Sunday, August 22, 2021

NIGERIA
Petroleum Industry Act (PIA): Socio-economic and political perspectives

by Ekundayo
August 22, 2021

“In any moment of decision, the best thing you can do is the right thing. The worst thing you can do is nothing.” – Theodore Roosevelt

Hurrah! The Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB) that has been much debated and discussed over several years, beginning from as early as 2009 till date, has been finally assented to by President Muhammadu Buhari on Monday, 16th August 2021 having been earlier passed by the 9th National Assembly in July 2021. The way to the assent by the president was not rosy; similar to a beautiful rose with thorns! The host communities felt short changed and were vehement and vociferous for anyone to hear. The executives sitting at the saddle in the southern states were not silent but shouted to the rooftops that the oil producing states deserved better and wanted the National Assembly to do more in jacking up the 3% to 5% of the operation expenditure in the prior year as the accrual to the Host Community Trust Fund. The governors demanded and desired a better deal which the president discountenanced in assenting to the bill. It is pertinent and salient to state that this columnist in aligning with the stand and stake of President Muhammadu Buhari could vividly recollect that while in business school, it was said that “a bad decision is better than indecision”, whether in business or government. This aligns with the belief of erstwhile American President, Theodore Roosevelt, who opined: “In any moment of decision, the best thing you can do is the right thing. The worst thing you can do is nothing.” Hence, to Mr. President, the best thing, rather than dithering, is to consent and assent to the submission, without further moderation, of the lawmakers of the green and red chambers. Despite contention and dissension from certain quarters, the Buhari administration deserved a pat on the back as the oil sector will now be better regulated, “competitive, balanced, fair, reasonable and realistic” (KPMG). How will the operationalization of the PIA ensure this in reality? The coming months will give the industry watchers, analysts and stakeholders a glimpse as the proof of the pudding is the eating!

Pedigree of the PIB


The only existing act regulating the oil industry was outmoded as it dated back to 1969. The Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB) was actually a consolidation of four bills. Why has it taken such a long time to reach a consensus between the executive and legislature? Previously, the bill was lampooned as not competitive enough for investors, the main target of the PIB; ownership was also not properly defined; there was the issue of misaligned interests between the legislature and executive; great opposition by the host communities as they felt they were not properly inputted into the crafting of the bill ab initio; and also, incidence of possible erosion of ministerial power. However, it was the belief of both the executive and legislature of the 9th National Assembly that these identified bottlenecks have been seemingly factored and filtered into the lengthy legislative process culminating in the enacting of the Petroleum Industry Act 2021 (PIA). Why so much attention on the oil industry in Nigeria? The oil sector accounts for a humongous 90% foreign exchange earnings; 60% of total income; and 10% of the country’s GDP (Source: KPMG). All said and done, the PIA will bring sanity and credibility into the oil industry through legal, governance, regulatory and fiscal frameworks which hitherto have been lacking in the sector resulting in a lot of loss and damage to the government, country, stakeholders and especially the host communities. For instance, gas flaring is now punishable under the Act while granting or cancelling of licenses, authorizations and permits is now transferred from the Minister to the headship of the Midstream and Downstream Regulatory Authority. This is a giant leap in warding off red tapism in the operations in the oil sector as it will incentivize investors in the midstream and downstream sectors.

Wearing socio-economic lens at PIA

The PIA, as envisaged and enacted, is meant to be a game changer in the oil and gas industry. It is supposed to be but little attention is paid to the paradigm shift the major stakeholders in the industry are leaning towards – renewable and clean energy. Particularly and pointedly, less attention is devoted to the vital issue of gas deregulation in the PIA. The country stands to gain more in the gas sector as the Nigeria Liquified Natural Gas (NLNG) is presently doing well. Moreover, the host communities are taken care off in the PIA as 3% of the Annual Operating Expenditure in the prior year will be consolidated into the Host Community Trust Fund to develop jointly agreed capital projects within their communities. There is the need for clarification here. Many seemingly do not read and comprehend the section of the Act as it does not relate to the operation profit but expenditure in the prior or previous year. This aspect needs to be clearly understood by the host communities and the Governors of the oil producing states as well. We all need to pay attention to details not just of the matter of PIA but all other issues pertaining to governance. It should be stated that PIA will definitely bring in investment, jobs, and income for the government and people of Nigeria if properly operationalized in line with modern Monitoring, Evaluation, Accountability and Learning (MEAL) framework ab initio. MEAL will establish baselines, milestones, key performance indicators (kpis), targets and will help to decipher ‘what works’, ‘what does not work’, and ‘what changes need to be brought on board’ to hit milestones or targets.

