Monday, July 19, 2021

In Spain’s strawberry fields, migrant women face sexual abuse

Farm bosses routinely sexually harass and exploit seasonal workers who pick the red fruit that lines shelves in European supermarkets, investigation reveals.

Women fruit pickers in Spain, often from Morocco or Eastern Europe, are being exploited as they attempt to support themselves and families back home [Stefania Prandi/Al Jazeera]
10 Jul 2021

*The names of all workers in this article have been changed to protect their identities.


Huelva, Spain – It is mid-May and the hot air is filled with the sugary scent of strawberries mixed with fertiliser as Jadida*, a Moroccan woman, walks on the side of the road, a farm behind her. A large pair of sunglasses covers her face, almost entirely. Greenhouses surround her as far as the eye can see.
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Jadida had told her colleagues she was going grocery shopping, so on the way back she must pass by the shops to avoid their suspicions, she says as she begins the interview.

Talking to the migrant workers who pick strawberries in Europe’s biggest red fruit producing region, the Huelva province in Spain, is not easy. The fields are fenced, and in many places there are surveillance cameras, guards and electric gates which close as soon as strangers approach.

But after these reporters handed out their phone numbers to a group of strawberry pickers in the area, inviting them to be interviewed, Jadida called back because she wanted to share her experiences of sexual abuse, allegedly by her supervisor.

At first, he was kind to her. But on her second day at work, he tried to persuade her to join him in his room. She refused, and he began calling her phone constantly. Eventually, he approached her when she was working in the fields and tried to pressure her into having sex with him.

Continuously rejecting him has had consequences. The supervisor now threatens to have her fired and sent back to Morocco.

“He tells the other bosses that I am lazy and not working. He gets me in trouble and accuses me of things that I haven’t done,” Jadida told Al Jazeera.

She is one of thousands of women – among them many Moroccans and Romanians – who each year spend three to six months picking strawberries, raspberries and blueberries underneath the “sea of plastic” of Huelva.

Jadida says her boss tries to pressure her into sex by continually harassing her by phone and approaching her physically [Stefania Prandi/Al Jazeera]

Al Jazeera, in collaboration with the Danish investigative media outlet Danwatch, interviewed 16 female farm workers, all of whom had contracts with the seven largest red fruit producers who sell to well-known supermarkets in the UK, France, Belgium, Netherlands, Denmark, Germany and Sweden.

Most workers recounted daily humiliations, such as penalties for taking toilet breaks, union busting and little or no protection against COVID-19. Several reported sexual harassment and being blackmailed for sex.

According to Jadida, many of her colleagues do not dare to reject the supervisor.

The only other worker she knows who did so was frequently seen crying in the greenhouses and eventually moved to another part of the farm, Jadida claims.

“As soon as I get out of here, I want him arrested,” she says.

Strawberry pickers with temporary work visas have few opportunities to report harassment and abuse.

Most arrive as part of a bilateral “contracting in origin” agreement between Morocco and Spain which in 2019 alone, saw almost 20,000 Moroccan women pick Spanish strawberries.

According to the deal, migrants lose the opportunity to work in Spain if they leave their Spanish workplace for any reason.

Furthermore, it emphasises that the Moroccan state recruitment agency ANAPEC must ensure that migrant workers return to Morocco when the season ends. Scholars and NGOs say this is why ANAPEC demands that hopeful workers must show evidence that they have children under the age of 14 at home – so that they have something they must return to.

The women stay in small apartments – barracks and containers in between the greenhouses, far from any town centre.

Isolated and reliant on temporary work visas, they are extremely dependent on their employers’ mercy, not only for security but also basic health standards, unions and local NGOs claim
.
Yasmine describes how she had a miscarriage at work and was bleeding in the fields for a month before being taken to the doctors [Stefania Prandi/Al Jazeera]

One worker, 29-year-old Yasmine*, said she was pregnant when she began working for a major strawberry supplier. After two weeks in the fields, she miscarried. She bled and asked her supervisor to be taken to the doctor, but he said she would have to pay 20 euros ($24) for the gas.

Two weeks later, when her condition had still not improved, he eventually took her to a clinic, which immediately referred her to the hospital.

“I was bleeding on my clothes. Everyone could see it,” she said.

While unions and NGOs stress the temporary workers’ lack of legal certainty, the situation is considerably worse for undocumented migrant workers who cannot file charges for abuse without risking being reported to the police and deported.

“If a man likes a female employee, he harasses her. That’s just how it is,” said Hadiya*, standing in front of her home, approximately two and a half metres from the nearest row of plastic-covered blueberry bushes.

The small shed she lives in is made up of discarded greenhouse parts, wooden pallets and plastic tarpaulins.

It is in one of the many temporary settlements that house some of the undocumented migrants working in Spanish agriculture.

When Hadiya’s work visa from Morocco expired two years ago, she became undocumented. Since then, managers repeatedly asked her for sex in two farms where she picked strawberries.

When that happened, “it [was] time to find another workplace”, she said.
Women live crammed in containers and small houses without anti-COVID measures [Stefania Prandi/Al Jazeera]

It is not clear how many migrant labourers work in Spain.


Last year, the Catholic charity Caritas estimated that in Huelva, Almería and Tenerife “more than 12,000 migrants live in extremely unsanitary conditions, lacking direct access to water and sanitation and with no COVID-19 preventive measures other than hygienic kits supplied by civil society organisations”.

A study published by the Foundation for Applied Economic Studies this year estimates the total number of undocumented migrants living in Spain to be 500,000.

According to an EU Parliament briefing in February, most legal foreign guest workers in Huelva are “Eastern Europeans, followed by Africans – mostly Moroccan women – and Latin Americans”.

The report added: “Hundreds of sub-Saharan migrants live year-round in shantytowns close to the fields. Spain’s agricultural model has been questioned for years because of the poor working and living conditions of its migrant workers.”

Asked if she has witnessed sexual harassment on the farms, Saeeda*, another undocumented Moroccan worker from the settlement, exclaimed: “Well, yes!

“When the manager hires a woman, he demands something in return.”

Saeeda was living in an informal settlement for migrant workers before parts of the camp burned down. She died in the fire [Stefania Prandi/Al Jazeera]


Saeeda’s fate tells another story about conditions for undocumented migrants in Spain. Three days after our interview with her, her shack caught fire. This happens often in these settlements, which do not adhere to Spanish fire regulations.

Saeeda was found dead. The 39-year-old was the sole breadwinner for her teenage son who lives with his elderly grandmother in Morocco. She had not seen them for two years when she passed.

According to Angels Escrivà, associate professor at Huelva University and part of the Mujeres 24H network that supports women migrant workers, the strawberry industry initially recruited Moroccan men.

“But the employers thought the men were not docile enough; they were forming unions and in the 2000s there were even riots. So they opted for women,” she said.

Female farm workers are however far from “docile”.

