Monday, March 29, 2021


Freedom Day March Highlights Challenges Facing Belarusian Opposition


By Tony Wesolowsky

March 26, 2021 
A man is detained in Minsk on March 25, one of at least 170 detained in the capital

As pro-democracy supporters marched down the streets of Minsk on March 25, a reporter did a video interview with Nina Bahinskaya, a frail yet fiery veteran of protests in Belarus for decades.

As Bahinskaya speaks while she walks, a chilling scene plays out a few meters behind her. A woman -- later identified as film student Maria Tsikhanava -- is quickly approached by what appears to be a black-clad, balaclava-wearing Belarusian security officer, who grabs her and whisks her away, all in a few seconds and all unbeknownst to Bahinskaya, who marches on.

Belarusian leader Svyatlana Tsikhanouskaya had hoped the rally on March 25 -- or Freedom Day, as it is also the day commemorating the founding of a short-lived democratic Belarusian republic more than 100 years ago -- would breathe new life into the country's protest movement demanding Alyaksandr Lukashenka, in power since 1994, step down.

The country has been rocked by protests since Lukashenka claimed a landslide victory and a sixth straight term in an August presidential election that many Belarusians believe was rigged in his favor. Supporters of Tsikhanouskaya, a political novice who was buoyed by big crowds at campaign rallies, was the actual winner. She is now in exile in neighboring Lithuania.

Tens of thousands marched in the wake of the disputed vote, but those numbers have dwindled in the last few months. Winter weather and weariness have contributed, but the incident filmed on the streets of Minsk on March 25 highlights the huge risk Belarusians take in coming out to voice opposition to Lukashenka.

More than 33,000 have been detained, hundreds beaten on the streets or in detention, some described by rights groups as torture, at least four people have been killed, and independent reporters targeted in the government crackdown. "The Belarusian authorities are conducting a targeted campaign of intimidation against civil society in an effort to silence all critics of the government," Human Rights Watch said on March 18 in a statement.


Anatomy Of A Cover-Up? Why Belarus's Denials In Death Of Protester Don't Ring True

Crushing Protests


Ahead of the planned action, the commander of Interior Ministry troops, Mikalay Karpyankou, described Belarusian protesters as "enemies of our state," before vowing to "deal with them quickly," and harshly as in the past "with pleasure."

Crisis In Belarus


Read our coverage as Belarusians continue to demand the resignation of Alyaksandr Lukashenka amid a brutal crackdown on protesters. The West refuses to recognize him as the country's legitimate leader after an August 9 election considered fraudulent.

Ivan Tertel, the head of the KGB, told Lukashenka on March 9 that foreign actors were applying "unprecedented pressure on our state," claiming -- without providing evidence -- that plans had been discovered to "destabilize the situation" in Belarus on March 25-27.

State-run TV had aired footage of Interior Ministry forces drilling ahead of the planned demonstrations. On March 25, police and army officers, police vans, military vehicles, were out in force across Minsk in a not so subtle hint to the public to stay away.

Lukashenka's government has justified its actions by casting protesters as pawns of foreign forces and being bent on causing havoc.

To avoid being swept up in any mass police crackdown, the Nexta Telegram channel, which has mobilized and coordinated demonstrations, had urged protesters to march through courtyards and organize flash mobs.

Even with less-concentrated crowds, the Belarusian human rights monitor Vyasna said a total of 245 people were detained in 23 cities and towns across Belarus on March 25, including 176 in Minsk.

Franak Viacorka, an adviser to Tsikhanouskaya, said there had been "hundreds of actions," including fireworks, flash mobs, performances, and courtyard rallies, but acknowledged the "tanks and armored vehicles" deployed by Lukashenka, had "frightened" people along with the earlier repressions and beatings. "It is clear this all had an impact on the number of people [who turned out on March 25]," Viacorka told Current Time, the Russian-language network led by RFE/RL in cooperation with VOA.

Growing International Pressure

While Lukashenka may for now "control the streets," as Tsikhanouskaya herself acknowledged in February, he is losing what leverage he had left on the international stage, at least in the West.

The UN's top human rights body on March 24 voted to investigate allegations of widespread human rights abuses in Belarus. Russia, which has close ties to Belarus and has helped prop up Lukashenka since the disputed election, was one of the countries to vote against the measure.

UN human rights chief Michelle Bachelet has been asked to lead the investigation aiming to bring alleged perpetrators to justice. The rights council authorized a budget of $2.5 million and the hiring of 20 experts and staff to carry out the investigation.


SEE ALSO:
Is China Cooling On Belarus's Lukashenka?


Washington, subdued in its criticism under former President Donald Trump, has become more vocal under President Joe Biden. On March 25, the U.S. State Department demanded the immediate release of the more than 290 political prisoners in Belarus, and highlighted the plight of Ihar Losik and Maryya Kalesnikava.

Kalesnikava, who faces national-security charges that supporters say are absurd, had her pretrial detention extended on March 22. Arrested in September, Kalesnikava, a key aide to Tsikhanouskaya and a senior member of the opposition's Coordination Council, was ordered to remain in detention until May 8.

Losik, a popular blogger and RFE/RL consultant, has been held since June on charges his supporters say are trumped up. He had been charged initially with allegedly using his popular Telegram channel to "prepare to disrupt public order" ahead of the August 9 presidential election.