Political Perspectives of the PIA


This columnist perceives this is the vital part of the PIA that the Muhammadu Buhari administration has to properly manage so that the gains of the PIA could be consolidated and sustained. Without mincing words, the Federal Government has not done much in reaching out politically to the southern governors who objected to the 3% of the Operating Expenditure in the prior year to be given to the host communities. Their agitation was for 5% to be granted. In addition, much of the yearnings and longings of the host communities were not factored in even though the Act dealt with environmental remediation, particularly gas flaring. Not much was stated about oil spillage! Going forward, the Federal Government, under President Buhari’s watch, should endeavour to reach out more in dialogue and discourse as we are in a democracy. The process may still ultimately result in the government having her way while the people have their say but in the final analysis, the stakeholders will feel relevant, regarded or recognized to be allowed to express their emotions as expression not vented could turn to depression! Moreover, the government at the centre as a political chess master, could even diplomatically reach out to the aggrieved stakeholders with possibly some other dividends of democracy to assuage their angst or emotions. It is all part of politics. The Buhari administration needs to step up in this regard so that the citizens will not see this government as tending to autocratic or dictatorial and/or denigrating democracy.

Conclusion

As of the time of going to the press, the President appealed to the host community to accept the 3% as a fair deal while some stakeholders from the Niger Delta are saying that the Federal Government was not equitable with the 30% operating profit to be deposited in the Frontier Exploration Fund; 75% of which will be invested in the Upstream operation of prospecting for oil as the main goal of the PIA is for Nigeria to attain 40 billion barrels reserve and 4 million barrels production per day. However, will OPEC give this quota to Nigeria or will global demand for oil justify this gigantic investment instead of investing more in the gas sector as the world shifts to clean and renewable energy? This columnist will want the Minister of State for Petroleum Resources, Mr. Timipre Sylva, to ab initio take into cognizance the inculcation of Monitoring, Evaluation, Accountability and Learning (MEAL) framework into practice as the head of the implementing body of the PIA if truly the loss of $50 billion dollars in the last 10 years (according to President Buhari) will be attuned for and sanity will be restored to the oil sector. Moreover, in the face of growing angst and agitations in the Niger Delta, the Senate President, Dr Ahmed Lawan, stated that there is room for amendment of the PIA. This is aligning with the opinion of an American writer, Wilferd A. Peterson who stated thus: “Decision is the spark that ignites action. Until a decision is made, nothing happens … Decision is the courageous facing of issues, knowing that if they are not faced, problems will remain forever unanswered.” In essence, both the Senate President, Dr Ahmed Lawan, and the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Muhammadu Buhari, are saying with the passage and assent to the bill that action must be taken irrespective of dissenting voices as the onus lies on leaders to develop spines in making tough decisions rather than dithering as past political leaders had failed to demonstrate the political will to get the PIB into becoming an Act. The coming years will determine the timeliness and suitability of the action taken by this administration. Will Nigeria and Nigerians gain from it? Will it attract investors as postulated? Will the host communities be better off? Will it be sustainable? Time will tell!

Dr. Ekundayo, J. M. O., leadership researcher, and consultant, can be reached via 08155262360 (SMS only) and drjmoekundayo@hotmail.com

PIA: A Revolutionary Law and its Many Controversies
August 22, 2021 



In a historic move last Monday, President Muhammadu Buhari signed into law the Petroleum Industry Bill, a piece of legislation that will serve as the framework for operations in the oil and gas industry. Having suffered several setbacks for close to 20 years, the bill passed the most tortuous journey in the history of law-making in the country. Emmanuel Addeh writes that the Petroleum Industry Act is a major feat for the current administration but many questions remain unanswered as government begins full implementation of the new law

Having faced many impediments in its long walk to consummation, mainly due to key stakeholders’ failure to build consensus, the new petroleum law, now tagged the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) would go down in the annals of Nigeria’s history as one of the most controversial ever.

Even in its passage into law, the issues that have dogged it have refused to subside, but have become more pronounced since the president assented to it a few days ago.


For the whole period that players failed to forge a common front and build consensus, seemingly almost always sticking to their old rigid positions, the country’s oil and gas resources literally bled.