In the past few years, an increasing number have taken red fruit producers to court over exploitation issues.

In 2018, 10 Moroccan women filed lawsuits against Spanish strawberry producer Doñaña 1998, which they accused of assault, sexual harassment, rape and trafficking. That same year, four other women sued an unnamed strawberry exporter for sexual harassment and gross labour exploitation.

A provincial court in Huelva has rejected the Doñaña 1998 workers’ case and they are now awaiting a decision from a labour court. Their lawyer has appealed the case to the constitutional court.

In the second case, a labour court rejected the case of the four women. They have appealed and are still waiting for a criminal court to hear their claims.

These reporters have been in contact with another former strawberry picker who is currently suing a large red fruit exporter on similar charges.

Spanish authorities said they were unable to disclose how many of such cases are continuing. But neither Angels Escrivà nor the lawyer of the four women said they knew of cases won by migrant female agricultural workers.

In 2018, migrant and Spanish female workers organised themselves in Jornaleras de Huelva en Lucha (Female Day Labourers who Fight), a grassroots union focused on the needs of the labourers.

“There is this incorrect idea that migrant women do not organise themselves. Instead, they get together and resist,” said Ana Pinto, a spokesperson from the group.

In response to claims of sexual abuse at farms, the Spanish minister of labour Yolanda Díaz has said that workplaces would be inspected.

She was not available for an interview for this article. Neither were the industry associations Freshuelva and Interfresa.

Antonio Alvarado Barroso, chief of Huelva’s department for Labour and Immigration, did not respond directly to questions on sexual harassment, but offered a brief comment. “The more inspections that are carried out, the better,” he said.

To protect workers’ identities, it has not been possible to confront the individual companies concerning the personal stories about sexual harassment.
Female workers are kept isolated in barbed wired barracks in between thousands of greenhouses [Stefania Prandi/Al Jazeera]

SOURCE: AL JAZEERA
Ontario's Sam Hammond begins tenure as President of the Canadian Teachers' Federation 


NEWS PROVIDED BY
Canadian Teachers' Federation


OTTAWA, ON, July 15, 2021 /CNW/ - Long time union leader Sam Hammond of the Elementary Teachers' Federation of Ontario (ETFO) succeeds Shelley L. Morse as President of the Canadian Teachers' Federation (CTF/FCE).

Hammond was elected President-Designate of the CTF/FCE by acclamation at the Federation's 100th Annual General Meeting in 2020. His two-year term begins today.

Sam Hammond CTF President (CNW Group/Canadian Teachers' Federation)


Hammond is honoured to represent over 300,000 elementary and secondary school teachers from coast to coast to coast.

"I've been actively engaged in the critical work of the CTF/FCE since attending my first annual meeting in July 2004 and have worked tirelessly to solidify ETFO's place in the labour movement," said Hammond. "This has allowed me to forge solid alliances with unions and union leaders across the country. We should be very proud of our individual and collective efforts to protect our members, our fundamental collective bargaining rights and publicly funded public education."

First elected to the ETFO Provincial Executive, Hammond served as Vice-President and First Vice-President before becoming President in 2009. He has served as a President-Designate and Vice-President on the CTF/FCE Executive Committee and has chaired both the Finance and Constitution and Bylaws Committees as well as the Advisory Committee on the Teaching Profession.

A recipient of the Queen Elizabeth Diamond Jubilee Medal and Toronto Pflag's Ally Award, Hammond is unconditionally committed to the essential work of the CTF/FCE and has been a member of the Federation's Board of Directors for 12 years. He taught all grades from Junior Kindergarten to grade eight; was an instructor in the Labour Studies Program at McMaster University and taught Collective Bargaining for the CLC and qualifications courses for Brock University.

The following four leaders in public education were elected CTF/FCE Vice-Presidents, serving two-year terms alongside Hammond on the Executive Committee from 2021-2023:
Clint Johnston, Vice-President (British Columbia Teachers' Federation)
Jenny Regal, Vice-President (The Alberta Teachers' Association)
Paul Wozney, Vice-President (Nova Scotia Teachers' Union)
Heidi Yetman, Vice-President (Quebec Provincial Association of Teachers)

The CTF/FCE Executive Committee also includes outgoing President Shelley L. Morse, in the role of Past President (2021-2022) and Secretary General Cassandra Hallett.

The Canadian Teachers' Federation

Founded in 1920, the Canadian Teachers' Federation is the national voice for the teaching profession. As the national alliance of provincial and territorial teacher organizations, the CTF/FCE represents over 300,000 elementary and secondary school teachers across Canada.

SOURCE Canadian Teachers' Federation

For further information: Media Contact: Andrew King, Director of Communications, aking@ctf-fce.ca, Mobile: 819-213-7847
Related Links

http://www.ctf-fce.ca


How Canada is failing its Black filmmakers

Delay in progress masked by positive news releases, success of a few, creators say

Jackson Weaver · CBC News · Posted: Jul 10, 2021

From left, Arnold Pinnock, Kelly Fyffe-Marshall and Jennifer Holness. All three Canadian creators have seen the industry change for the better in how it treats Black filmmakers but say the limited success of a few and positive news releases mask a lag in progress. (Submitted by Arnold Pinnock, Chris Young/The Canadian Press, Submitted by Jennifer Holness)

Arnold Pinnock's dream project didn't come together easily. Instead, in the years the Canadian actor fought to pitch and produce a series rooted in the history and culture of Black people in this country, there seemed to be little interest.

"In the past, I was told straight to my face in some circumstances that there was not an audience," Pinnock told CBC News. "So financially to do a project ... it wasn't beneficial."

In the eyes of many network heads, he said, there was little appetite for such narratives, and putting money into them would only showcase how little audiences cared.

Since those early experiences, though, things have begun to change, Pinnock explained. And that shift helped him to bring the historical drama The Porter, which examines the real-life civil rights struggle of railway porters to create North America's first Black labour union, to life. Now the series is being jointly produced by CBC and BET+, and it is currently filming in Winnipeg as the largest Black-led TV series ever created in Canada.

But while his success highlights the forward progress the industry has made in supporting Black creators, other events offer a more sobering look at how far there is to go — a lag in progress that some creators say is being masked by positive news releases and the limited success of a few creators.

Pinnock appears in this behind-the-scenes photo from The Porter. The series, which is currently being filmed in Winnipeg, is the country's biggest Black-led television production ever. (Submitted by Arnold Pinnock)

For example, even as Telefilm Canada pledged last year to increase representation "in order to abolish systemic racism" through its Equity and Representation Action Plan, a recent study by the Canadian Media Fund pointed to the fact that Canada has failed to capitalize on "global demand for content from Indigenous, Black or racialized creators."

Telefilm Canada only announced its plan after admitting it couldn't provide detailed answers on how much funding was allocated to BIPOC (Black, Indigenous and People of Colour) filmmakers in the past five years, since it has not historically collected that data.