Losik, 28, tried to slit his wrists and launched a four-day hunger strike on March 11 after being informed he faced new unspecified charges.

The statement by State Department spokesman Ned Price came a day after the top two members of the U.S. House Foreign Affairs Committee also called for the release of all political prisoners in Belarus and pledged their support for the pro-democracy movement in the country. "We will continue to support the Belarusian people's democratic aspirations until the illegitimate Lukashenka steps down, all political prisoners -- including RFE/RL consultant Ihar Losik -- are released and, new free and fair elections are held," Representatives Gregory Meeks (Democrat-New York) and Representative Michael McCaul (Republican-Texas) said in a statement.

The European Union, United States, Canada, and other countries have refused to recognize the 66-year-old as the legitimate leader of Belarus and have slapped him and senior Belarusian officials with sanctions in response to the "falsification" of the vote and postelection crackdown.

Angry Neighbors

On March 25, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania imposed travel bans on another 118 Belarusian officials. The first round of bans since November expands the list of the sanctioned, already containing Lukashenka, to a total of 274, the Lithuanian Foreign Ministry said.

Lukashenka also faces worsening relations with Poland, which accuses Belarus of persecuting the ethnic Polish community.

Andrzej Poczobut, a journalist and a member of the Association of Poles in Belarus was detained in Hrodna early on March 25, two days after the association's leader, Andzelika Borys, was arrested and sentenced to 15 days in jail. The arrest came amid a worsening standoff following tit-for-tat diplomatic expulsions this month, including the heads of the Polish consulates in Brest and Hrodna.

And while Belarusians may be for now reluctant to return to the street, more than 750,000 have added their signature to an online campaign launched by Tsikhanouskaya to demand Lukashenka enter internationally mediated talks on ending the political crisis.

Nexta has called for mass protests on March 27, casting it as "the day we start the second wave of street protests."

Despite the fear instilled by the Lukashenka government crackdown, Viacorka is convinced it is only a matter of time before Belarusians turn out in larger numbers.

"People need to be shoulder to shoulder with one another, to see again that they are the majority, to feel that energy they got from those large marches," he said.


With reporting by Current Time and RFE/RL's Belarus Service

Tony Wesolowsky is a senior correspondent for RFE/RL in Prague, covering Belarus, Ukraine, Russia, and Central Europe, as well as energy issues. His work has also appeared in The Philadelphia Inquirer, the Christian Science Monitor, and the Bulletin Of The Atomic Scientists.
‘You will not have your seat again’: how the Fight for $15 movement gained new momentum

Congress’s failure to raise the federal minimum wage last month dealt a blow, but advocates are pressuring lawmakers to bring the issue back


Activists appeal for a $15 minimum wage near the Capitol in Washington DC on 25 February. Photograph: J Scott Applewhite/AP


Lauren Aratani
Sun 28 Mar 2021 

For Terrence Wise, a McDonald’s employee from Kansas City, Missouri, the battle for a raise in the federal minimum wage is far from over.

Joe Biden campaigned on a raise, the first since 2009, and the majority of Americans of both parties support an increase. And yet, last month, Congress blocked an increase from the paltry $7.25 an hour where it has been stuck since 2009. Now there are signs of new momentum for change.

If Washington can’t find a solution, Wise had a warning for politicians of both sides. “If you’re not going to make $15 a reality for workers, if you’re not going to create an environment for workers to join a union and make that possible, you will not be re-elected. You will not have your seat again,” Wise said, an organizer with the Fight for $15 movement. “We will not continue to choose representatives who are truly not representing us or who are out of tune with the working class.

“We say don’t take it as a threat – take it as a promise.”


Senate minimum wage battle could play out in midterm elections
Read more


High hopes that the federal minimum wage would be lifted for the first time in over 10 years came with the introduction of Biden’s $1.9tn stimulus package. The wage hike, which Biden tucked into his original stimulus plan, would have been the largest victory for the Fight for $15 movement since it started to mobilize fast-food workers in 2012.

But when the bill hit the Senate, the wage increase faced two major hurdles: moderate Democrats who said that $15 was just too high and a ruling from the Senate’s parliamentarian on whether including an increase in the spending bill would break Senate rules.

Ultimately, both factors stopped the increase from going into law.

While Congress’s failure to raise the minimum wage dealt a blow to the Fight for $15 movement, advocates say there is still enough momentum behind the issue to build pressure on lawmakers in DC to bring a $15 minimum wage back to the table. Activists also say the Democratic party risks losing the support of some of its base if a new minimum wage fails to pass.

“It’s such a core priority for so many organizations, for so many people, so many of the voters that put a lot of these elected officials into office,” said Tsedeye Gebreselassie, director of work quality at the National Employment Law Project. “It’s the top economic policy priority this year.”

Multiple polls have shown there is broad support for a $15 minimum wage. One Pew Research poll from 2019 found that 67% of Americans support a minimum wage increase. An Amazon/Ipsos poll released this month found approximately the same percentage of support.

With inaction from Congress, 29 states have increased their own minimum wage above the federal rate. Seven states have passed legislation increasing their minimum wage to $15 gradually, Florida being the most recent state to pass the measure by a ballot initiative. A few companies have also taken things into their own hands, with Costco, Amazon and Target increasing their minimum wage to at least $15 in recent years.

