Myanmar, Bünte noted, "Deviation or diversity of voices is seen as a weakness. There is a decidedly strong esprit de corps and a cultural tendency not to disagree with higher-ranking or older members of the (military) community." However, he added, the military is also like a black box, and it is difficult to judge from the outside whether there are forces that want to reverse the coup.

Myanmar: UN rights body spotlights human rights violations

The United Nations' leading human rights body has highlighted the Myanmar junta's "dubious" arrests and the firing of live ammunition. However, the protests go on.


Protesters regroup after police fired warning-shots and use water cannons during a protest in Mandalay


The United Nations' top rights body opened an urgent session on the Myanmar military coup on Friday, amid calls for sanctions against the junta.

The UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) has no power to impose sanctions, but it can act as a vehicle to train international attention to human rights violations.

What did the UN Human Rights Council say?

More than 350 people in Myanmar have been arrested since the February 1 military coup

Some of those arrested, including officials, activists, and monks, face charges on "dubious grounds"

There are growing reports and photographic evidence that "Myanmar security forces have used live ammunition against protesters"

There was evidence that the military had given "draconian orders" against freedom of expression

There has been a growing presence of soldiers on the street

PROTEST MOVEMENT SYMBOLS GRAB ATTENTION

Three-finger salute

In Myanmar, people show the three-finger salute as a sign of protest against the military coup. The gesture stems from the dystopian novel and film series "Hunger Games" and has also been a symbol of resistance in neighboring Thailand, which has been under a military dictatorship since 2014. There, some protesters were arrested when they showed the salute.

PHOTOS 123456789

'The world is watching'

The UN's deputy human rights chief Nada al-Nashif said the international community must make clear the coup and subsequent crackdown were unacceptable.

"The world is watching," al-Nashif warned. "Draconian orders have been issued this week to prevent peaceful assembly and free expression, and police and military presence on the streets has grown progressively over the last several days.

"Let us be clear: the indiscriminate use of lethal or less-than-lethal weapons against peaceful protestors is unacceptable," she said.

However, al-Nashif stressed it was important that any sanctions against the regime should be targeted against "specific individuals who are credibly alleged to have violated the people's rights."

The US has already announced new sanctions that target junta leader Min Aung Hlaing and other top generals.

YOUTH PROTEST IN COS PLAY COSTUMES. BALL ROOM GOWNS, SUPERHERO COSTUMES, TOPLESS BODY BUILDERS.....

Watch video 02:29 Myanmar's youth drive opposition to military coup

Woman shot in head

Amnesty International told DW on Friday that it had evidence that security forces had used live ammunition.

A woman was critically injured after being shot in the head at a protest in Naypyitaw on Tuesday.

"The incident in question in Naypyitaw, the capital, was filmed. We were able to geolocate where the incident took place. We saw that they were using a locally made clone of an Uzi weapon," Kayleigh Long, a researcher covering Myanmar for Amnesty International, told DW. "The shells would indicate it was light ammunition and not rubber bullets."

"That is, as far as we can tell, the first use of live ammunition against protesters. We've also seen them using water cannons and other disproportionate force in trying to quell the protests."

Renewed protests across country

Demonstrations against the coup continued unabated on Friday with tens of thousands of people reportedly turning out.

While demonstrations in the country's largest city Yangon remained peaceful, there were reports that those elsewhere had resulted in clashes with police.

After its arrest of the country's de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi last week, the junta has proclaimed a state of emergency lasting a year. It had promised to hold fresh elections, but with no precise offer of a timeframe.

Watch video 03:33 Myanmar military's response 'clearly escalating'

While the coup has triggered widespread international condemnation, China — a regional and economic ally — has declined to criticize the generals that presided over it.