LISTEN

Canadian actor brother duo Stephan James and Shamier Anderson launch initiative to promote Black talent

While Canadian actor-brothers Shamier Anderson and Stephan James created The Black Academy, Canada's first-ever awards show dedicated to celebrating Black talent on screen, a 2021 report by the Toronto-based not-for-profit Women in View at the same time gave the country a "dismal" rating when it comes to the hiring of Black and Indigenous women in the film and television industry.

"Growth in work for Black women and women of colour has not kept pace with broader industry trends. Of particular concern is the area of television writing," the report noted in its conclusion.

"As both film and TV draw on the same talent pool, it appears that hidden barriers are preventing Black women & women of colour writers from gaining entry to TV."
'Very, very tough road' to get series made

Pinnock noted that it was a "very, very tough road" to get The Porter developed but said the change that has been made is important — and it's possible to keep it going.

There is a vanguard of Black Canadian creators building strong stories, bringing more Black narratives home to Canada and shifting what decision-makers see as a safe bet. From The Porter's own crew of Charles Officer, R.T. Thorne, Annmarie Morais and Marsha Greene to Nova Scotia's Diggstown from showrunner Floyd Kane and many more, Pinnock said Black Canadian voices are continuing to shift the tide.

And the more they're able to do so, the more the trend will continue.

"After, you know, all of the relevance that's happened in the last two years, I believe there's more eyeballs on networks wanting to change," he said. "Because let's be straight up, BIPOC products [weren't] in the mainstream of shows being developed, and they definitely are [now]."

Toronto filmmaker creates account of what it means to be Black in 2020: 


Toronto filmmaker Kelly Fyffe-Marshall has turned her trauma into art with her latest short film, Black Bodies. While visiting California, Fyffe-Marshall and her friends were checking out of a rental property when someone called the police on them, accusing the group of breaking into the property. Black Bodies has earned a prestigious premiere at this year’s TIFF. Marivel Taruc spoke with Fyffe-Marshall about the film — and its message. 3:18

But even as those creators' projects see success, Kelly Fyffe-Marshall explained there are underlying issues still to be addressed.

The Brampton, Ont.-based filmmaker saw success and a jump-start to her career earlier this year when her short film, Black Bodies, was showcased at the Sundance Film Festival.

While that alone was an incredible accomplishment, Fyffe-Marshall says she was forced to see it in a very different way. Despite finding herself in the rarefied company of one of the most famous film festivals on Earth, she said no one in Canada seemed to notice or care about the achievement.

There was little celebration or media coverage until she took to Twitter to shine light on the situation. Despite being one of only six Canadian productions at the festival, she wrote, "it's been crickets in Canada."

Soon after, Selma and When They See Us filmmaker Ava DuVernay shared the tweet — and Fyffe-Marshall said that's when people started to take notice.

While Fyffe-Marshall said the support was "beautiful," the fact that she needed validation from outside her own country was disheartening.

"It also proves the point that you do need the American co-sign," she said. "You do need to go to America to get what you want in Canada. And so [it was] very bittersweet."

She explained that Canada "has a glass ceiling that is very low" — most of the opportunities in this country are for American productions, and that problem only increases when you're looking to create original programming that focuses on BIPOC perspectives.

Black filmmakers struggle in Canada

For that reason, Fyffe-Marshall said, talented Black filmmakers rarely see their careers fostered in Canada, and they are forced to either quit, move to the United States or subsist at a low level for years.

Combined with a film industry heavily focused on grants instead of commercial success, BIPOC creators, she said, are left behind when compared with those in the U.S.

Fyffe-Marshall, right, works behind the scenes during the shooting of her short film, Black Bodies. It was showcased earlier this year at the Sundance Film Festival. (Yvonne Stanley)

"How have we been helping people that are in the middle ground, like I am and my peers," she asked. "How are we helping people at the top who have been struggling for 15 to 20 years in the industry and are not where they should be, where they deserve to be?"

To provide an avenue of success for Black Canadian creators, Fyffe-Marshall said she wants to see a fundamental restructuring in how the film industry fosters filmmakers and promotes its films to audiences both in Canada and abroad.

That's something director and Hungry Eyes production company president Jennifer Holness agrees with. Although she's spent more than 20 years making films in Canada, until recently she was considering whether she should even continue in the industry.

A large part of that, she said, was a general lack of investment in Canadian content, "that there's just not enough money in the system."

Without that money, all Canadian productions flounder. But the flip side of the issue, which Holness said primarily affects BIPOC creators, is a related lack of "triggers" — a smaller number of companies who might develop your project.

And with fewer broadcasters and developers come gatekeepers — a small number of people who, if they say no to a project, effectively kill any opportunity of it being made. Until very recently, Holness said, those gatekeepers have been overwhelmingly white and less motivated in telling stories from underrepresented communities.

Holness, a director and producer, has been making movies for more than 20 years. But until recently, she says, she was prepared to quit due to the burdens BIPOC creators face in Canada. (Submitted by Jennifer Holness)

"I've just never really had a Black person or, to be honest, a diverse person of colour to pitch to in my entire 20-year career," she said.

That has also begun to shift in recent years, she said, but the system the industry operates under is still broken and still does a disservice to BIPOC creators. Even so, Holness said she wants to continue in the industry and find ways to tell stories that have been historically ignored.

"If I can tell a story, you know, that helps a young person feel valued, feel seen, feel like they're part of the fabric of this country and, you know, and have a place," she said, "I think that's more than anything else what keeps me going."


For more stories about the experiences of Black Canadians — from anti-Black racism to success stories within the Black community — check out Being Black in Canada, a CBC project Black Canadians can be proud of. You can read more stories here.

With files from Sharon Wu and Eli Glasner


NO COMPRIMISE
 AN AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF A BC TRADE UNIONIST

“We understood that the ruling class and the working class had very little in common.”



John Jensen was a mentor for many with his blunt, plain talk, underpinned by humour and warmth - if he thought you were worth it. (photo supplied)

Northwest labour leader memoir out in print


JACOB LUBBERTS
Jul. 8, 2021 

The life story of a northwestern labour leader and activist who got his start in Kitimat is now out in print.

No Compromise is the memoir of John Jensen who arrived in Kitimat in the 1960s and quickly became a key part of the carpenters union locals in Kitimat and elsewhere as well as participating in various social and environmental causes.

Jensen came to Canada from Denmark and never hesitated to call himself a socialist, as his convictions and beliefs were acquired from his early years during the Nazi occupation of his home country.

Jensen joined forces with environmentalists, women’s groups and First Nations through citizen groups like VOICE (Victims of Industry Changing the Environment) to fight corporations such as Alcan and Eurocan, questioning large-scale industrialization, the rush to export natural gas and opposing clearcutting of the regional forest.