Indeed, so frustrating was the process at a point that the Senate President, Dr Ahmad Lawan, concluded that some “demons” were behind its non-passage.

A Brief History


On September 28, 2020, President Muhammadu Buhari sent the bill, an offshoot of the Oil and Gas Sector Reform Implementation Committee (OGIC), which was inaugurated on April 24, 2000 under the chairmanship of the late Dr. Rilwanu Lukman, who was the then the Presidential Adviser on Petroleum and Energy, to the national assembly for consideration.

Twelve years earlier, precisely in 2008, ever before the president made the move, discussions that ensued on ways to strengthen the OGIC had produced the Lukman report, which recommended a new regulatory and institutional framework to guarantee greater transparency and accountability in the oil sector.

Eventually, the report formed the basis of the first Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB) that was submitted in 2008 as an executive bill under the late President Umar Yar’adua. Since then, the bill had hit several roadblocks.

Thereafter, on the 18th of July 2012, then President Goodluck Jonathan presented a new version of the PIB to the seventh session of the national assembly for consideration and enactment, further throwing it into the front burner of national discourse.

Although it was subsequently split into Petroleum Industry Governance Bill (PIGB), Petroleum Industry Administration Bill (PIAB), Petroleum Industry Fiscal Bill (PIFB) and Petroleum Host Community Bill (PHCB), for easy passage, it still did not see the light of day.

To ensure at least some headway, the PIGB version was eventually approved by the national assembly at some point, but it couldn’t sail through presidential assent and was thereafter returned to the legislature for further work.

Like now, the percentage to be allocated to host communities in the Niger Delta has largely been a sore point in the passage of the bill.

Although the late Yar’Adua proposed 10 per cent, it was rejected by lawmakers predominantly from the north in the 7th National Assembly.

When Jonathan took over the reins of government, he retained the same 10 per cent , but it was again rejected by the national assembly. It was brought down to 5 per cent in the 8th Senate, it still wasn’t passed into law due to further divergence of opinions.

The recent passage of the bill by the National Assembly Assembly and Monday’s presidential assent has rekindled hope for the oil and gas industry.

At least, some part of the losses established by the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (NEITI) at over $200 billion cumulatively, may be recouped before oil finally goes into extinction.

In a similar assessment of the industry, Financial Derivatives Company Limited (FDC), had in a note indicated that Nigeria’s oil and gas industry was losing as much as $15 billion in investments annually due to the delayed passage of the legislation.

Forty eight hours after signing the legislation into law, Buhari approved a steering committee to oversee the process of its implementation, stressing again that Nigeria lost an estimated $50 billion worth of investments in just 10 years, created by the uncertainty of non-passage of the PIB.

Part of the grouse against the bill is that a ‘paltry’ three per cent is allocated to the oil producing communities which bear the brunt of production and exploration, while 30 per cent was approved for finding oil in the frontier basins, which many literally interpret as the northern area.

This has further polarised an already divided nation.

Highlights of the New Law


Under the new law, its framers and indeed most Nigerians believe the oil and gas industry will have a new opportunity for growth.

A major highpoint of the newly-signed law is that it mandates the federal government to conclude the commercialisation of NNPC, which has been described as a behemoth, by February 2022.

Despite all the agitations, the Act retains three per cent for host communities and a whopping 30 per cent for frontier basins.

It creates two regulatory agencies for the oil industry, from which the upstream commission would collect rents, royalties and production share.

It mandates the midstream and downstream authority, the second leg of the two new bodies to collect gas flare from midstream.

The new law imposes one per cent levy on wholesale price of petroleum products, while oil companies will be sanctioned for understating profits and overstating losses.

In all, the new legislation repeals 10 existing laws, stipulates that the Board of Trustees (BoT) and executive members of host communities board may not be indigenes. It provides that oil producing areas must distribute funds for capital projects (75 per cent), reserve (20 per cent), admin (5 per cent), with the fund to be set up within 12 months.

In addition, the new law deems all employees of NNPC as new staff of NNPC limited, which is to be set up, while board appointments will thereafter be made by shareholders and not the president alone.

Further to that, host communities will henceforth forfeit their entitlements from the funds in the event of vandalism. This implies that if it takes N10 to fix the leak, it will be deducted from the monies available to the areas where the incident took place.

According to the legislation, the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC) shall be responsible for the technical and commercial regulation of upstream petroleum operations.