People take part in a demonstration to raise the minimum wage outside of McDonald’s corporate headquarters in Chicago on 15 January. Photograph: Scott Olson/Getty Images

The increase in positive public opinion and the adoption of a $15 minimum wage by states and companies are hard-fought achievements for the Fight for $15, but federal legislation would force states and companies who refuse to increase their minimum wage to adapt.

In recent weeks, the White House and Democrats in Congress have said they will continue to push the issue forward, though how the party plans to get legislation through the Senate remains unclear. Ron Klain, Biden’s chief of staff, told MSNBC on 14 March “we’re in the fight for $15”.

“We are going back at it to try to find a legislative strategy to get the votes together to pass the minimum wage,” Klain said. “We are going to talk to our allies on Capitol Hill, our allies in the broader Fight for $15, and try to figure out how we get the votes.”

Reports have indicated that Democratic senators who pushed for the $15 minimum wage are meeting with their colleagues who voted against it to talk about next steps to increase the minimum wage.

All Republicans and eight Democrats voted against the inclusion of the wage increase in the stimulus bill. Most of the Democratic senators who voted against it voiced concerns over the rushed way the raise was being passed and its potential impact on small businesses and restaurants, but indicated they were open to some kind of increase.

One Democratic senator, Joe Manchin, who is considered the most conservative Senate Democrat, was the star holdout during the minimum wage debate. Manchin said that he supports an increase that is “responsible and reasonable”, citing an $11 figure as something he would support.

In addition to getting all party senators on the same page, Democrats will either have to overrule the Senate parliamentarian, who in February ruled that a wage increase cannot be included in a bill passed with a simple majority, or get support from at least 10 Republican senators to pass the bill.

Support to overrule the parliamentarian as the stimulus bill went through Congress was weak, with Biden saying that he was “disappointed” in the decision but that he would “respect” it.

Another way to bypass the parliamentarian’s ruling would be if Democrats agree to do away with the filibuster, which would allow them to pass legislation with a simple majority. Legislation protecting voting rights has recently shed a more prominent spotlight on the debate over the filibuster, though some Democrats have voiced hesitancy over getting rid of the procedure.

THIS IS HOW IT WAS DONE BY THE NDP IN ALBERTA IN 2015
THE BIG LIE IS THAT IT'S $15 ALL AT ONCE
Nancy Pelosi, speaker of the House, holds a news conference on raising the federal minimum wage. Photograph: Michael Reynolds/EP
THIS SHOULD BE SENT AS A POSTCARD TO EVERY AMERICAN

Meanwhile, some moderate Republicans have come out with minimum wage increase plans of their own, showing that there is some support for an increase as the party tries to appeal to more working-class voters, though they are scaled back compared to what progressive Democrats want.

One plan, created by Republican senators Mitt Romney and Tom Cotton, would increase the minimum wage to $10 an hour by 2025 and include a crackdown on employers hiring undocumented workers. Another plan, from Republican senator Josh Hawley, would increase the minimum wage to $15 for corporations who make more than $1bn a year.

Though it appears compromise could be made on an increased minimum wage that is lower than $15, progressive Democrats and advocates for a $15 minimum wage are refusing to budge to anything below that.


'We need $15': US minimum wage ruling a personal blow for millions of workers


Progressive House Democrats, in an attempt to pressure their colleagues in the Senate to take on a $15 wage, have started to renew demands for legislation. On a recent call with the press, a dozen House Democrats, labor leaders and activists demanded that a $15 wage increase be passed by the end of the year.

Representative Ro Khanna, who organized the call, said that Democrats can include the increase in must-pass legislation, such as the annual defense spending bill. Khanna, along with other progressive Democrats, have also advocated for overturning the parliamentarian to raise the minimum wage to $15 if it comes to it.

“[We’re] making the case now that we’ve got to be prepared to overturn the parliamentarian if it comes to that, and that we have to get it done,” Khanna said. “This time we realized that we have to mobilize to make this clear months in advance, so it’s not like we’re doing this a week before the parliamentarian decision or right when the parliamentarian rules.”

Khanna said the number of groups on the call demonstrates the widespread support for a $15 minimum wage in the Democratic party.

“There could be real disappointment if we don’t get it this time,” Khanna said. “The Democratic party is unified around this in the House, among groups and, candidly, [among] the people who helped us win the election

Fear turns to fury in Myanmar as children shot by military

Bloody crackdowns and massacres initiate anger and stronger desire for a future without the Tatmadaw



Funeral held for 13-year-old boy shot by military in Myanmar – video

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About this content

Guardian reporter
Sun 28 Mar 2021


From soldiers randomly shooting passersby in the street to imminent economic collapse, anxieties have been plentiful in Myanmar since its military seized power on 1 February.

But unease was surging ahead of Armed Forces Day on Saturday when the military was expected to meet protesters with a brutal crackdown.

These expectations were more than realised. A one-year-old baby playing outside survived a rubber bullet to the eye, but other children, including a 13-year-old girl, were killed.


While the night sky in the purpose-built capital of Naypyidaw was momentarily aglow with a drone display of junta leader Min Aung Hlaing, his troops burned alive a snacks vendor in Mandalay. A witness said the man screamed for his mother as the flames enveloped him.