His influence was felt from the coast into the Bulkley Valley and beyond in helping organize regional study conferences.

No Compromise has vignettes such as the time carpenters walked off-site from the Eurocan pulp mill in Kitimat when something went wrong and went to the Kitimat Hotel to drink beer.

After a couple of hours and a few pints, the owner of Bobsien Construction came to the pub begging staff to return to work.

Promising to pay the workers for the time they spent drinking beers, as well as paying for the beer, the owner finally persuaded them to come back to work.

The memoir also details the struggle to build Terraceview Lodge on the site of an old army hospital in Terrace which was built to care for casualties during a possible North Coast invasion during the Second World War, his fight for a Canadian carpenters union and his years as president of the Kitimat-Terrace and District Labour Council.

It also provides a glimpse of the people he encountered during his career and a chapter explains what it was like to salvage logs for a living in the waters near Kitimat.


And there’s a foreword by provincial environment minister George Heyman who describes Jensen as a mentor. Jensen died in 2019 at the age of 90.

No Compromise is available at the Kitimat Public Library and is at Misty River Books in Terrace.
Nova Scotia Health grappling with 'unprecedented' nurse shortage


Nova Scotia Health says vacancies at 20%, compared with 7% in first quarter of 2020



Angela MacIvor · CBC News · Posted: Jul 16, 2021
Jason MacLean, president of the Nova Scotia Government and General Employees Union, said at least 25 nurses have quit in the last two months at the Halifax Infirmary emergency room without having another job lined up. (Elizabeth Chiu/CBC)

Nova Scotia Health is in "crisis mode" as it furiously tries to fill hundreds of shifts left empty by nurses across the province who are either leaving for temporary positions at public health clinics or outright quitting, a union leader says.

Jason MacLean, president of the Nova Scotia Government and General Employees Union, said nurses are burning out.

He said at the QEII Health Sciences Centre's Halifax Infirmary emergency room, at least 25 nurses have quit in the last two months without having another job lined up.

As a result, MacLean said emergency room staff levels are at half capacity most of the time.

"When you have a place that normally runs at 18 people for nursing and it's constantly running around eight people, that is a crisis," said MacLean.

Janet Hazelton, president of the Nova Scotia Nurses' Union, said this summer marks the worst staffing shortage she has witnessed in 30 years.
Major gaps across Nova Scotia

She cited the draw of nurses to public health sites for COVID-19 testing, contacting tracing and vaccine clinics.

"Take a couple of hundred people out of the mix and it makes the problem even worse," said Hazelton.

Major gaps in service are being felt across the entire province — from Cape Breton to Yarmouth — in hospitals big and small.

And Nova Scotia Health isn't disputing those facts.

Colin Stevenson, the organization's vice-president of quality and system performance, said the current situation is "unprecedented."

In the first quarter of 2020 — when the pandemic began — the total nursing vacancy rate including registered nurses and licensed practical nurses within Nova Scotia Health was seven per cent. It has since jumped to 20 per cent.

"We do expect that we're going to, as we're coming into the summer, potentially have some reduction in services to allow for vacations ... but the fact that we're coming into this period with an already 20 per cent vacancy rate is concerning," said Stevenson.
Resources maxed

The staffing shortage is exacerbated by the fact that some hospitals have in-patient units and critical care departments at full capacity, which means no beds are available.

Stevenson says ideally, Nova Scotia Health would like to operate at 85 per cent maximum.

"That creates a pressure that we need to respond to, that our staff are trying to respond to and we're trying to support them in a way in which they can be safe for themselves providing the care and most important that we're creating a safe environment for those that we're here to serve," he said.

The current staffing crunch can be mostly traced to the demand of COVID-19 sites, said Stevenson.

A quarter of the approximately 800 public health positions needed for those jobs were temporarily filled by nurses who previously worked in a non-public health role, including casuals.

Nurses have been moved from critical care, emergency, surgical, medicine, mental health and addictions and ambulatory programs.

Stevenson said with a reduction in the demand for COVID-19 services, Nova Scotia Health is looking to the some 200 registered nurses and licensed practical nurses who accepted reassignment positions to be reintegrated back into previous or new positions.

Nova Scotia Health is also focusing on staffing emergency departments. In the central health zone — which includes the Halifax Infirmary — 14 out of the approximately 19 vacant positions have recently been filled, with most nurses starting in September.
Concerns at Cobequid

One persisting concern for the nurses' union is the fact that Cobequid Community Health Centre in Lower Sackville, N.S., has not been able to shut down overnight on several occasions over the last few months.

The hospital is scheduled to close at 12 a.m. AT and transfer patients to nearby centres such as Dartmouth General Hospital or QEII Health Sciences Centre.

"There's no capacity to take them anywhere else, so those nurses have to work and those patients have to stay," said Hazelton. "The issue with that is because Cobequid is not equipped to look after patients for long periods of time."

The health authority says in June, it needed to stay open 20 per cent of the time. In May, Cobequid didn't stay open at all.

Hazelton said it's not ideal for patients because the hospital doesn't have a kitchen or in-patient beds, and it's exhausting for nurses because they have to stay hours beyond their scheduled shift.

She added it's only a matter of time before the problem gets even worse.

"If you work for 24 hours straight, it's going to take you days to get over that. And if you do it often, you're going to get sick," she said.

A labour management committee is being formed between the unions and Nova Scotia Health to discuss how best to fill nursing positions in the short term.

 

Why Canadian athletes should boycott the Tokyo Olympics

Collegiate runner Evan Ubene says Canadian athletes should take a stand against corporate greed by refusing to go to Tokyo


Design for the 2020 Olympic stadium in Tokyo. Photo: Japan Sports Council


With less than a month to go until the Olympics are scheduled to begin on July 23, polls out of Japan show that as many as 83 per cent of Japanese citizens do not want the Games to proceed as scheduled, and up to 43 per cent support a complete cancellation. One can hardly blame them. As more contagious variants of COVID-19 emerge and organizers press on, it does not take an expert to point out how irresponsible it would be to bring athletes from around the world to a central location (though medical experts in Britain have done just that). The pandemic has created exceptional conditions that have allowed the world’s wealthiest to accumulate outrageous profits as the public has suffered, and staging the Olympics will continue this trend. Canadian athletes should recognize this and take a stand against corporate greed by boycotting the Tokyo Olympics.


Photo: Twitter/Saudi24N

RELATED: Canadian Olympic hopefuls protest NHL quarantine exemption

Even during non-pandemic times, the Olympics are controversial. As Jules Boykoff argues in his book Celebration Capitalism and the Olympic Games, “The Olympics have become a massive, planned economy designed to shield the rich from risk while providing them a spectacle to treasure.” Indeed, past Olympic Games have left a trail of public debt while primarily benefitting private broadcasters, security companies and land developers. One case Boykoff explores in his book is the Vancouver 2010 Olympics, where billions of public funds went into the pockets of property investors and security companies, some of which was used to police Indigenous protesters who were asserting that the events had no right to be held on their unceded
territory.  