It will ensure compliance with all applicable laws and regulations governing upstream petroleum operations in a manner to minimise waste and achieve optimal government revenues as well as promote healthy, safe, efficient and effective conduct of upstream petroleum operations.

Also, the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA) is to be set up for the technical and commercial regulation of midstream and downstream petroleum operations in the petroleum industry.

Also to be floated is the Midstream and Downstream Gas Infrastructure Fund (MDGIF), which shall be funded from 0.5 per cent of the wholesale price of petroleum products and natural gas sold in Nigeria as well as well as grants accruing from multilateral agencies, bilateral institutions and related sources.

It will further see the scrapping of the Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR) as it currently exists as well as the Petroleum Products Pricing Regulatory Agency (PPPRA) and Petroleum Equalisation Fund (PEF).

On the NNPC, it shall cease to exist after its remaining assets, interests and liabilities other than its assets, interests and liabilities transferred to NNPC Limited or its subsidiaries under subsection (1) shall have been extinguished or transferred to the government.

The new law will generally see the deregulation of the sector and ensure strict environmental implementation of policies, laws and regulations for midstream and downstream petroleum operations.

Initial Industry Reactions

In his reaction to the promulgation of the new law, the former President, Nigerian Association of Petroleum Explorationists (NAPE) and current President, European Association of Geoscientists and Engineers (EAGE), Dr. Mayowa Afe, explained that aside the argument over the three per cent or five per cent for host communities, the bill is a foundation that can be built upon in the future.

“It’s good news that the president has come all the way from his holiday and on his first day of work assented to the bill. It is good news for all of us. It has been there for 20 years although it’s not perfect. No law is perfect, but we can begin to work on it from here, particularly the three per cent or five per cent for the communities.

“Now, we have a law regulating the oil and gas industry and the ones that are not up to what we want, we begin to work on it and there will be a lot of advocacy concerning this,” he said.

In his remarks, President of the Petroleum Products Retail Outlets Owners Association of Nigeria (PETROAN), Dr Billis Gillis-Harry, stated that although the bill was largely unfair to the Niger Delta, it wasn’t a bad place to lay a solid foundation for the sector.

He noted that the country’s scarce resources that were being used to fund the petrol subsidy regime will now be used for developmental purposes, saying that the organisation had always supported deregulation.

“As for the three per cent, it is unfair to the Niger Delta that bears the burden of oil production in the country to be so unfairly treated. When you compare this to 30 per cent of NNPC profits even as a private company, being reserved for the frontier exploration, it doesn’t add up.” he said.

Chairman, Petroleum Technology Associated of Nigeria (PETAN), Mr Nicholas Odinuwe, in his remarks expressed joy that the bill had been signed into law, adding that the views of the organisation were taken into consideration in the process of consultations.

To Remove Subsidy or Not?


If there’s any matter of public interest that has lingered for decades, it is the petrol subsidy issue. But even with the new law, the federal government has said that it is not immediately embarking on its removal.

Minister of State, Petroleum, Chief Timipre Sylva, noted that although desirable, operationalising the free market regime will require that a lot of economic shock absorbers will be put in place, advising that it would not be advisable to suddenly remove it.

“It (deregulation) is something that is desirable, which I have always said. I’ve never deviated from that. Deregulation is desirable because that is the sustainable way out of where we are. But also, the reality is that deregulation is going to come with some changes.

“And of course, when people have been used to certain behaviours, behavioural patterns which means you’ve been used to subsidy for this long, and you want to change that, you have to have some kind of change management process in place.

“You cannot just change the policy on everybody without looking at some of the problems that this might create. One of which is that we know that this is going to entail increase in price. How do we alleviate the problems that will come with this increase?

“This is not a mindless government. It is a government that really, really cares about the Nigerians. So, we have to really look at all these possibilities of how to at least alleviate the pains and the problems that this increase might occasion. And that’s why we are taking our time. And that’s why it will not happen overnight.

“But I’m just telling you that there is a provision in PIA that will make this happen, that we have to jointly ensure that we’re able to come up with a workable way of making this happen. And that process is already ongoing,” he stated.

The Frontier Basin Controversy

Not a few individuals have argued that the monies allocated to the frontier basins will basically be a slush fund for the areas that are meant to benefit from it.

But the minister who also took time to explain the frontier exploration fund, noted that the frontier territories are not only in one area of the country.

“There are frontier territories in Cross River, in the North-east and in the South-west. So, when people just locate frontier territories in one part of the country and settle on that, then there’s a problem,” he argued.