At least 114 civilians were killed on the day, according to news portal Myanmar Now, taking the overall number of those reported killed since the coup to more than 440.


On Sunday, Myanmar’s biggest city, Yangon, was stunned – not for the first time in recent weeks. Besides the odd ice-cream seller, the streets were muted, as the trauma of recent days surfaced in pedestrians’ reactions when a taxi backfired, or a brick hit the ground at a construction site.


Myanmar: more than 90 reported killed on 'day of shame' for armed forces

An eerie silence hung over a usually bustling area of central downtown, where the previous day police had dragged a passenger from a car, reportedly because he raised the three-finger salute – a symbol of defiance against the military that, ubiquitous only weeks ago, can now put you at risk of harm and arrest.

Yet underneath the scorching sun, the padauk trees that line the streets are blooming their golden flowers, which represent strength in Myanmar. People are afraid, but so are the police. They have erected barricades around their stations in fear of retribution.

For some, the fear that has defined March has turned into fury at the military’s inhumanity, impunity and incompetence. A realisation has dawned that fighting and defeating the military, known as the Tatmadaw, is the only way out of this dictatorship. Some protesters have already moved to territory held by ethnic rebels for combat training while a group representing Myanmar’s elected government has hinted at the formation of a federal army comprising ethnic armed groups and pro-democracy supporters.

“The regime will fail,” said a 24-year-old protester, whose two friends were arrested on Saturday and who wished to remain anonymous for safety reasons. “The federal government will win.”

While many foreigners and locals were attempting to exit the country before more violence, infrastructure breakdowns, and the possibility of a civil war, those who were staying had strengthened their resolve.

A 19-year-old man described the bloodiest crackdown yet this weekend as “a loss for the future”, given the young people who were killed. “There is so much anger and an even stronger desire for the junta to be removed,” he said, but there is confusion about what should be the next steps for the pro-democracy movement.

Min Aung Hlaing’s long-term plan is unclear, if it exists. Rather than intelligence and rationale, large sectors of the public believe the general is driven by ego and cruelty.

“Everyone is disgusted to see the military leaders celebrating with a big parade and a dinner party when earlier that day they massacred well over a hundred people,” said a university student.

Min Aung Hlaing has unleashed unimaginable violence on Myanmar. But his coup has also had the unintended consequence of creating new leaders who are willing to correct the mistakes of the past, such as discrimination against the Rohingya, and lead a new, united country. They are showing the population that a future without the Tatmadaw is possible.

“The military’s actions are only making people angrier,” said the student. “We are furious more than scared.”
Reading Mrs Dalloway: How Virginia Woolf wrote illness and isolation into the national story of post war Britain

Mrs Dalloway is a text that shows how memory and mourning work to uphold the values of the British Empire. Its attention on how emotions circulate between people allows us to understand how national structures of feeling are created through newspapers and through the orchestration of symbolic identifications.


Virginia Woolf painted by Roger Eliot Fry. 
Image via The Conversation/ Leeds Museums and Galleries, CC BY-NC

By Jess Cotton
The Conversation March 29, 2021 


Illness, unlike war, as English academic and writer Elizabeth Outka brilliantly demonstrates in her book Viral Modernism (2019), is a story that easily slips out of cultural and historical memory.

In illness, the modernist writer Virginia Woolf observed, “We cease to be soldiers in the army of the upright; we become deserters.” Woolf, writing in the wake of the first world war, saw the threat that the Spanish flu of 1919 posed to the stories of national triumph. Influenza moves in invisible and unpredictable ways. It renders everyone potentially vulnerable.

This interest in illness was personal. Woolf came down with several bouts of influenza between 1916 and 1925 and needed to confine herself to bed for stretches of time.

She documents the experience of the Spanish flu in her diary in 1918, noting, as an aside, how “we are, by the way, in the midst of a plague unmatched since The Black Death, according to the Times, who seem to tremble lest it may seize upon Lord Northcliffe and thus precipitate us into peace.”

Her tone is mocking. She would later appreciate the seriousness the threat of influenza posed. But here she suggests that what illness promises to bring is the end of the profit of war that fuels the nationalist sentiments churned out by the newspapers owned by Lord Northcliffe’s vast empire of popular journalism.

Reading Woolf’s work, particularly her 1925 novel Mrs Dalloway, on the 80th anniversary of her death and in the midst of our own pandemic, we see how she tried to rewrite death and illness back into the national story of post-first world war glory and strength.

Sidelining death


I’m a lecturer in English at Cardiff University, and teaching literature in a sparsely filled lecture theatre during the pandemic has been a discombobulating experience. Mrs Dalloway provided an entry point to make sense of the business of studying and thinking while a new national emergency unfolded around us. The protagonist of Mrs Dalloway is a survivor of the Spanish flu of 1919 and the sense of life that permeates the text emerges from her experience of rediscovering the pleasures of life. We meet Mrs Dalloway as she weaves her way through London, experiencing the quiet intensity of life one morning in June.

The novel’s famous opening line –'Mrs Dalloway said she would buy the flowers herself' – has taken on new resonance this year as the pandemic has made all our worlds much smaller. Clarissa wants to buy the flowers herself because she is delighted to go out – as we might appreciate – having spent so long indoors.