These unjust aspects of the Olympic Games will be exacerbated if they are held during the current global crisis. Pfizer, a billion-dollar pharmaceutical company, has donated vaccines to the International Olympic Committee (IOC) for distribution among athletes and officials. Those vaccines should be distributed among disadvantaged populations to curb the global spread of COVID-19 instead. The IOC has also reaffirmed its commitment to uphold Rule 50 and punish athletes looking to make political statements within Olympic venues — including those wearing “Black Lives Matter” apparel. This rule is especially hypocritical, since the Olympic website still promotes the image of Tommie Smith and John Carlos standing against racial discrimination in 1968.

RELATED: Athlete poll supports Rule 50, IOC to punish protestors at Tokyo Olympics


Considering the many issues related to these Olympics, one would hope to hear a few more athletes speaking out. The good news is that we have. Gabriela DeBues-Stafford has taken to Twitter to voice her disapproval of Rule 50, Evan Dunfee has stated it would be unethical for Olympic athletes to jump vaccine queues, and ex-Canadian Women’s Hockey Team captain Hayley Wickenheiser has wondered if the Games should go on at all – stressing that big businesses should not be the ones making the decision. These individual statements encouraged more discussion, but it takes a unified stance and material action to achieve justice.


Photo: Gabriela Stafford/Instagram

I have competed for several years at the university level, so I have some understanding of the level of commitment it takes for us athletes to exceed in sport, and I would guess the bar is drastically higher for world-class athletes. I have also experienced how our identities can revolve around our sport. We can easily tune out the world around us as we focus on our singular goal. I can imagine it would be extremely difficult for someone like Melissa Bishop-Nriagu, who has worked tirelessly to regain elite fitness after giving birth three years ago, to boycott the Olympics. I doubt it would be a great feeling for Julie-Anne Staehli or Natalia Hawthorn either, as they have brought their Olympic dreams within reach this year by running massive personal bests in the 5,000m; ditto for John Gay in the 3,000m steeplechase. Wickenheiser mentioned the drawbacks of this unwavering athletic drive in her CBC interview: “I would go at any cost. You almost need someone else outside with less invested than you to say it is or isn’t worth it.”

RELATED: Julie-Anne Staehli on consistency, mindset and the pursuit of a goal

Melissa Bishop

Photo: Claus Andersen/Athletics Canada

For an athlete, giving up the Olympics can be the equivalent of putting a lifetime of effort to waste; however, when we take a step back and empathize with the citizens of Japan, it’s clear we should not favour lifetimes of effort over actual lives. If the Games go ahead, the Japanese people will be forced to deal with thousands of foreign travellers entering their country in the middle of a public health crisis. This will lead to more sickness and death, no matter how many protocols are planned. Tokyo Olympic organizers recently asked 500 nurses to volunteer for the Games. In no instance is it fair to divert essential workers from the public so that athletes can compete and generate revenue for corporate investors. The fact that this was even considered proves Boykoff’s point about how the Olympics shield the rich from risk while providing them with a spectacle.

The IOC defines Olympism as a “philosophy” that “seeks to create a way of life based on the joy found in effort, the educational value of good example and respect for universal fundamental ethical principles.” There is nothing ethical about what the IOC is planning right now for the people of Japan, and I am not sure how athletes can find joy in competing at these Olympics unless they completely ignore the cost.

It’s easy for me to say that Canadian athletes should take it upon themselves to boycott the Tokyo Olympics. In reality, it is a lot of organizing to expect from athletes who are a month out from their peak performances. At the very least, this needs to be a wakeup call for athletes and fans to start building solidarity against injustice instead of continuing to go along with it. If we want to see the Olympics morph into an event that is planned in the interest of people instead of corporate profits, it’s not going to happen through existing power structures that reinforce the status quo. We need to work together to organize an alternative ourselves.

Evan Ubene is a Master’s student at McMaster University, where he competed on the cross-country and track and field teams for four seasons and was injured for two others. You may know him better by his Twitter persona, Not Trackie (@RunningHotTakes), where he provides lighthearted running commentary that is likely funnier to him than to everyone else.

For the first time in decades, major changes are coming to Canada's workplace equity laws

Current legislation identifies 4 underrepresented groups, not including LGBTQ Canadians

Nick Boisvert · CBC News · Posted: Jul 14, 2021 
Minister of Labour Filomena Tassi announced plans to review the legislation on Wednesday. 'I want everyone to be given an equal opportunity to succeed,' she said. (Adrian Wyld/Canadian Press)


Federal legislation that aims to ensure equal opportunities for employees from under-represented groups is heading for its most significant overhaul since its introduction 35 years ago.

The Liberal government announced today that it has convened a new task force to review the Employment Equity Act, which the government describes as "an important tool to promote fairness, equality and diversity in federally regulated workplaces."

The legislation states that no person should be denied employment opportunities for reasons unrelated to ability. It says that creating those conditions "requires special measures and the accommodation of differences."

Labour Minister Filomena Tassi said the legislation has improved the standing of various groups that have been marginalized in the workplace, but that the act was overdue for an update.

"It's about bringing the act into the 21st century," Tassi said.

Future changes to the legislation, she added, "are absolutely going to result in more equitable workplaces."

The 13-member task force conducting the review is being asked to come up with recommendations to "modernize" the legislation. The task force will host its first meeting on July 15 and is expected to have a final report by early 2022.

About 1.3 million people, representing about six per cent of Canada's workforce, are employed in federally regulated industries and workplaces.
Review could result in more precise categories of marginalized workers

The existing Employment Equity Act identifies four groups that have faced additional barriers in workplaces: women, Indigenous Peoples, people with disabilities and members of visible minorities.

Those categories were defined when the act was introduced in 1986. The legislation was largely inspired by the 1984 Royal Commission on Equality in Employment, which was led by Rosalie Abella before she was appointed to the Supreme Court.

Retiring Supreme Court Justice Rosalie Abella optimistic about Canada's march toward equality

Among other things, the task force will be charged with reviewing those groups, which likely will result in the creation of more precise and varied categories of under-represented workers.

Adelle Blackett, a law professor at McGill University who was named chair of the task force, said LGBTQ people, for example, probably will need representation in the next iteration of the act.

Adelle Blackett, a law professor at McGill University, will chair the 13-person task force reviewing Canada's employment equity legislation. (McGill University)

"The time is now," Blackett told CBC News. "We have a really important opportunity to achieve equality."

Blackett said the national reckoning over the atrocities committed in Canada's residential school system, and the murder of George Floyd in the United States, are driving the effort to address systemic inequalites.

"It's hard not to be thinking about how to build a legacy of meaningful inclusion, including in our workplaces," Blackett said.