He maintained that Nigeria has had about 37 billion barrels reserve for the past 10 years and has not added to it since then and therefore needs to bring some vigour into this industry. “Nigeria is the ultimate beneficiary,” he noted.

As noted earlier , one area of divergence for the whole time the bill lasted in the coolers was the issue of what should fairly accrue to host oil communities who feel the direct impact of oil exploration and exploitation.

In trying to explain this, the Group Managing Director of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), Mallam Mele Kyari, said the grumbling from a cross-section of oil producing communities in the Niger Delta was unnecessary.

According to him, the three per cent approved under the new petroleum act could even be bigger than what the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) currently gets when computed.

Kyari noted that given about $16 billion total expenditure by the oil and gas sector last year, host oil communities would earn as much as $500 million yearly if the trend continues.

The GMD noted that whereas the oil-producing communities could not determine what projects will be located in their areas before now, from now on, the new legislation will ensure that they largely control their funds and projects in the communities.

“And three per cent of your operating expenditure is a huge number. Many people argue around whether it should be 10 per cent or five per cent or three per cent. But percentage of what? I think that’s what most people don’t understand today,” he stated.

Free Market with Restrictions


Aside the pending subsidy matter, an area that has also generated heated debate and is indeed seen as contradictory is the part that practically hands over products importation to a very tiny cabal.

In one breath, Section 205 (1) of the new PIA states that: “wholesale and retail prices of petroleum products shall be based on unrestricted free-market pricing conditions.”

Yet in another breath, Section 317 (8) of the same mandates that: “The Authority shall apply the Backward Integration Policy in the downstream petroleum sector to encourage investment in local refining.

“To support this, a licence to import any product shortfalls shall be assigned only to companies with active local refining licences,” it said.

But not a few believe that this part was literally lifted from a presentation by a top official of a major refinery owner in the country, who requested when some members of the National Assembly’s Joint Committee on the PIB made a working visit to the construction site of its ongoing refinery, asking that importation rights for petrol should be restricted to licenced and active refineries in the country.

The new policy will simply enrich a small group of importers, discourage new market entrants and hold Nigerians to ransom, according to the argument.

A Mixed Bag

Depending on who’s talking, the new legislation has met with stiff criticisms, cautious optimism and praises. While some persons and organisations like the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries and the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (NEITI) have spoken laudably about it, others have simply condemned it as another piece of law that cannot be implemented.

Describing it as a mere ruse, to do irretrievable violence to Nigeria’s progress, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), Chief Mike Ozekhome, said the Act constitutes a direct assault on age-long cherished principles of federalism and the doctrine of separation of powers.

He argued that the Act seeks to attack the provisions of section 162 of the 1999 Constitution, which states that all revenues accruing to the Federation shall be paid into a Federation account from which sharing shall be made amongst the three tiers of government – the federal, government, the 36 states and the 774 local governments.

He maintained that the NNPC ought to be totally unbundled to make it more viable, but said that as it is, it has further strengthened NNPC’s hand of non-accountability.

Is the Upstream Regulator Delving into Commercial Operations?


Another contentious issue with the PIA was a remark on Wednesday night by Sylva that with the implementation of the new PIA, handling of the sale of crude oil that goes into the federation account, will now be done by the upstream regulatory commission.

He stated that because NNPC limited will be a company that will be operating commercially, it will no longer be dependent on government and the corporation would stop being the custodian of the crude oil as currently obtains.

“That will no longer happen because NNPC will be a commercial venture, completely decoupled from government and will be operating commercially. So, for the average Nigerian, he will be seeing a more serious NNPC and a more professional NNPC.

“Monies will still accrue to the federation account, but NNPC will now have to give the federation crude to the upstream regulatory commission, and NNPC will no longer be in charge of the federation crude, they will be in charge of their own crude.

“The commission will sell that crude and pay to the federation account, so the federation of course will still get their crude, but it will no longer be through the NNPC,” he said.

Some persons’ understanding of that statement was simply that the regulator was moving gradually into the commercial space, a phenomenon that has been criticised in the past.

But the minister clarified on Thursday that although the NNPC may still lift the federation crude, it will however, route the money to the joint account through the commission at a fee. Even at that , the issue still remains very controversial.

Governors Make Demands, List Pitfalls


The Nigerian Governors’ Forum (NGF,) has also had its take on the PIA, picking at least six holes in the new law they described as a recipe for disaster.

