Monday, July 19, 2021

Secrets of rebel slaves in Barbados will finally be revealed

British Library releases vast trove of digitised 19th-century newspapers to bring stories of fugitives to life

A 1780 engraving of an Englishman selling his mistress into slavery in Barbados. Photograph: The Granger Collection/Alamy

Vanessa Thorpe
THE OBSERVER
Sun 18 Jul 2021 

Little is yet known of Bussa, the man behind the largest slave revolt on Barbados in 1816, but information about his life before this uprising could well lie in the columns of contemporary island newspapers. So too may further clues about what happened to Benebah, a pregnant black woman who stood up to a police officer on the island in 1834, after slavery had officially been abolished.

The missing history of these two rebels, along with many other enslaved peoples’ stories, are hiding in plain sight in vast, freshly digitised newspaper records from the island. And now the British Library is to lend its scholastic firepower and invite online volunteers to help to uncover it.

Such evidence would paint a valuable picture of the otherwise anonymous world of commercial slavery during British colonial rule. For, while much of the paperwork surrounding the trade did not use names, if someone rebelled, or attempted escape, their identity and description often appeared in a paid advertisement.
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“These fugitive adverts, while created by enslavers, were born out of acts of resistance by those who were enslaved,” said Graham Jevon of the British Library.

“The casual normalisation of these adverts can be hard to read but each represents an individual resisting oppression – and in some cases is the only real recognition that a person existed, and almost certainly the only record of a person’s appearance, personality, and connections.”

Agents of Enslavement, a collaboration between the Barbados Department of Archives and the British Library, launches on Tuesday, making thousands of pages available to researchers and amateur historians to create a new resource for people in Barbados and Britain to find out about their ancestors.

The newspapers themselves remain in Barbados but have been digitised using a grant from the Endangered Archives Programme (EAP). The surviving pages were in an “exceptionally vulnerable” condition, said Jevon, due to their age and the tropical climate.

“The crowdsourcing will unlock some of the secrets hidden within these newspapers. While the digital copies are now freely available to view on the EAP website, the information can only be found by a close reading of every page. We need people to help us do this,” said Jevon, who will personally be looking out for one rebel name above others.


“Historical records of Bussa are scant. Exactly who he was and whether he did actually lead the rebellion has been a matter of some debate. I don’t expect to find evidence of his lead role in the rebellion but I will be particularly keen to keep an eye out for any pre-1816 references to the name Bussa.”
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Jevon will also be scanning for mentions of Benebah, whose story he came across by chance. “While glancing through the newspapers, I stumbled across an article which described a near-fatal incident between a police officer and a pregnant black woman named Benebah,” he said.

One of the Barbados newspaper advertisements seeking runaway slaves. Photograph: Graham Jevon/Barbados Archives / Endangered Archives Programme

Although slavery had been abolished, Benebah was still held in the transitional “apprenticeship” system and, according to a report in the Globe, stood her ground when Thomas Green, a police officer, took a loose goat from the market.

When the goat was claimed by Benebah, he refused to return it unless she paid him. During an abusive confrontation later in the market the officer became violent.

“He grabbed Benebah, intent on dragging her to the police station,” Jevon said. “She resisted; clenched her teeth on his hand. Green responded, pulled her towards him, and forced his knee into her abdomen. Benebah threw the officer to the floor, before others joined the scuffle and the officer was retrieved by two colleagues.”

Green was sent to prison by a magistrate but was then swiftly released on the basis of a certificate from a Dr Cleare stating that “the woman [was] in no immediate danger”.

“This provides a snapshot into the life of a young woman who would otherwise be forgotten by history,” said Jevon. “It is an example of the way that these newspapers can be used to start to identify people and then to trace their stories.”

The adverts were mostly posted by English owners, and the project hopes to expose any patterns behind the escape attempts. Were enslaved people more likely to run away from absentee enslavers based in Britain or from enslavers living in Barbados? But the main aim is to identify more enslaved people and their individual acts of resistance. “Unlike ‘for sale’ adverts, in which enslaved people are anonymised, the fugitive adverts required detailed descriptions to achieve their objective of recapturing people,” said Jevon. “These adverts therefore contain names, ages, detailed physical descriptions and often the names and locations of a fugitive’s family and friends.”
A community workshop with the Barbados newspapers. Photograph: Barbados Archives / Endangered Archives Programme

The history of the period is obscured by the custom of giving enslaved people their enslavers’ names, but it can also make things clearer. Benebah was a common name in Barbados, with no set spelling. But the Benebah of interest to Jevon can be recognised because the newspaper article mentions she was apprenticed by John Piggot Maynard. “I was able to trace Benebah’s initial registration as a 13-year-old in 1817 to her final registration in 1834 when, aged 30, she was gifted to John Maynard’s seven-year-old daughter by a man named Richard Grannum,” he said.