According to the latest report on equity within federally regulated workplaces, women, Indigenous Peoples and people with disabilities remain underrepresented in federally regulated workplaces.

Representation of visible minorities is more favourable, with those workers filling slightly more jobs than expected based on their overall share of the workforce.
Unifor says existing act has 'failed to deliver'

The launch of the review task force comes following recent efforts by the Liberal government to reduce inequities across a range of sectors — including new pay equity legislation that will go into effect at the end of August.

Canadian women make 89 cents for every dollar men earn. Can new federal legislation narrow that gap?

Critics, including the federal New Democrats, have described some of the announcements as pre-election manoeuvring.

NDP critic for women and gender equality Lindsay Mathyssen said last week's news on pay equity follows the Liberal's recent track record of providing "pretty words instead of substantive actions."

Unifor, the largest union representing workers in the federally regulated private sector, said changes to the act are badly needed.

"Despite being in force for 35 years, the Employment Equity Act has failed to deliver on its promise," Unifor national president Jerry Dias wrote on Twitter. He called on the federal government to ensure that input from workers is considered during the review.

"Updating terms, expanding inclusion and prioritizing enforcement will go a long way," Dias added.

THE POLITICAL BANKRUPTCY OF BUSINESS UNIONISM

How a bankrupt college and questionable union spending left electrical workers in the dark

Despite warnings, IBEW built a new training centre that was never approved to teach programs


Nfld. & Labrador·CBC Investigates
Rob Antle · CBC News · Posted: Jul 07, 2021 
Members of IBEW Local 2330 protested at the Holyrood headquarters in January. The local has been under trusteeship of the international union for more than two years. (John Pike/CBC)

On a sunny August day in 2015, as fluorescent-garbed workers traversed a construction site and excavators bit into hard earth, Rick Dalton explained the vision of what they were starting to build in the eastern Newfoundland town of Holyrood.

"The demand for tradespeople is more so today than there ever has been," said Dalton, who at the time was the business manager of International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers Local 2330.

"So there's no fear on our part that there will come a day when this facility is not needed."

According to government documents, however, it was never needed in the first place.

When construction began on the multimillion-dollar, state-of-the-art college, Local 2330 trumpeted in its newsletter the school would be "the most advanced training facility for electrical workers in North America."

What wasn't mentioned: the college — which was supposed to mould the next generation of union electricians — never actually got the green light from Newfoundland and Labrador education officials to offer those programs.

That status remained the case right up until IBEW College Inc. collapsed into bankruptcy last year.

As well, internal government documents obtained by CBC News reveal that IBEW officials were advised the labour market outlook for the proposed programs was "not positive." But construction began anyway.

That was the beginning of problems. But it was far from the end.

IBEW College was built to train the next generation of electrical workers in Newfoundland and Labrador. The facility was constructed even though proponents never got approval from the N.L. government to teach those programs. (John Pike/CBC)

A CBC News investigation has uncovered details about the bankruptcy of the college.

There are millions more at stake in lawsuits filed on behalf of former employees of the union local and college. Those court filings offer a peek behind the curtain of the financial turmoil that has engulfed IBEW College, as well as Local 2330.

Meanwhile, land transaction records raise questions about how some of the property was acquired to build the college in Holyrood in the first place.

Local 2330 says on its website that it has more than 1,600 active members. They pay dues. There was even a 50-cents-an-hour fee that came off their paycheques, specifically targeted at funding the college.

Much of that cash flowed from work on the publicly funded Muskrat Falls megaproject.

All of that money was collected locally. But for years, there have been complaints from some members about a lack of local accountability.

Local 2330 has been under trusteeship of the international union — and its Mississauga, Ont.-based Canadian head office — since June 2019, after a forensic audit of past spending turned up problems.

"The IBEW has been working for some time to turn around the financial situation at Local 2330," IBEW International vice-president Tom Reid said in a statement emailed to CBC News.

"The local will remain under trusteeship while that process continues." Reid did not grant an interview request, and did not outline a time frame for when that process might conclude.

That situation does not sit well with members of Local 2330. Protests most recently flared up in January, when electrical workers blocked the entrance to the college and union offices in Holyrood, about 50 kilometres west of St. John's.

At January's protest, IBEW Local 2330 vice-president Kevin Slaney described the state of the union: 'We have no say, we have no information.' (John Pike/CBC)

"We have no say, we have no information, we have absolutely nothing," Local 2330 vice-president Kevin Slaney said at the time. "And that's why you see the problem we have here today.… Our members are not being treated fairly."

The protests ended within a few days. But questions about how Local 2330 had gotten itself into this situation in the first place didn't.
Mystery company makes $600,000

Initially, the college was a joint initiative of two Newfoundland and Labrador-based IBEW locals — Local 2330 represents construction electricians, while Local 1620 is mainly for powerline workers.

In late 2014 and 2015, the two locals began buying land in Holyrood for the new training centre. They acquired two adjacent, equally sized pieces of land, then combined them into one parcel for the entire college campus.

Those transactions all involved companies under union control — all of them, it seems, except one.

A company linked to Local 2330 bought the northern half of the property from a Holyrood surveyor named Robert J. Power for $650,000.

The southern portion of the property was acquired by a holding company for Local 1620, also for $650,000. But that deal involved an extra step in between.

A mystery numbered company acquired the property from the original owner first, before reselling it to the union less than two months later, at a hefty profit.

That numbered company — 73661 Newfoundland and Labrador — bought the land from that same Holyrood man, Robert J. Power, for $50,000.

73661 Newfoundland and Labrador then sold the land to a union company for $650,000 — an increase of $600,000 in just eight weeks.

It's unclear why the union didn't buy the land directly from the original owner, instead of the mystery numbered company.

Work began on the IBEW College site in 2015. According to provincial government briefing notes, union officials were warned that the labour market outlook for the proposed programs was 'not positive.' But they proceeded with construction anyway. (CBC)

Officials with the IBEW head office, which is now running Local 2330, did not respond to questions relating to the acquisition of land for the college. Neither did former Local 2330 and IBEW College officials.

Current Local 1620 business manager and financial secretary Don Murphy declined an interview request.

Murphy indicated he has no information about the Local 1620 land purchase, noting it was done under a previous administration.

It's also not known who owns the company that appears to have benefited from the deal.

Under Newfoundland and Labrador law, corporate ownership details are not public information.

The only listed director of the numbered company is Bay Roberts lawyer Doug Moores. Moores — who did legal work related to the college beginning with its inception and for years afterwards — declined to address the details of what happened.

"I am not authorized to speak to you about this matter," he wrote in an email to CBC News.
Breaking ground, but no government approval

With the land now secured, ground was broken on the college in the summer of 2015.

But all was not well behind the scenes.

All private training institutions in Newfoundland and Labrador that offer courses of 50 or more instructional hours are required by law to be registered by the Education Department.

To get registered, they must prove the need for training programs they plan to offer.