Myanmar, a former British colony then known as Burma, was under military rule for five decades following a 1962 coup. While Suu Kyi's five years as the nation's effective leader have represented a brief period of relative democracy, the country's authorities have continued to apply repressive colonial-era laws and engage in ethnic conflict.

rc/aw (Reuters, AFP, AP)

Myanmar: UN rights body spotlights human rights violations | News | DW | 12.02.2021

Myanmar’s military grants amnesty to more than 23,000 prisoners

Sentences of 23,314 Myanmar prisoners and 55 foreign prisoners are remitted as mass protests against the coup continue.

Demonstrators urged Washington to toughen sanctions imposed on Myanmar's ruling generals [Reuters]

12 Feb 2021

Myanmar on Friday granted amnesty to more than 23,000 prisoners and the coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing called on people to “join hands” with the military for democracy – but despite that thousands of people have rallied demanding a return of the civilian administration.

The release of prisoners comes on Union Day, which is observed to mark the unification of the country, but the supporters of overthrown leader Aung San Suu Kyi defied the call from the military rulers to halt mass gatherings as the protests entered the seventh day.

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Hundreds of thousands swell Myanmar protests against coup

Myanmar ruler calls for end to protests as US imposes sanctions

Myanmar police used machine guns against protesters, says Amnesty

“I would seriously urge the entire nation to join hands with the Tatmadaw for the successful realization of democracy,” Min Aung Hlaing said using the local term for the military.

“Historical lessons have taught us that only national unity can ensure the non-disintegration of the Union and the perpetuation of sovereignty.”

The announcement said sentences for Myanmar prisoners were being remitted while the country “is establishing a new democratic state with peace, development and discipline to turn the prisoners into certain decent citizens, to please the public and to create the humanitarian and compassionate grounds”.

The sentences of 23,314 Myanmar prisoners and 55 foreign prisoners were remitted, according to the reports.

Protests in multiple cities


On Friday, at least six shots were fired when police sought to disperse a protest against the military in the city of Mawlamyine, video footage posted on Facebook showed.

Meanwhile, security forces carried out another series of arrests overnight, with those detained including at least one doctor who had taken part in an escalating civil disobedience campaign.

Demonstrators on Friday urged Washington to toughen sanctions imposed on Myanmar’s ruling generals to force the military to release Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest.

The US sanctions target 10 current and former military officials deemed responsible for the coup, including Min Aung Hlaing. It also blacklisted three gem and jade companies it said were owned or controlled by the military.

In the biggest city, Yangon, hundreds of doctors in white duty coats and scrubs marched past the golden Shwe Dagon Pagoda, the country’s holiest Buddhist site, while in another part of town, football fans wearing team kits marched with humourous placards denouncing the military.

In the coastal town of Dawei, the streets were crowded with protesters giving fiery speeches, many carrying red flags with peacocks, a national symbol of pride and resistance.

Thousands also gathered in Myitkyina, the capital of the far north Kachin state, with young men playing rap music and staging a dance-off.

In the capital of Naypyidaw, some demonstrators put sheets over their heads and dressed as ghosts with sunglasses under the scorching sun. One carried a placard saying: “Not all ghosts are scary. But the Burmese police are more frightening.”

As Washington announced sanctions, European Union members of Parliament on Thursday called for action from their countries and the United Kingdom said it was considering measures to punish the coup leaders. The United Nations human rights council will discuss the issue later on Friday.

Social media giant Facebook said it would cut the visibility of content run by Myanmar’s military, saying they had “continued to spread misinformation” after seizing power in the February 1 coup.
Fifteen years of imprisonment

The military launched the coup after what it said was widespread fraud in the November 8 election, although the electoral commission has said the vote was free and fair. Nobel Peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy won the elections in a landslide.

The 75-year-old leader first swept to power following an historic election victory in 2015. She now faces charges of illegally importing six walkie-talkie radios and has not been seen in public since the coup.

Aung San Suu Kyi, who spent nearly 15 years under house arrest under previous military governments, remains hugely popular at home despite damage to her international reputation over the plight of Myanmar’s Rohingya minority.