Those enslaved in Barbados were predominantly black and descended from Africans, although early in the colonisation period there were also white indentured servants. Some native Americans were also enslaved. By the 19th century, most were born in Barbados, rather than Africa, and so the white community in Barbados was not as widely opposed to the 1807 act to abolish the slave trade as others were. Barbados no longer needed to import labour.

All the same, after an 1823 revolt in Demerara, the Barbadian launched a strong editorial attack on the abolitionist African Institution and its leading figures, including William Wilberforce. It blamed them for disorder and called them “a junta of fanatics … specious friends of humanity, who have not one spark of Christian feeling for the millions of human beings of their own colour”.

LOTTA CONTINUA THE STRUGGLE CONTINUES









The big picture: Ruth Orkin’s modern New York woman, 1949

Geraldine Dent, New York City, 1949. Photograph: Ruth Orkin

The photographer’s image of a young grocery shopper brought colour to women’s magazine covers for the first time

Tim Adams
@TimAdamsWrites
Sun 18 Jul 2021 

In early 1950, John Godfrey Morris, editor of the Ladies’ Home Journal, wanted to change the studio poses of its cover photographs to reflect a more liberated postwar woman. He invited photographers to submit ideas and promised $2,000 for each shot chosen, plus $500 for the model.

Ruth Orkin, the daughter of a silent film actor, was then 29. She had been making her way as a photographer in New York ever since she had cycled to the city in an epic two-wheel road trip from Los Angeles 12 years earlier, taking pictures as she went. She knew exactly the kind of picture that Morris was looking for. “I had not only just photographed a beautiful girl who was not a model, but she was doing something that all his female readers could identify with,” Orkin later recalled. The woman was a New York City housewife called Geraldine Dent and Orkin had photographed her at a greengrocer with a bursting bag of fruit, and a bitten strawberry to match her lipstick, scarf and beret. The magazine with Orkin’s cover sold out its 4m print run as soon as it hit the news stands, the first time a 35mm colour slide had been used on the front of one of the “slicks”.

The picture features in a retrospective book of Orkin’s work published on the centenary of her birth, edited by her daughter Mary Engel. Orkin died in 1985. Her always-adventurous career included an Oscar nomination for her landmark independent film, The Little Fugitive, the era-defining photoshoot in Rome entitled “Don’t be afraid to travel alone”, and two bestselling books of pictures shot from her apartment window overlooking Central Park. In her introduction to the book, Engel writes: “When I was a little girl, my mother was larger than life. She told me to call her Ruth at a young age so she could hear me in a crowd. She was warm, but she could be tough and strong too. In my eyes, she had it all…”

Ruth Orkin: A Photo Spirit is published by Hatje Cantz (£33)
How a powerful US lobby group helps big oil to block climate action
An ad paid for by API as part of its Energy For Progress campaign to cast natural gas as climate-friendly. API’s chief executive has pledged to resist a raft of Biden’s environmental measures. Photograph: Mike Segar/Reuters


The American Petroleum Institute receives millions from oil companies – and works behinds the scenes to stall or weaken legislation

Supported by


Chris McGreal
Mon 19 Jul 2021 

When Royal Dutch Shell published its annual environmental report in April, it boasted that it was investing heavily in renewable energy. The oil giant committed to installing hundreds of thousands of charging stations for electric vehicles around the world to help offset the harm caused by burning fossil fuels.

On the same day, Shell issued a separate report revealing that its single largest donation to political lobby groups last year was made to the American Petroleum Institute, one of the US’s most powerful trade organizations, which drives the oil industry’s relationship with Congress.

Contrary to Shell’s public statements in support of electric vehicles, API’s chief executive, Mike Sommers, has pledged to resist a raft of Joe Biden’s environmental measures, including proposals to fund new charging points in the US. He claims a “rushed transition” to electric vehicles is part of “government action to limit Americans’ transportation choice”.