While construction was underway, the college's application for provincial approval was grinding its way through the system.

Finally, in May 2016, a decision.

"There is insufficient labour market demand for new graduates in both occupations to support approval of the new programs," noted an internal government briefing note, obtained by CBC News through access to information.

"Prior to submitting the application, IBEW officials were advised by the department that the labour market outlook for the proposed programs was not positive. Nevertheless, construction began on the IBEW College facility in Holyrood in September 2015 without the department's approval of the school as a registered [private training institution]."

In June 2016, IBEW contacted the premier's office, the government records reveal, although no further details were provided.

Then, a meeting with the minister of advanced education, Gerry Byrne, was arranged.

There, according to internal government documents, "IBEW officials acknowledged that the current [labour market information] outlook for the two entry level programs submitted for approval was not optimistic."

But their efforts to push for approval did not end there.

Rick Dalton, pictured in 2015, was a key player behind the IBEW College plan. He has sued the union for defamation and wrongful dismissal. IBEW countersued Dalton for nearly a half million dollars, alleging that he was 'unjustly enriched' during his time as business manager of Local 2330. (CBC)

In late August 2016, college president Rick Dalton wrote to Byrne to stress the "critical need for the IBEW College at this time." CBC News obtained that correspondence, through access to information legislation.

But there was another issue, according to internal documents.

IBEW College was advertising for instructors for programs that had not actually been approved. That violated government regulations.

Byrne summed up the situation in a September 2016 email to officials in his department.

"What I know so far is that the IBEW started construction … based on information provided by IBEW before applying for a [private training institution] licence, and after breaking ground and entering into contractual relationships with builders, subsequently brought forward an application for licensing which was subsequently deemed incomplete," Byrne wrote.

"Labour market analysis of the trades/programs to be offered was not provided, which is considered a critical component of the licensing review."

The application was again denied.

As the calendar changed to 2017, it was a new year, a new minister — and a new application from IBEW College.

A new application, but the same answer: no.

That sparked a letter from IBEW to the new minister, Al Hawkins, in November 2017, pressing to see the departmental analysis that led to the rejection.

"We have spent years working collaboratively to create, develop and build programming and infrastructure to support our members. We constructed a state of the art training facility that is the best in this province where the best training programs can be delivered to produce the best and most productive electricians this province requires to grow its economy," the IBEW letter noted.

"Our members are demanding we explore all avenues to ensure the IBEW College is registered."

Education officials were unmoved. Their decision stood.
Growing frustration at union local

While all this was unspooling, there were other issues that were beginning to surface into the public view.

In 2017, Local 2330, which represents construction electricians, had bought out the interest in the college of Local 1620, which represents mostly powerline workers.

Local 1620 officials did not respond to questions about why they divested their stake in the project.

As the calendar turned to 2018, Local 2330 members were beginning to question financial accountability issues in the union hall.
Progress made with union heads, say protesting electrical workers

More than a dozen members said they were disqualified from running in an election to become officers of Local 2330. That sparked a gathering at the Holyrood union hall, where sign-toting members demanded an explanation, before the candidates were reinstated.

IBEW Local 2330 president Ann Geehan spoke to protesting members at the gate of the college property in July 2018. (Katie Breen/CBC)

Kevin Slaney was one of those protesting at the site — and protesting the lack of financial transparency.

"We just come through three or four megaprojects now and as far as we know, we're pretty much broke," Slaney said. "There could be lots of money there but without somebody telling us, giving us an actual financial report, we don't know."

When a protesting union member publicly confronted IBEW Local 2330 president Ann Geehan to ask for a "real meeting where our bills are presented as per our constitution," Geehan insisted there had been no "out-of-the-ordinary" bills that had been paid.

The international union hired a forensic auditor to look at the books in early 2019.

That report — which has never been publicly released — came to a different conclusion.
An audit, a trusteeship, an investigation launched

What happened next can be pieced together from court documents since filed in a flurry of lawsuits.

In March 2019, Rick Dalton was summoned to a meeting with an aide to the international vice-president.

Dalton served as business manager of IBEW 2330 until the summer of 2017, when he became the union's international representative in Newfoundland and Labrador.

As of early 2019, according to corporate records, Dalton was still a director of IBEW College.

At that meeting, Dalton was informed about the forensic audit.

Three months later, IBEW 2330 was placed under trusteeship. Dalton was fired soon after.

According to a statement of claim later filed by Dalton over his dismissal, a letter went out from the union's Canadian head office noting the trusteeship was effective immediately "to prevent and correct financial malpractice" and to "restore proper democratic procedure within the local union."

Union manager fired, officers internally charged, as financial wrongdoing investigation continues

The results of the forensic audit sparked an internal complaint over alleged violations of the union's constitution, which in turn prompted an internal investigation process.

Finally, in the fall of 2020, the results of that union investigation were released to IBEW 2330 members.

In the end, four current or former officers were expelled from the union, and ordered to repay a total of $2.2 million.

The bulk of the restitution order was targeted at two people — IBEW 2330 president Ann Geehan, at nearly $1.6 million, and former business manager Rick Dalton, at $457,000.

That investigation was not a formal legal proceeding, and Dalton disputes its results in his lawsuit. Geehan did not grant an interview request.
Flurry of lawsuits filed

But that's not the end of the financial turmoil facing IBEW College and Local 2330.

Rick Dalton sued the IBEW for defamation and breach of contract/unjust dismissal in early 2020.

Dalton alleges that proper process was not followed in his termination because there was no conclusive evidence, and he was not given the opportunity to defend himself.

IBEW and IBEW 2330 have since countersued, claiming that Dalton was "unjustly enriched" $457,000 during his time as business manager of the union local.

That total included:
$283,827 in excess salary payments.
$11,000 in unapproved bonuses.
$88,600 in unapproved vacation pay.
$73,650 in unapproved car allowances.

The union accused Dalton of misappropriation of funds and/or fraud while noting that he was in a position of trust.

None of the allegations from either side has been proven, and the matter remains before the courts.

A number of lawsuits related to IBEW College and IBEW Local 2330 have been filed at Newfoundland and Labrador Supreme Court in St. John's. (Eddy Kennedy/CBC)

Another significant lawsuit is also pending.

The former training director of the college, Kelly Power, has sued IBEW College Inc. for more than $3.6 million. That's according to college bankruptcy records and court filings.

She has since filed another lawsuit naming the union, Local 2330, and two college directors.

Power was terminated without cause in April 2020. In court documents, she said she signed a 10-year contract in 2015.

But the college said in court filings that Power was terminated "due to a shortage of work" linked to the pandemic, as there were no students to teach.

The college's statement of defence added that "it has since uncovered evidence which gives rise of cause for dismissal."

All of those matters remain before the courts.
Union companies owed millions by bankrupt college

The college built to train the next generation of electrical workers has instead offered courses that took less than 50 hours, on safety-related topics like fall protection and first aid.