In a letter signed on their behalf by Chairman of the NGF, Ekiti State Governor Kayode Fayemi, the governors identified Sections 9(4) and (5); 33; 53(2), (3); (4); 54 (1) and (2); 55 (1); and 64(c) as some of the areas they are opposed to. But that was days before the bill was signed into law.

The state chief executives contended that the law will deny states their fair share of the federation account because it favours the federal government and the NNPC.

They said rather than reforming the sector, the Act has made the NNPC Limited a more powerful oil company and faulted the removal of the requirement to transfer payments into the federation account as unconstitutional.

“In a previous communication with the leadership of the national assembly, we had noted that Section 53 of the bill provided for the incorporation of the NNPC Limited under CAMA to carry out petroleum operations on a commercial basis.

“In our said letter, we observed that the wording of (3) suggested that only the federal government would have shares in this company and stated that ownership of all the shares in the company shall be vested in government and held by the ministry of finance on behalf of government.

“We observed that excluding states from this arrangement precluded them from having a voice in the running and administration of the company and excludes them from sharing in the distribution of dividends when they become due,” the governors maintained.

Generally, the governors raised fundamental issues bordering on the removal of the requirement to transfer fiscal payments to the federation account; 30 per cent profit oil and gas as frontier exploration funds; and on the issue of gas flare penalties.

“We do not believe that in passing this bill, the national assembly gave adequate consideration to every relevant facet of our federation, and this can be a recipe for disaster,” they said.

Ayade Cries Out

Although a strong supporter of the Buhari administration, even the Governor of Cross River state, Prof. Ben Ayade, could not hold his displeasure with the law, stressing that the law seeks to perpetuate injustices that the state has suffered over the years.

Ayade said the law failed to address the concerns of the state in spite of the presentation he made to the relevant senate committee of the National Assembly.

“Cross River State bears the brunt of production, but today the PIB is signed into law, insensitive to the oil impacted communities to which Cross River state belongs.

“In the same PIB, 30 per cent of revenue is set aside for frontier exploration, luckily the Calabar basin which they refused to recognise in that category which stretches from all the mountain basins, cutting across the whole of Bakassi, Biase Odukpani, Okuni, Ogoja, Yala is heavily impregnated with hydrocarbons,” he said.

After nearly two decades, Nigeria has finally taken a huge step to unleash the full potential of its hydrocarbons. Hopefully, implementation may not that long to commence.


NIGERIA
Federal Government’s Funding for Priority Projects in Oil Industry Hits $1.54trn Deficit in June

August 17, 2021 


Emmanuel Addeh

The federal government through the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) may have been unable to fund its priority projects in the oil and gas industry to the tune of $1.54 trillion, according to a document presented by the corporation to the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC) in July.

In the document sub-headlined “Statement of Joint Venture (JV) Cost Recovery and Government Priority Projects for June 2021”, the government stressed that the shortfall was between January and June this year.

Cost recovery refers to a mechanism through which a party to an oil and gas project can recover most, if not all, of its capital and operating costs out of a specified percentage of production called ‘cost recovery oil’.

Whereas the total 2021 “calendarised” financing obligation was put at $3.21 trillion, with a monthly tranche of $536 trillion, the data showed that actual dollar equivalent funding stood at $846 million as of June this year, leaving a deficit of $1.545 billion.

A breakdown of the figures seen by THISDAY showed that $196.1 million of the budgeted $536 million was released in January, $168.5 million was released in February, while in March $128.101 million was made available for funding the projects.

In addition, $167.2 million was pumped into the projects in April; in May it was $172 million, while June saw the release of a meagre $14.2 million.

Some of the ongoing projects in the budget of the NNPC include a handful of national domestic gas development initiatives, frontier exploration, renewable energy and the Nigeria/Morocco pipeline.

Others include the Gbaramatu IPP/Excravos environs power plant, upgrade and rehabilitation of Delta IV, upgrade of Oben metering, Sapele metering station, Ajaokuta metering station as well as construction of Egbin 500mmscfd gas facility.

There’s also construction of the West Niger Delta project, Asa north Ohaji project, Excravos/Lagos pipeline expansion, OB3 supply lines as well as the Ajaokuta-Kaduna-Kano (AKK) project.

The figures showed that in January, the NNPC recorded a deficit of $259.6 million, $283 million in February, $228 million in March, $296 million in April, $148 million in May and a whopping $333.7 million in June.