The generals have promised to stick to the 2008 constitution and hand over power after elections, but on Friday, they said they would “work for the emergence of a constitution that is in alignment and harmony with the Democratic Federal Union”.

SOURCE : NEWS AGENCIES

COVID: Bangladesh's textile industry hit hard by pandemic

Bangladesh's garment manufacturers and workers are suffering as the coronavirus pandemic has soured long-term demand and big fashion brands continue to cancel orders.



The EU is the top importer of garments from Bangladesh


Global demand for clothing plummeted amid the COVID pandemic and big fashion brands remain reluctant to place big orders, posing a major problem for Bangladesh's vital textile industry.

In 2020, textile exports from the South Asian nation dropped by nearly 17%. Shipments to Europe, which is the destination for 60% of Bangladesh's garment exports, recorded a significant decline of just under 19%.

There hasn't been any uptick in demand and exports so far this year, the Bangladesh Garment Manufacturers and Exporters Association (BGMEA) said.

"Apparel exports declined by 5.83% year-over-year in January," Rubana Huq, president of the association, told DW.

"Based on current scenarios and the global trade or economic outlook, retail sales trends in the West, and the slowdown in order situation by our customers, it appears that exports may continue suffering till the third quarter of this year."

Bangladesh is hugely dependent on the export of textiles for its national income as the industry accounts for more than 80% of overall exports.

About 4 million workers are employed by the garment industry, most of them female seamstresses who often support several family members and live from paycheck to paycheck.

THE COST OF CHEAP CLOTHES

From rags to riches

The idea of farming seems today more abstract than ever before. Jost Franko's latest photo essay brings this distant world back to our reality, in which the ridiculous price of garments is paid by workers living in dire conditions. Pictured here is a relative of Issa Gira (67) from Burkina Faso, who's been growing cotton for 30 years, but still earns less than a dollar a day.  PHOTOS 12345678 

Clothing surplus piles up

Many clothing retailers have seen their stocks pile up over the past year.

According to the US-based business consultancy McKinsey, the value of unsold clothing in stores and warehouses worldwide ranges from $168-192 billion (€140-160 billion), which is more than double the level seen before the pandemic.

Also, global fashion brands continue to cancel orders from local suppliers. Britain's Marks & Spencer and Germany's Hugo Boss, for instance, said they had placed smaller orders than usual for this year’s spring collection.

Swedish firm H&M said a drop in demand worldwide will "inevitably" have an impact on their purchases.

"Our purchasing strategy is long-term but considering the uncertainties with how the pandemic will develop, we are of course closely evaluating the situation," H&M told DW in an emailed reply.

"A drop in customer demand and temporarily closed stores inevitably have an impact on our purchases."

The retailer also said that it is keen to work closely with suppliers to find solutions to support garment workers.

"That's why we have joined the ILO global call to action where we are working together with the ILO and trade unions to establish social protection systems, which the pandemic has highlighted the need for in many countries around the world," the company said.
Delayed recovery

"Until mid-January, 24% of our existing orders were postponed," Arshad Jamal Dipu, a vice-president of BGMEA, told DW. "We will get the whole picture in April-May. We fear a 30% order loss."

The European Union is Bangladesh's biggest garment export market, while the US is the largest single-country market.

In 2020, Bangladesh's textile exports to the EU dropped by nearly 19%, whereas to the US they fell by 16% and to Canada by as much as 25%.

With the increasing spread of new variants of the virus, BGMEA fears the economic recovery will be delayed further as countries tighten restrictions on business and public movement to combat their spread.

"We are observing a 'go slow' approach by buyers since the end of last year, which appears to be taking a further drastic turn," BGMEA president Rubana Huq told DW. "We are not getting pleasant signals from the local liaison offices of the buyers."

               GLOBALIZATION + COVID = END OF TRADITIONAL WEAVING 

AS IT DID TO ENGLISH WEAVERS IN THE 19TH CENTURY

9 Dracula film adaptations 1921-2021

Dracula, created by Irish author Bram Stoker, is the prototype of all vampires and a favorite of filmmakers to this day. The first adaption came out 90 years ago.