In class, the students and I thought about what it meant to see Clarissa as a character who has lived through a pandemic and who has come out the other side. Clarissa’s commitment to life, after a long confinement, is hopeful, though my students weren’t all convinced that it felt like one.

At the centre of Clarissa’s party, which the novel builds to, comes the news that Septimus Smith, a young war veteran, has killed himself. In Woolf’s original plans for her novel, Septimus did not appear and Clarissa was to kill herself during the party. In creating Septimus as Clarissa’s double, Woolf is able to move death to the sidelines – as we all would like to.

The Spanish influenza of 1918 was a plague that posed a serious threat and moved in the most unpredictable ways. Image via The Conversation/ Science History Images Alamy

Woolf revolutionises character by radically tunnelling inwards – giving us not a description of a character, but a map of their psychic life. We experience the protagonist intimately from within – through their stream of consciousness – but peripheral characters also proliferate in the modernist novel.

Woolf recognises how easily it is to cast characters to the sidelines of life. This is, after all, how national fictions work, by making space for protagonists at the expense of those who are pushed further out of view. In the case of post-war Britain, space was made for the glory of war but not for the the Spanish flu.

Collective memory


Mrs Dalloway is a text that shows how memory and mourning work to uphold the values of the British Empire. Its attention on how emotions circulate between people allows us to understand how national structures of feeling are created through newspapers and through the orchestration of symbolic identifications.

“In all the hat shops and tailors’ shops strangers looked at each other,” Woolf writes, “and thought of the dead; of the flag of Empire.” Woolf is interested in showing something that is hard to pinpoint: how national communities are created and sustained; how the war’s dead continue to underpin an inexorable sense of Britishness.

Woolf saw that a subjective perspective was required to make sense of how death continues to inflect the mood of a generation. Mourning, as Sigmund Freud also realised at a similar point, is ongoing, illusory work. What is remarkable about her writing is that Woolf draws our attention to how death pushes us beyond what we can know. In this unknowing, we are forced to admit that our lives are more fragile and dependent on the lives of others.

As one of her characters articulates in The Voyage Out (1915):

“It seems so inexplicable,” Evelyn continued. “Death, I mean. Why should she be dead, and not you or I? It was only a fortnight ago that she was here with the rest of us?”

Woolf’s ability to show how hard it is to explain death helps us understand the difficulty of living with its presence. In the face of the loneliness of death, the growing demise of its communal forms, the diminished structures of public mourning, she provides us with a language for death outside of national structures of commemoration.

Jess Cotton is Lecturer at the School of English, Communication and Philosophy, Cardiff University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Updated Date: March 29, 2021 

How music and contemporary composers influenced Virginia Woolf's literature, creative innovations

Music provided Woolf (and other modernists including James Joyce, Ezra Pound, Gertrude Stein and Katherine Mansfield) with a vocabulary to imagine and describe their creative practice and formal innovations.


Virginia Woolf listened to a widesian ballet music which she heard when the Ballets Russes visited London in 1912. Image via variety of music, including Rus The Conversation/ Wikimedia Commons


By Emma Sutton
The Conversation March 28, 2021


Many of Virginia Woolf’s early reviewers noted parallels between her literary innovations and those of contemporary composers, such as Claude Debussy. Woolf’s interest in music was overlooked after her death. However, 80 years on, we are now beginning to explore how her extraordinary experimental uses of narrative perspective, repetition and variation derive from her close study of particular musical works and specific musical forms.

Music provided Woolf (and other modernists including James Joyce, Ezra Pound, Gertrude Stein and Katherine Mansfield) with a vocabulary to imagine and describe their creative practice and formal innovations. Woolf, for instance, compares her diary writing to a pianist practising their scales. She describes her reading as a process of “tuning up” for her writing. And in 1940 she famously observed:

It’s odd, for I’m not regularly musical but I always think of my books as music before I write them.

Music in Woolf’s life


Woolf grew up immersed in music. As a young woman, she attended operas and concerts at the Royal Opera House three or four times a week – sometimes, every night. Like most women of her age and social class, she had received basic music education in singing and piano. But her passion as a listener far outstripped her abilities as a performer.

Her letters and diaries repeatedly convey her love of classical repertoire – particularly the works of Bach, Mozart, Beethoven and Wagner. But she heard a wide variety of music in varied settings. She heard folk music as she travelled in England, Scotland and continental Europe. Took in comic and patriotic songs in music halls. Delighted in the work of Arnold Schoenberg and another avant-garde repertoire through her subscription membership of the National Gramophonic Society, and Russian ballet music when the Ballets Russes visited London in 1912.

Woolf’s Hogarth Press also published studies of contemporary music, composers and popular books of music appreciation. Her understanding of – and in some cases intimate friendships with – leading composers, music critics, conductors and other musicians of her time gave her an insight into professional musical life, too. Friends included the composers and critics Eddy Sackville-West and Gerald Berners, the conductor and educator Nadia Boulanger, and the composer and feminist Ethel Smyth.

Music in Woolf’s writing


Woolf’s feminism, pacificism and cosmopolitanism were significantly shaped by her enduring, passionate love of music. The social conventions surrounding music education, performance and composition catalyse some of her wittiest and most acerbic social comedy but also inform her critiques of, for example, women’s unequal access to music education.