Shell donated more than $10m to API last year alone.

And it’s not just Shell. Most other oil conglomerates are also major funders, including ExxonMobil, Chevron and BP, although they have not made their contributions public.

The deep financial ties underscore API’s power and influence across the oil and gas industry, and what politicians describe as the trade group’s defining role in setting major obstacles to new climate policies and legislation.


Critics accuse Shell and other major oil firms of using API as cover for the industry. While companies run publicity campaigns claiming to take the climate emergency seriously, the trade group works behind the scenes in Congress to stall or weaken environmental legislation.

Earlier this year, an Exxon lobbyist in Washington was secretly recorded by Greenpeace describing API as the industry’s “whipping boy” to direct public and political criticism away from individual companies.
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Senator Sheldon Whitehouse, a Rhode Island Democrat and strident critic of big oil’s public relations tactics, accused API of “lying on a massive industrial scale” about the climate crisis in order to stall legislation to combat global heating.

“The major oil companies and API move very much together,” he said.

Whitehouse said the oil and gas industry now recognizes it is no longer “socially acceptable” to outright deny climate change, and that companies are under pressure to claim they support new energy solutions that are less harmful to the environment. But that does not mean their claims should be taken at face value.

“The question as to whether they’re even sincere about that, or whether this is just ‘Climate is a hoax 2.0’, is an unknown at this point,” he added.

Shell has defended its funding by saying that while it is “misaligned” with some of API’s policies, the company continues to sit on the group’s board and executive committee in order to have “a greater positive impact” from within. The petroleum firm claims that its influence helped manoeuvre API, which represents about 600 drilling companies, refiners and other interests such as plastics makers, toward finally supporting a tax on carbon earlier this year.

With Biden in the White House and growing public awareness of global heating, there are signs API’s influence may be weakening as its own members become divided on how to respond.

The major oil companies and API move very much togetherSheldon Whitehouse

The French oil company Total quit the group earlier this year over its climate policies. Shareholder rebellions are pressing Exxon and Chevron to move away from dependence on oil. Top clean energy executives at Shell quit in December over the pace of change by the company.

API is also fighting a growing number of lawsuits, led by the state of Minnesota, alleging that the trade group was at the heart of a decades-long “disinformation campaign” on behalf of big oil to deny the threat from fossil fuels.

But despite threats to API’s lasting influence, Whitehouse argues the trade organization represents the true face of the industry. Instead of using its considerable power to push for environmentally friendly energy laws, API is still lobbying to stall progress with the oil industry’s blessing.

“Their political effort at this point is purely negative, purely against serious climate legislation. And many of them continue to fund the fraudulent climate denialists that have been their mouthpieces for a decade or more,” Whitehouse said.

Since API was founded in 1919 out of an oil industry cooperation with the government during the first world war, it has evolved into a major political force with nearly $240m in annual revenue.

Its board has been dominated by heavyweights from big oil, such as Rex Tillerson, the Exxon chief who went on to become Donald Trump’s secretary of state, and Tofiq Al Gabsani, the chief of Saudi Refining, a subsidiary of the giant state-owned Aramco oil giant. Al Gabsani was also registered as a lobbyist for the Saudi government.

API also hired professional lobbyists, including Philip Cooney, who went on to serve under George W Bush as chief of staff of the Council on Environmental Quality until he was forced to resign in 2005 after tampering with government climate assessments to downplay scientific evidence of global heating and to emphasise doubts. Shortly afterward, Cooney was hired by Exxon.

API came into its own as the realities of the climate crisis crept into public and political discourse, and the industry found itself on the defensive. The trade group, which claimed to represent companies supporting 10m jobs and nearly 8% of the US economy, played a central role in efforts to combat new environmental regulations.

In many cases, API was prepared to carry out the dirty work that individual companies did not want to be held responsible for. In 1998, after countries signed the Kyoto Protocol to help curb carbon emissions, API drew up a multimillion-dollar disinformation campaign to ensure that “climate change becomes a non-issue”. The plan said “victory will be achieved” when “recognition of uncertainties become part of the ‘conventional wisdom’”.

Much of this is the basis of several lawsuits against API. The first was filed last year by the Minnesota attorney general, Keith Ellison, who accuses the group of working alongside ExxonMobil and Koch Industries to lie about the scale of the climate crisis. The suit alleges that “previously unknown internal documents” show that API and the others well understood the dangers for decades but “engaged in a public-relations campaign that was not only false, but also highly effective” to undermine climate science.