'Nosferatu' (1921)

Back in 1921, when German director Friedrich Wilhelm Murnau started shooting for "Nosferatu," there was no such thing as a "horror movie." Played by Max Schreck, the vampire Count Orlok was one of the scariest characters ever featured in a silent movie at the time. The gloomy, bald figure with bat-ears, thick eyebrows and long canines could have come directly from the depths of hell.

PHOTOS
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UK court: Nigerian farmers can sue Shell over pollution

Britain's Supreme Court has ruled that more than 40,000 people can make claims against the European energy giant following decades of oil spills in the Niger Delta region.



The UK's Supreme Court has said that Nigerian farmers and fishermen have a high chance of success in their lawsuit against Shell

A group of Nigerian farmers and fishermen can sue Royal Dutch Shell PLC in English courts over pollution from decades of oil spills, Britain's highest court ruled on Friday.

Five justices on the UK's Supreme Court said the Anglo-Dutch firm may owe a "duty of care'' to the claimants over the actions of its Nigerian subsidiary. Shell had argued that it was not responsible.

Friday's ruling overturns a 2017 decision against the Ogale and Bille communities of Nigeria's Niger Delta, who brought legal claims for compensation and clean-up costs following decades of repeated spills in the oil-rich region.

Justice 'unlikely in Nigeria'

The claimants argued that they could not expect justice in a Nigerian court and that the case against Shell and its subsidiary, the Shell Petroleum Development Company of Nigeria (SPDC), should be heard in London.

The claimants allege their lives and health have suffered because repeated oil spills have contaminated the land, swamps, groundwater and waterways and that there has been no adequate cleaning or remedial action.

In its ruling on Friday, the court said a lower appeals court had "materially erred in law'' when it ruled against the claimants. The Supreme Court justices said the appeal had "a real prospect of success."

Watch video 02:23 Shell ordered to pay for Niger Delta oil spills

Daniel Leader, a partner at the farmers' firm of lawyers, Leigh Day, hailed the decision as a "watershed moment."

"Increasingly, impoverished communities are seeking to hold powerful corporate actors to account and this judgment will significantly increase their ability to do so," Leader added.

Shell blames sabotage

Shell said it was disappointed with the ruling. The energy giant has blamed sabotage for oil spills and says crude oil spills caused by theft surged by 41% in 2019.

"Regardless of the cause of a spill, SPDC cleans up and remediates. It also works hard to prevent these sabotage spills, by using technology, increasing surveillance and by promoting alternative livelihoods for those who might damage pipes and equipment,” Shell said in a statement.

Oil continues to be visible on Nigerian rivers following oil spills a decade ago

The UK decision follows two weeks after the Netherlands ordered Shell to compensate Nigerian farmers for oil spills on land in two Delta villages. The Dutch ruling comes after 13 years of legal battles.

In 2015, Shell agreed to pay out 55 million pounds ($83.4 million) to the Bodo community in Nigeria in compensation for two oil spills, which was the largest ever out-of-court settlement relating to Nigerian oil spills.

The UK court also made a seminal ruling nearly two years ago in a case involving mining company Vedanta.

The decision allowed nearly 2,000 Zambian villagers to sue Vedanta in England for alleged pollution in Africa. Vedanta ultimately settled out of court in January.

mm/dj (AFP, AP, Reuters)

Opinion: France keeps Chad despot Idriss Deby in power

In April, Idriss Deby will vie for a sixth term as president of Chad. He could not have remained in power so long without being propped up by the former colonial power, DW's Eric Topona writes.

Idriss Deby's reign is safe from domestic dissidents

 so long as he has backing in Europe

With the help of France, on December 1, 1990, Idriss Deby successfully toppled the government of Chadian President Hissene Habre, to whom he had long been loyal. The coup ended one of the bloodiest dictatorships on the African continent.