In her first novel, The Voyage Out (1915), Woolf references specific musical works to challenge the established expectation that men and women should play different repertoire. The novel’s female protagonist, who is an accomplished amateur pianist, plays Beethoven’s late piano sonatas. These works were frequently characterised as too technically and intellectually demanding for women performers. Essays addressed to amateur female pianists characterised the works as “simply unattainable.”

Music also influences Woolf’s creative innovations. The double narrative structure of Mrs Dalloway, for example, which contrasts and entwines the lives of society hostess Clarissa Dalloway and traumatised veteran Septimus Warren Smith, may well be modelled on the double form of musical fugues ('fugue' was a contemporary term for shell shock).

Woolf observed in 1909 that, “We are miserably aware how little words can do to render music.” But this difficulty frequently catalyses and becomes a subject of her writing.

It’s perhaps unsurprising, then, that her prose has been a rich source of creative inspiration for composers. For instance, her work inspired Dominick Argento’s 1974 song cycle From the Diary of Virginia Woolf and more oblique responses, such as Max Richter’s music for the 2015 ballet Woolf Works.

In the last 15 years, musical responses to Woolf’s writing have proliferated, from the string quartet and songs premiered by the Virginia Woolf and Music project, to the recent announcement that composer Thea Musgrave is writing an opera inspired by Orlando.

In a 1905 essay, Woolf invited contemporary writers to remember words’ allegiance to music and take inspiration from that. Scholars of Woolf’s work and composers are now, it seems, doing just that.

Emma Sutton, Professor of English, University of St Andrews

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
The big picture: Lee Miller's sphinx-like blitz spirit
Lee Miller, Self Portrait with Sphinxes, Vogue Studio, London, England, 1940. Photograph: © Lee Miller Archives

Vogue’s war correspondent poses in a statuesque self-portrait as 1940s London finds itself under threat



Tim Adams
@TimAdamsWrites
Sun 28 Mar 2021

In 1939, the American photographer Lee Miller came to live in London, with the artist Roland Penrose, her lover. She wrote to a friend back home to describe how, with the outbreak of war, she had found a new job. “I’d barely settled in to Hampstead when Condé Nast (British Vogue magazine) collared me and I found myself running their studio,” she wrote. “They had little choice, poor things, all their photographers had been called up, the Americans just wanted to go home… I made out all right.”

The letter embellished the truth: in fact, Miller had pitched up at Vogue’s offices to volunteer her services, and, though initially rebuffed, had refused to go away. It was to prove an inspired relationship. To begin with, the magazine saw its wartime role as business as usual: “Our policy is to maintain the standards of civilisation. We believe that woman’s place is Vogue’s place. And woman’s first duty is to preserve the arts of peace by practising them, so that in happier times they will not have fallen into disuse…” With Miller’s input, however, the news seeped into the pages of the magazine: alongside her fashion spreads, she started to make photographic series of women who were contributing to the war effort; by 1944 she persuaded Vogue to make her its first war correspondent and she famously photographed the liberation of France and the opening of Dachau for the magazine.

This picture, a self-portrait (part of a new book and exhibition of Miller’s Vogue photography), was taken in 1940 in the magazine’s studios, at the beginning of the blitz. Miller’s profile, between the carved sphinxes, captured a spirit of coutured defiance. In the months that followed, after Vogue’s offices were bombed, her pictures more often juxtaposed that model composure with ruined buildings and broken statues, but it was never dimmed. “During three months of solid hell at night,” Miller wrote to her parents the following year, “it became a matter of pride that the work went on.”

Lee Miller: Fashion in Wartime Britain is published by the Lee Miller Archives (£35). 

An exhibition of the same name is at Farleys House & Gallery in East Sussex, 20 May-8 August
The Observer Vaccines and immunisation


How Mary Wortley Montagu's bold experiment led to smallpox vaccine -
 75 years before Jenner

A new book celebrates the trailblazing work of the English aristocrat, who successfully inoculated her daughter


Edward Jenner administering a smallpox vaccine. He himself had been inoculated as a child by doctors following Lady Mary Wortley Montagu’s ideas. Photograph: Getty


Donna Ferguson
Sun 28 Mar 2021 

It was a daring and dangerous experiment that paved the way for the development of the first safe vaccine and saved countless lives. Yet when Lady Mary Wortley Montagu deliberately infected her own daughter with a tiny dose of smallpox – successfully inoculating the three-year-old child in 1721 – her ideas were dismissed and she was denounced by 18th-century society as an “ignorant woman” .

Three hundred years later, on the anniversary of that first groundbreaking inoculation on English soil, a new biography will aim to raise the profile of Wortley Montagu and reassert her rightful place in history as a trailblazing 18th-century scientist and early feminist.

“If she had not inoculated her daughter, we would not then have gone on ultimately to find a cure for smallpox,” said Jo Willett, author of The Pioneering Life of Mary Wortley Montagu, which will be published on Tuesday. “She should be heralded for that – yet she’s not really well known, and I think partly that’s because she was a woman.”