The city of Hoboken in New Jersey is also suing API, claiming that it engaged in a conspiracy by joining and funding “front groups” that ran “deceptive advertising and communications campaigns that promote climate disinformation and denialism”.
A protest against Shell in Zurich in 2015. Photograph: Reuters/Alamy

The lawsuits allege that API funded scientists known to deny or underplay climate changes, and gave millions of dollars to ostensibly independent organisations, such as the Cato Institute and the George C Marshall Institute, which denied or downplayed the growing environmental crisis.

“API has been a member of at least five organizations that have promoted disinformation about fossil-fuel products to consumers,” Ellison alleges in Minnesota’s lawsuit. “These front groups were formed to provide climate disinformation and advocacy from a seemingly objective source, when, in fact, they were financed and controlled by ExxonMobil and other sellers of fossil-fuel products.”

It wasn’t always this way.


When Terry Yosie joined API in 1988 as vice-president for health and environment, the trade group had spent years funding scientists to research climate issues after hearing repeated warnings. In 1979, API and its members formed the Climate and Energy Task Force of oil and gas company scientists to share research.

Yosie, who moved to API from the Environmental Protection Agency, controlled a $15m budget, part of which he used to give workshops on climate change by EPA officials and other specialists.

“I brought them together in front of oil industry senior level executives for the sole purpose of making sure this industry had some understanding as to what other significant stakeholders thought about climate change, where they saw the issue evolving, what information they were relying on,” he said.

When Yosie left API in 1992, he believed oil the lobby group was still serious about addressing the growing evidence of climate change. But a year later, it disbanded the task force at the same time that Exxon abandoned one of the industry’s biggest research programmes to measure climate change.

Yosie believes that confronted with the true extent of the looming disaster, API and the oil companies ran scared, choosing instead to pursue an agenda informed by climate denialism.

“As the climate issue began to move from the periphery to the centre stage, I think there was a collective loss of confidence in the entire industry, a fear that this was not a debate that was winnable,” he said.

API and its financial backers founded a front organisation, the deceptively named Global Climate Coalition, to drum up purported evidence that the climate crisis was a hoax. In the late 1990s, the GCC’s chairman, William O’Keefe, was also API’s executive vice-president, a man who falsely claimed that “climate scientists don’t say that burning oil, gas and coal is steadily warming the earth”.

API and the GCC led attacks on Bill Clinton’s support for the Kyoto protocol with a “global climate science communications plan” that misrepresented the facts about global heating.

The relationship between API and big oil remained exceptionally close throughout. Exxon’s chief executive served on the lobby group’s executive committee for most of the past three decades, and the two worked together in promoting denialism over the climate crisis.

The focus of API’s efforts were on Congress, where it led the industry’s opposition to policies, such as the 2009 cap-and-trade legislation to control carbon emissions.

“Most of the funding for the Republican party, and probably a very considerable amount of the big dark money funding behind the Republican party, comes out of the fossil fuel industry,” said Whitehouse. Last year, API indirectly gave $5m to the conservative Senate Leadership Fund to back Republican election candidates (many of whom question climate science), and to the campaigns of members of the energy committees in both houses of Congress.


The scientists hired by big oil who predicted the climate crisis long ago


Growing public disquiet, and the departure of oil-friendly Donald Trump from the White House, shifted the ground for API. In March it launched a Climate Action Framework, which for the first time endorsed policies such as carbon pricing. It also stated its support for the Paris climate agreement.

API called the plan “robust” but others noted the lack of specifics and its sincerity was called into question when an Exxon lobbyist was caught on camera earlier this year saying that a carbon tax will never happen and that support for the measure was a public relations ploy intended to stall more serious measures.

And between API’s lost support from Total, and the Shell executives who resigned in December over what they regarded as the company’s foot-dragging on greener fuels, there are signs of shifting attitudes within the industry itself.

Shell and BP have said they will continue to review their support for API. Shell said that where it disagrees with API’s position, the company “will pursue advocacy separately”.

However, Peter Frumhoff, director of science and policy at the Union of Concerned Scientists, is sceptical that there has been any significant change in direction.