That day, Deby told the people of Chad, who had been yearning for justice, freedom and prosperity, that he would bring them not gold or silver but freedom and democracy. On April 11, Deby will be vying for a sixth term as president, with neither gold nor silver, nor democracy for that matter, in sight. 

DW's Eric Topona

When Deby made his promise back in 1990, the world was undergoing significant political shifts. In Europe, for example, Communist dictatorships were falling swept away. And the people of Chad, whose freedoms had been trampled upon by the previous regime, were hungry for democratic reforms.
Chad's constitutional changes

Deby took a page out of the playbook of other former French colonies by convening a national conference in 1993 to draw up a new constitution. Adopted in 1996, that constitution allowed the president a maximum of two terms in office. But it was amended in 2005 to remove the two-term limit, essentially clearing the way for future power grabs.

By the time Chad had become an oil-producing country, Deby had emerged as a self-styled strongman. Instead of diversifying the economy, modernizing its infrastructure or spending oil profits evenly throughout Chad, he took a different approach. He viewed his country's newfound revenue not as belonging to the people, as one would expect, but rather as his own money — which went straight into his family's pockets.

Chad has been exporting oil since 2003. In 2012, Infrastructure and Transportation Minister Adoum Younoussmi said petroleum was what brought the country growth. According to his ministry, Chad produced more than 120,000 barrels of oil a day, earning revenues of around €4.5 billion between 2004 and 2011. Not bad for a country of just 15 million people.
Diverting Chad's wealth

The government had promised that the wealth generated would go to alleviating poverty in one of the poorest countries in the world. Schools, streets and hospitals were built, albeit of a low quality, in the north of the country, where the president happens to be from. The south fared far worse. In southern Chad, and especially the country's oil producing region, the population continues to live in abject poverty.

The lion's share of the funds are either lining the pockets of Chad's ruling minority or have been invested in arms to fend off numerous coup attempts. Normal people in Chad continue to suffer. Mortality rates from famine, malaria and dysentery remain high, with no access to clean drinking water, functioning hospitals or trained doctors in many regions — despite the fact the government had pledged to earmark 70% of the country's oil revenues for fighting poverty.

Chad has become the property of a single man and the circle he rules with. On paper, the country is still a democracy. But the reality is very different. Journalists are regularly thrown into jail. Granted, these breaches of the rule of law are not only the president's doing. His henchmen also abuse their power. The country's opposition is prohibited from gathering and since 2015 has been barred from organizing demonstrations. Those who do so risk imprisonment.

But Deby has nothing to fear. Chad continues to enjoy a special relationship with France and plays a key role in fighting terror in the Sahel region. Paris has effectively written him something of a blank check, and has on many an occasion bailed him out militarily when others tried to topple him.

France would be well advised to improve its ties with Chad's younger generation and forces of change. This would mean a break with Deby and his ruling clan, who are impeding any hope for democracy. Many in Chad are skeptical that April's elections will be free and fair. It seems unlikely that the will of the people will be respected.

Saudi activist Loujain al-Hathloul no longer in jail but still not free

As far as Saudi Arabia is concerned, Loujain al-Hathloul was a threat to national security. Some believe the new US administration under Joe Biden had a hand in her release.

Al-Hathloul says the fight for more rights isn't over

She spent 1,001 nights in jail, or just under three years, and now the famous Saudi Arabian human rights activist is out on probation. "Loujain is at home," her sister Lina al-Hathloul wrote on Twitter. She also posted a screenshot of a video conversation with her sister in which she was seen smiling.

Her other sister, Alia al-Hathloul, said this about her sister's release during an online press conference: "It was a very special moment when I saw her, a moment I'll never forget. She's such a strong woman. That's the woman I know. We're happy she'll now be able to sleep in a warm bed."

The human rights activist says one of the first things she wants to do is eat ice cream and her sister Alia, who lives in Belgium, said she had popped out to the supermarket to buy ice cream to celebrate with her sister.