Wortley Montagu, a smallpox survivor with a disfigured face, took the risky decision to inoculate her daughter by making tiny cuts on her daughter’s skin and rubbing in a small amount of pus from a live smallpox sore.
If Wortley Montagu hadn’t inoculated her daughter, we may never have gone on to find a cure for smallpox.Jo Willett, author

This gave the child, known as “young Mary”, a very mild dose of the disease, Willett said. “Normally, with smallpox, you might have several thousand spots on your body. An inoculated child would probably have about 30 spots and then a few days later they’d be absolutely fine again, running around and having fun.”

Wortley Montagu had learned about the practice of inoculation in Turkey, where her husband had worked as the British ambassador. “When she got there, she went to Turkish baths and saw women without any smallpox marks on their skin. That was a wake-up call.”
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In 18th-century Turkey, inoculation was a common “folk practice”, typically carried out by “illiterate old Greek and Armenian women”, Willett said. “She asked them about it and analysed it, and decided it was worth the risk.”

She managed to successfully inoculate her son while she was there, but her daughter was too young. The family then returned to England, where Wortley Montagu’s enthusiasm for inoculation was met with suspicion and strong resistance from the medical establishment. “When Lady Mary first came back, she didn’t dare do anything [to her daughter]. But there was such a severe outbreak in 1721, she thought she had to take action.”

She then invited highly respected physicians and “ladies of distinction” round to witness young Mary’s speedy recovery from the infection. One of the physicians who visited was so convinced, he decided to inoculate his own son, which also went well. Young Mary soon became famous. “News reached Princess Caroline, who was the Princess of Wales at the time. She took up the cause and eventually the royal children were inoculated. Word spread that it was a good thing to do.”


However, not everyone was convinced. “The Whigs were pro-inoculation but the Tory party was really against it – a lot of Tories wrote about how it was interfering with nature and it was dangerous. It became very politicised.”

Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, painted by Joseph Highmore,
 got the idea for inoculation after seeing the practice in Turkey. Photograph: Getty

Sometimes people died from smallpox after the procedure, which had to be carried out very carefully to ensure only a small dose was administered. “Often the gashes were too big.” In Turkey, people knew they needed to self-isolate for a period after an inoculation, but in England the process was ‘medicalised’ by ill-informed physicians. They pointlessly purged and bled their patients during the inoculation, and then allowed people to walk around while they were infectious, unwittingly spreading the disease. “There was a lot of misinformation.”

As controversy mounted, Wortley Montagu’s reputation suffered and her argument – that the inoculation process should not be medicalised – was dismissed. One prominent physician, William Wagstaffe, bemoaned the fact that a practice performed by a “few ignorant women” was being adopted in the royal palace, while Alexander Pope wrote venomous poems about Wortley Montagu, describing her as “poxed”. “He knew people would know she was connected to smallpox, but by using the word ‘pox’, he was implying that she had syphilis. So that didn’t help her reputation.”
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Young Mary wrote that she remembers servants giving her “dark looks” and acting as if they were repulsed by her when she visited aristocratic families with her mother to inoculate the household.

When Edward Jenner invented the smallpox vaccine in 1796, by taking fluid from a cowpox vaccine and scratching it on to the skin of a young boy, he was building on Wortley Montagu’s discovery, Willett said. “She brought a cure to the west. And that cure was developed into what we now think of as vaccination.”


Rare letter by Mary Wortley Montagu, pioneering travel writer, up for sale
Read more


As a child, Jenner had himself been inoculated against smallpox by doctors following in Wortley Montagu’s footsteps. “He went through the whole purging and bleeding process and had such a grim experience that I think he thought: ‘there has to be an easier way of doing this’.”

When he realised that dairymaids never got smallpox, he “made the leap” and thought of introducing cowpox pus into a scratch instead of smallpox pus. “If he hadn’t been inoculated, then I don’t think he would have gone on to think about vaccination,” says Willett.

Jenner had discovered a much safer way to confer immunity – and, unlike Wortley Montagu, as an educated male physician, he could publish scientific papers about his discovery and be taken seriously. He was later credited by Louis Pasteur as the discoverer of the first vaccine. “Often in the canon of the history of science, women get overlooked,” said Willett. “Lady Mary is one of those women.”

Ammonite review – a chilly love among the fossils

‘Superbly flinty’: Kate Winslet as Mary Anning, with Saoirse Ronan in Ammonite. 
Photograph: See-saw Films\bbc Films/Allstar

Kate Winslet and Saoirse Ronan’s 19th-century romance showcases their talents but doesn’t warm the heart


 Observer film critic
Sun 28 Mar 2021

This handsome second feature from the writer-director of 2017’s brilliant God’s Own Country is another hesitant love story set against the backdrop of a bracing British locale: the sea-battered Dorset coast around the famous Cobb of Lyme Regis harbour. It has been the setting for some overcooked screen moments in the past, although the emotional weather forecast here is frosty with occasional storms.

Kate Winslet is superbly flinty as Mary Anning, the 19th-century palaeontologist whose under-attributed finds have graced the display cases of the British Museum since her childhood. An early image sees a handwritten label for the historic “Sea Lizard, found by Miss Mary Anning” being tuttingly replaced by a floridly embellished sign reading “Ichthyosaurus, Lyme Regis, Presented by H Hoste Henley Esq”. It’s a concise way of illustrating both Anning’s outsider status (her role in the discovery is effectively usurped) and the snobbery of an establishment averse to inclusivity.