“I think it’s fair to say that API and its prominent member companies have have a broadly shared goal, which is to keep the social licence of the oil and gas industry operating, and therefore enabling them to continue to extract oil and gas for as long as possible, as profitably as possible,” he said.

This story is published as part of Covering Climate Now, a global collaboration of news outlets strengthening coverage of the climate story

 


UK bus privatisation breached basic rights, says ex-UN rapporteur

Report blasts ‘more expensive, unreliable’ routes outside London that have cut people off from communities and essential services

A report has criticised the deregulation of bus services, calling it a ‘masterclass in how not to run an essential public service’. Photograph: Ashley Crowden/Athena Pictures
 Transport correspondent

Britain’s bus services outside London were so damaged by privatisation that people were unable to access basic needs such as work, education and healthcare, according to a scathing report by the former UN special rapporteur on human rights.

Many people in Britain had lost jobs and benefits, been forced to give up on education, or been cut off from communities and healthcare as bus services grew more expensive, unreliable, and dysfunctional after the 1985 reform, the inquiry found.

The report is co-authored by Philip Alston, a New York-based academic whose UN reports in 2018-19 denounced the “social calamity” of austerity policies in the UK which he found had caused widespread poverty.

Alston said the deregulation of buses, brought in under Margaret Thatcher’s Conservative government, had “provided a masterclass in how not to run an essential public service, leaving residents at the mercy of private actors who have total discretion over how to run a bus route, or whether to run one at all”

He added: “In case after case, service that was once dependable, convenient, and widely used has been scaled back dramatically or made unaffordable.”

The authors interviewed passengers across Britain who described a broken, fragmented system with falling ridership as fares soared.

While the government has recognised buses need renewed investment and enacted some reforms, potentially allowing franchising in other cities outside London, the report was sceptical about the recently unveiled national bus strategy.

Alston said the UK could afford a world-class bus system if it chose. “Instead, the government has outsourced responsibility for a vital public service, propping up an arrangement that prioritises private profits and denying the public a decent bus.”

A Department for Transport spokesperson said: “Services across England are patchy, and it’s frankly not good enough.”

They said the strategy unveiled this year would “completely overhaul services”, adding: “We will provide unprecedented funding, but we need councils to work closely with operators, and the government, to develop the services of the future.”

The Confederation of Passenger Transport, which represents private bus operators, said reliable journeys, well-equipped buses and competitive pricing were goals everyone shared. A spokesperson said: “These are best delivered where operators and local authorities work in partnership without local people having to take on the financial risk and cost of council control.”

Transport unions said the report was “completely right in its assessment”.

The RMT general secretary, Mick Lynch, said the government needed to urgently rethink its strategy “and stop caving to the private operators”, adding: “It needs to reverse the ban on new municipal bus companies, and provide sufficient ringfenced national funding for all local authorities to deliver the bus services their local communities require.”

 

Women hit hardest by global pandemic job losses, says UN report

Updated 





Black public servant files complaint over alleged 'slaves' comment in the workplace


OTTAWA — Monica Agard says she was chatting with a colleague about her workload and looming deadlines when a supervisor passing by cut into their conversation.

© Provided by The Canadian Press

"We should go back to the good old days when we had slaves," Agard, a Black woman who works at the Immigration and Refugee Board, recalled in an interview.

"I said to him, 'Stop. Please stop, because I will file a grievance against you.' And he said, 'Your people are not the only people who were slaves.' No apology, no remorse, nothing, and then he just walked away," she said. "I was left then with all the emotional distress of this person — supervisor — making such a comment to me, and I thought it was highly inappropriate."

Agard, who has worked at the Immigration and Refugee Board in Toronto since 1990, said she did not file a complaint against the supervisor immediately after she said he made the remark in November 2019. She said she was not satisfied with the way a previous verbal complaint on a separate issue had been handled several years earlier, when she was told it would not be pursued further.

Then in July 2020 she learned she was being assigned to work under that same supervisor. She sent an email to the registrar, who is at the manager level, to share his alleged remarks about slaves and asked to be reassigned to another supervisor.

"This is a health issue for me," she wrote in the email.

The email exchange was provided to The Canadian Press. It shows the registrar telling Agard to speak to her direct manager about her concerns, with Agard replying to say she did not feel comfortable doing so because she believed he was close with the supervisor in question.

She said in the interview that she felt the registrar was at first "a bit dismissive" of her request to be reassigned at first. She was eventually switched to another supervisor after she explained could not work with the other one because of the emotional stress she felt about him.