For years, Loujain al-Hathloul had challenged the ban on women driving and other legal restrictions in Saudi Arabia. The restrictions were imposed under the country's guardianship system, which required that females have male guardians with them at all times. She was arrested and jailed in May 2018.

Saudi Arabia, a few weeks later, changed the law prohibiting women from driving and observers believe that Crown Prince, Mohammad bin Salman, a self-styled reformer himself, didn't want it to look like the role of female activists had forced the change in the law.

In December 2020, a judge sentenced her to five years and eight months in prison after finding her guilty of violating the country's counter-terrorism law. She was charged with violating national security and of maintaining contacts with foreign governments in an attempt to change the country's political system. At the time of the verdict, she had already spent over two years in custody while awaiting trial.

For years, Loujain al-Hathloul had challenged the ban on women driving and other legal restrictions in Saudi Arabia

The fight isn't over

Loujain al-Hathloul's family had hoped that she would get out of jail on probation in the coming months. With 1,001 days in jail now behind her, her sister Lina still doesn't think the matter is over. "Loujain is home, but she isn't free," she said.

She may be home but she's still not allowed to leave the country for five years. If she does so, she'll be violating her parole. Her parents too have had trouble leaving the country in recent years. Officials never told them why.

Saudi Arabia's counterterrorism court, which was established in 2008, has its own definition of what it considers to be terrorism, according to Middle East expert Guido Steinberg from the German Institute for International and Security Affairs (SWP). "The government in Saudi Arabia defines what exactly terrorism is," he said. "What we have here is a political trial set in motion by political leadership. This court was established to accomplish such things."

According to Loujain's supporters, she can be sent back to jail at any time over the next three years if she is seen as having violated her parole in any way. That's why her sister Lina thinks she won't be going on social media anytime soon. Her Tweets are now considered illegal and any activity in this regard would be considered a cybercrime.

The 31-year-old activist's release from jail was hailed internationally. Amnesty International called her release long overdue and leaders around the world, including French President Emmanuel Macron and US President Joe Biden echoed that sentiment. 

Did the US government play a role in her release?

US President Joe Biden has promised a tougher stance towards Saudi Arabia

Bidensaid back on the campaign trail in 2020 that if elected president, human rights violations in Saudi Arabia would be dealt with in a much stricter way than was the case during the Trump administration. According to SWP's Guido Steinberg, it's very possible that the change in power from Trump to Biden played a "very important role" in her release.

The timing of the court decision — three weeks after Biden took office — is not mere coincidence, many say. Loujain's sister Alia also thinks pressure from Washington helped get her sister out of jail earlier.

Former US President Donald Trump maintained warm relations with the Saudi Crown Prince and saw him as an ally in the region against Iran. Despite numerous human rights violations and the murder of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi, he never swayed from his pro-Saudi stance. Numerous human rights activists and critics of the Saudi government remain in jail today, including the activists Nassima al-Saddah, Maya al-Zahrani and Samar Badawi, the sister of the prominent blogger Raif Badawi. And Steinberg doesn't expect the situation to improve anytime soon. "The tolerance the Saudi government has had for opposition figures, even moderate opposition figures, has become less and less over the last few years."

Loujain al-Hathloul wants justice to be served

Lina al-Hathloul is not exactly optimistic when it comes to improvements on human rights in her country. "Loujain's release from jail is of course good for her and good for us, her family. But that doesn't change anything with regard to the systemic problems the country faces. Women won't be getting more rights just because she's been released from jail. As long as she is prevented from being an activist, nothing will change," she said.

But don't expect Loujain al-Hathloul to give up the fight anytime soon. She wants justice because she was tortured, her sister Alia said. "She will never be able to forget what happened to her."

According to her family and Amnesty International, she was tortured with electric shocks and also beaten. The Saudi government, however, denies these claims. She has tried to prove in court that she was tortured but so far in vain. According to her sister Lina, the burden of proof is on Loujain to prove that she was mistreated.

This article was translated from German.