Today, IBEW College Inc. is bankrupt. There are only three creditors.

Two of them are described in insolvency filings as related parties or companies "under common control."

Essentially, the college run by Local 2330 owes $3.2 million to other Local 2330-related interests.

The third is former training director Kelly Power. Her multimillion-dollar claim against IBEW College is also listed in bankruptcy documents as a potential liability.

The total assets at the time the bankruptcy was filed? Slightly over $18,000. More than half of that amount was an expected HST rebate.
Police investigation

In January, about a dozen Local 2330 members assembled in the pre-dawn cold to block the gates to the Holyrood college and union offices.

"Unions are supposed to be forthcoming with all their information, and provide information to their members, and treat their members with respect and dignity, and it's certainly not happening here," Slaney said at the time.

"The reason we are here today is we're taking our hall back, it's as simple as that."

But that hasn't happened — at least not yet.

And the IBEW head office is remaining tight-lipped for now, citing those ongoing lawsuits.

"I can confirm that there were several internal union charges filed against former officers of the union concerning the manner in which the local had been operated," IBEW International vice-president Tom Reid said in an email to CBC News.

"I can also confirm that some former officers and employees who are no longer employed by the IBEW, Local 2330 and/or the IBEW College have filed lawsuits concerning their separation from employment. Because of that ongoing litigation, the IBEW will not comment further on the trusteeship or any other matter related to Local 2330.

"The IBEW does, however, look forward to the day when the trusteeship of Local 2330 will be lifted and the members will enjoy a financially stable local union that operates in accordance with IBEW management practices."

For now, the trusteeship continues — more than two years and counting.

Discontent at IBEW Local 2330 spilled out into the public in July 2018, as members protested outside the union's offices in Holyrood. (CBC)

Members have not gone public with their concerns since that protest wrapped up in January.

"The people in this province join unions for fairness. And when the international office steps in and makes that unfair, there's something seriously wrong with that," Slaney said in January.

"We've had to go to the media for just about every bit of information that we got, and that's not the way it's supposed to be."

At that protest in January, Slaney said he had been interviewed by the Mounties. "They're doing their best to get to the bottom of this," he said.

In an email to CBC News, RCMP Cpl. Jolene Garland confirmed that the investigation is ongoing and active.

While the IBEW isn't saying much about any of this, neither are those who ran Local 2330 — and the college — before the fiscal situation finally came unglued.

Former Local 2330 business manager and college president Rick Dalton did not respond to detailed correspondence from CBC News. His lawyer, Greg French, said Dalton will not be commenting, as the matter is before the courts.

The college's former training director, Kelly Power, also did not respond to detailed inquiries. She is represented by the same law firm as Dalton, and also declined to comment.

Meanwhile, the college is now listed online for sale, described as an "outstanding opportunity."




ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Rob Antle
CBC News
Rob Antle is producer for CBC's investigative unit in Newfoundland and Labrador.
AUSTERITY CRIES CITY HALL

Hitting 'brick wall,' Town of Grand Falls-Windsor locks out its unionized workers

Mayor says union had 'complete unwillingness to co-operate'



CBC News · Posted: Jul 15, 2021
The Town of Grand Falls-Windsor locked out about 100 unionized employees Thursday morning. (The Town of Grand Falls-Windsor/Facebook)

Following months of bargaining that failed to produce a deal, the Town of Grand Falls-Windsor has locked out its unionized workforce.

The lockout took effect 5 a.m. Thursday, after the central Newfoundland town issued a media release Wednesday night with the mayor saying the union had a "complete unwillingness to co-operate" on a a new collective agreement.

Mayor Barry Manuel said the town made the move after it appeared to them the nearly 100 unionized workers of Canadian Union of Public Employees Local 1349 were not going to strike, despite voting 99 per cent in favour of strike action on July 6.

"I just believe the optics, obviously, would look better if they didn't strike and if we were to lock them out," Manuel told CBC Radio's Newfoundland Morning on Thursday.

CUPE's national representative Ed White told CBC News he wasn't available for an interview Thursday morning.

Workers in Grand Falls-Windsor warn of possible strike after rejecting latest contract offer

In a media release the union said it was "shocked and disappointed" to find out on Facebook on Wednesday night that its members were being locked out.

CUPE national representative Nicole Dunphy said in the release members were hoping the town would call them back to the bargaining table.

"Instead, we saw managers and supervisors loading town vehicles and equipment into trucks and trailers last night," she Dunphy said. "They did not even have the courtesy to inform the union before making the announcement on Facebook. That shows a complete lack of respect for the employees and for the town."

The previous agreement between the town and the workers — who take care of everything from playgrounds to municipal enforcement to administration — expired Dec. 31. Manuel said bargaining for a new one began in October but soon reached an impasse.

"Right from the beginning, we ran into a brick wall," Manuel said.

Benefits road block


The major road block, according to Manuel, has centred on the workers' medical plan. Under the old collective agreement, the town paid 100 per cent of workers' insurance premiums. Manuel said that is "unheard of," as most other municipalities and the provincial government pay only 50 per cent.

Manuel said insurance increases are rising, and the town wants the workers to pay for those increases. He also said the old agreement requires both management and union to agree on things like job vacancies, job postings and finalizing job descriptions, powers that often lie solely with management.

"It's just not working the way it is now. We've been encountering a ton of trouble with it. And we want to get the rights that we should have as management, because we want to be able to find efficiencies for the citizens," Manuel said.

The town is in good financial shape, he said, but these issues have "big financial implications" for its future.

Grand Falls-Windsor Mayor Barry Manuel says he can't guarantee there won't be service disruptions during the lockout. (Chris Ensing/CBC)

Possible service disruptions

The lockout means a small group of managers, along with contractors, will be responsible for keeping the town running.

In a public advisory to its residents, the town said essential services like garbage and recycling collection will continue, but some other services will be disrupted. All playgrounds are closed save two, and the town hall itself is closed to the public with services like tax collection moving to phone-only.

"We hope things will continue to go as normal but obviously, we're not sure. This is a fluid situation to see how things go, so we certainly can't guarantee it," Manuel said.

He said the town is willing to resume talks with the union.

CUPE 1349 president Tammie Greening said in the release that while information pickets will go up, the union will do its best not to disrupt community activities.

"We will try not to affect weekly children's programs," she said. "We have a good rapport with our community groups, and we hope they won't be asked to take on any of our work. However, if the town or anyone else performs work that belongs to our bargaining unit you can expect to see picket lines at that site."

She said she's also concerned the town might try to use student workers "as pawns," adding the town should not involve students in the labour dispute and instead point them toward volunteer groups in the community.

"We are very sorry and apologize to residents and businesses that this couldn't be resolved at the bargaining table. But we have not given up hope that the employer will sit down with us and resume negotiations," said Greening.

"The ball is in their court."