Agard said in March this year, the registrar told her during a virtual meeting there had not yet been any communication with the supervisor about the issue. Agard filed a formal complaint of workplace harassment in late April, in which she described the alleged comment as "racist and hateful" and accused the registrar of failing to acknowledge it as a health and safety issue.

"I felt silenced, angry, depressed and disappointed but I said nothing because I understand the system now," Agard wrote in the complaint.

Agard said she has not spoken with the supervisor about the matter and is not aware of any response from him. She said last month, she was asked by the registrar if she wanted an apology from the supervisor, or a mediation meeting.

"I don't think you can mediate racism, so I said 'No.' I don't want to mediate this. This needs for the registrar to take very strong action against the supervisor and not to mediate," she said.




"My heart was just racing. My head hurts. I feel as if I'm suffocating because I am trying to understand why no one is taking any action on a situation like this," she said.

The supervisor did not respond to a direct request for comment in time for publication.

Line-Alice Guibert-Wolff, a spokeswoman for the Immigration and Refugee Board, said in a statement that the administrative tribunal is aware of the allegations against the supervisor and "is already engaged in acting on them." She said she could not discuss specifics because the case is "under active review, and to protect the integrity of the process."

She said the IRB "takes allegations of this nature very seriously. Racism, and discrimination in any form, are unacceptable and fundamentally incompatible with the IRB’s core values."

Guibert-Wolff also said the IRB set up a new ombudsperson office, brought in mandatory training and is developing a diversity and inclusion strategy.

Nicholas Marcus Thompson, among a group of current and former Black federal workers who filed a proposed class-action lawsuit in Federal Court against the government in December, said Black employees are facing "racial trauma" as a result of the discrimination in the public service.

The plaintiffs are alleging systemic discrimination in how the federal government has hired and promoted thousands of public servants for nearly half a century. None of the allegations has been tested in court and the lawsuit has not been certified.

The group is set to share a video of Agard telling her story on Monday as part of efforts to raise awareness about the legal action.

Earlier this month, the legal team filed a motion in Federal Court demanding the government to immediately create a $100-million mental health fund to address the issues they say Black public service workers live with in the public service.

The fund aims to provide culturally sensitive mental health support for Black public service employees who live with the consequences of racism and discrimination at their workplaces, according to the motion.

Thompson said existing support programs do not address the unique needs of Black employees, adding that many of the mental health professionals that public servants have access to "do not even know what racial trauma is or how to treat it in the first place."

Treasury Board spokesperson Martin Potvin said the government is committed to "fostering a healthy, supportive, and respectful workplace." He listed some recent steps the government has taken to tackle systemic discrimination in the federal workforce, including amendments to the Public Service Employment Act aimed at removing barriers to hiring and promotions.

He also said the federal government provided the plaintiffs' lawyers with a list of mental health resources that are available to current and former public servants, including an employee assistance program, a health benefits plan that provides up to $2,000 in mental health services per year and other resources.

"We are studying the motion and are hopeful that the concerns raised may be resolved through further discussions with the plaintiffs," he wrote.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published July 19, 2021.

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This story was produced with the financial assistance of the Facebook and Canadian Press News Fellowship.

Maan Alhmidi, The Canadian Press
Renowned US civil rights activist to be awarded France's Legion of Honour

Issued on: 19/07/2021 -
File photo of US civil rights activist Jesse Jackson. 
AFP - ALIK KEPLICZ
Text by: NEWS WIRES

Veteran American civil rights activist Reverend Jesse Jackson will on Monday be awarded France's highest order of merit, the Legion of Honour, President Emmanuel Macron's office said.

"Jesse Jackson never stopped campaigning for peace, justice and fraternity. He is also committed to education and climate," Macron's office said Friday, adding that the ceremony would take place in the Élysée Palace.

"The values promoted by Reverend Jackson are universal and are those of the Republic," it said, adding that Jackson had inspired several generations of activists and public leaders on several continents with his message rejecting "all forms of racism and exclusion".

Baptist minister Jackson, 79, was a companion of Martin Luther King in the 1960s.

After running for the Democratic presidential nomination in 1984 and 1988, he was appointed by Bill Clinton as his envoy to Africa.

Jackson announced in 2017 that he was suffering from Parkinson's disease.

(AFP)