Anning runs a shop selling “Fossils and Curios”, which she gathers from the rugged coastline, striding purposefully over rocks and foam. Like Daniel Plainview in the opening movement of There Will Be Blood, Winslet’s heroine is a figure of few words and imposing stature, driven by an internal engine that seems to require no human contact. Her mother, Molly (the redoubtable Gemma Jones), is equally insular; theirs is not a household filled with warmth and laughter. Watching this, I longed for a shawl to wrap snuggly around my shoulders.

Things change when Mary meets Charlotte Murchison (Saoirse Ronan, excellent), a young woman in the throes of a debilitating depression whose husband wants her to stay with Anning, albeit temporarily. Perhaps the invigorating air and the chance to observe Anning at work will restore the once-vibrant spirit that has withered in his company. Mary is not keen, but payment is promised and arrangements made. Soon, Charlotte’s fine clothes are becoming muddied and torn on the rocks. Gradually, the pair’s growing friendship gives way to passion – strangely desperate couplings amid the stark silences of the house.

The real-life Murchison was an accomplished geologist and illustrator who became close to Anning, although Lee’s decision to portray them as lovers has inevitably ruffled some feathers. In response, Lee has stated: “After seeing queer history be routinely ‘straightened’ throughout culture, and given a historical figure where there is no evidence whatsoever of a heterosexual relationship, is it not permissible to view that person within another context?”

It’s a powerful point, eloquently made, although, in the end, issues of class and gender, rather than sexual orientation, seem more central to Lee’s film. It’s no accident that Ammonite opens with a woman industriously polishing a floor, only to recoil in head-bowed subservience as “gentlemen” march by. While Ralph Fiennes’s archaeologist Basil Brown was snubbed in The Dig for being largely self-taughtWinslet’s Anning faces the double whammy of being both an autodidact and a woman. Wisely, Lee lets these events speak for themselves, rather than hammering home any sociopolitical message through needless expository dialogue.

Stéphane Fontaine’s crisp cinematography perfectly captures the bleak chilliness of the environment, while Dustin O’Halloran and Volker Bertelmann’s sparingly used score is as notable for the gaping voids in which it doesn’t appear as for those carefully chosen moments when it does. It adds up to an expertly crafted film that nonetheless feels somewhat distanced and removed, like an exhibit under glass. At times, I was reminded of the austere atmosphere of Michael Winterbottom’s Jude, another critical triumph for Winslet. Both films have much to admire artistically; both left me just a little cold

 Ammonite is available on various streaming platforms

CRIMINAL CAPITALI$M

Mormon leaders accused of fraud, misusing tithes in lawsuit filed by brother of former Utah governor

A prominent former church member filed suit after reading an IRS whistleblower report claiming the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints had $100 billion in assets that were not being used for charity.

A man walks past the Salt Lake Temple at Temple Square in Salt Lake City on Sept. 14, 2016. (AP Photo/Rick Bowmer)

(RNS) —  A former member of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints has accused the church of misusing millions of dollars in donations.

James Huntsman, a filmmaker who is the son of a prominent philanthropist and the brother of a former governor of Utah, claimed in federal court that the corporate arm of the church — known as the Corporation of the President of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints — used donations, known as tithings, to develop a mall in downtown Salt Lake City and to bail out a troubled insurance company.

According to a complaint filed in the U.S. District Court, Central District of California, church leaders “defrauded Mr. Huntsman out of millions of dollars by falsely misleading him into believing his tithings would be used solely for charitable pursuits around the world” but instead using those donations for commercial purpose.

Latter-day Saints, like other Christian groups, believe in the idea of tithing, or donating a set percentage of income, usually 10%, to the church. According to the LDS church’s website, tithing is a “natural and integrated aspect” of the beliefs and practices of Mormons.


RELATED: Why I stopped tithing to the LDS Church


“All funds given to the Church by its members are considered sacred,” the church’s website states. “They are voluntary offerings that represent the faith and dedication of members and are used with careful oversight and discretion.”

The complaint cites a number of statements from church leaders, saying no tithings were used for the City Creek Mall in Salt Lake City.

A spokesman for the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints told The Washington Post that accusations in the lawsuit were “baseless” and that tithes were voluntary religious contributions.

“They are used for a broad array of religious purposes, including missionary work, education, humanitarian causes and the construction of meetinghouses, temples and other buildings important in the work of the Church, as reflected in scripture and determined by Church leaders,” according to a statement from the church spokesman.


RELATED: God cares a lot about money. Maybe you should too.


The lawsuit is part of the fallout from a whistleblower complaint filed with the IRS in 2019 by a former employee of Ensign Peak Advisors, which manages more than $100 billion in the church’s assets. Those assets came from both church tithings and investments, according to  Religion Unplugged, which first reported on the whistleblower complaint, and were used for the mall project and the insurance company bailout.

James Huntsman. Image courtesy of IMDB

James Huntsman. Image courtesy of IMDB

After reading about the whistleblower, Huntsman, who is no longer a member of the church, approached LDS leaders about returning millions of dollars in donations. That request was refused, according to the complaint.  

Huntsman is seeking more than $5 million in damages. In the suit, he stated he intends to donate any recovered funds “to benefit organizations and communities whose members have been marginalized by the Church’s teachings and doctrines, including by donating to charities supporting LGBTQ, African-American, and women’s rights.”