Coupled with sundry other issues besetting the national oil company is the issue of subsidy which it has shouldered in last few months, sometimes affecting its obligations and contributions to the joint federation account.

Earlier in the year, the NNPC Group Managing Director, Mallam Mele Kyari, opened up on the state of affairs at the corporation, saying that at the time, the government was subsidising petrol with about N120 billion monthly.

He said the NNPC could no longer afford to bear the cost and Nigerians would have to pay the actual cost sooner or later, as market forces must be allowed to determine the pump price of petrol.

“Today, NNPC is the sole importer of petrol. We are importing at market price and we are selling at N162 per litre today. Looking at the current market situation today, the actual price could have been anywhere between N211 and around N234 per litre.

“The meaning of this is that consumers are not paying for the full value of the petrol that we are consuming and therefore, someone is bearing that cost. As we speak today, the difference is being carried on the books of the NNPC and I can confirm to you that the NNPC may no longer be in the position to carry that burden and because we can longer afford to carry it on our books,” he had said.

In June, he noted that the NNPC was paying subsidy on over 103 million litres of petrol daily, including the one smuggled through the borders because of the cheapness of Nigeria’s fuel compared with the price it is sold in neighbouring countries.

 

Research shows gaps in how EPA, oil industry measure methane

By Carlos Anchondo, Mike Lee | 08/20/2021 06:43 AM EST

Flared natural gas is burned off at a natural gas plant in the Permian Basin on Feb. 5, 2015, in Garden City, Texas. Spencer Platt/Getty Images

Before EPA and the energy industry can address climate-warming methane emissions from oil and gas production, they’ll have to improve how they track and estimate it.

That’s according to a recent study that highlights problems with EPA’s data-collection methods and other research showing that major oil companies and some state regulators are underestimating oil field methane emissions.

The evaluations come at a critical time. EPA is preparing to announce tighter regulations on greenhouse gases from the oil and gas industry, and the U.N. Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change has said addressing short-term pollutants like methane is crucial to limiting the rise in worldwide temperatures (ClimatewireAug. 10).

"For a long time, in both U.S. and international climate policy-making, it could be said that CO2 sucked all the oxygen from the room,” David Doniger, director of the climate and clean energy program at the Natural Resources Defense Council, wrote in a blog post yesterday. "But that’s now changing, as scientists, advocates, and government officials recognize the need to curb multiple pollutants — CO2, methane, and other potent short-lived climate pollutants like HFCs — at the same time."

EPA’s method of calculating methane pollution has been widely criticized for underestimating emissions from the oil and gas industry, one of the biggest sources of the potent greenhouse gas (Energywire, Jan. 30, 2020).

Today, the agency calculates its inventory of methane emissions by multiplying the number of potentially leaky components — such as valves and thief hatches on well heads and storage tanks — with an estimate of the average emission rate for each part.

Some groups have said that such a “bottom-up” approach — where a national estimate of emissions is built by scaling up measurements taken at a small sample size of wells or facilities — leads to an underestimation of emissions. They’ve cited the potential to miss so-called super emitters, or a small number of sources that contribute a large percentage of overall emissions.

Studies with a “top-down” approach — using satellites or aircraft to determine total emissions from multiple sites — have found total methane emissions that were double EPA’s estimates.

study published this month in Nature Communications investigates the gap between “top-down” and “bottom-up” approaches.

Researchers from Stanford University, the Harrisburg University of Science and Technology, and other institutions say EPA’s “detailed, engineering-based” approach works — but it’s relying on faulty data.

EPA is still using equipment counts based on industry self-reporting and a decades-old study, said Arvind Ravikumar, a research associate professor at the University of Texas at Austin and study co-author. While the number of some components hasn’t changed, others have, especially because of the surge in shale drilling in the 2010s.

“When the fracking revolution happened, the type of equipment at oil and gas facilities changed,” Ravikumar said. That means today’s equipment could have a different number of components like valves or connectors.

The Stanford researchers focused on the bottom-up approach because it’s the method used by EPA when it writes regulations, and it’s widely used by other governments. They examined "component-level measurement data" drawn from previous studies and concluded EPA’s current estimates underreport emissions caused by liquid storage tanks.

The liquids frequently have methane and other gases dissolved in them, which can be released during normal operations or when hatches and valves are inadvertently left open.

“It’s like opening a beer,” Jeff Rutherford, one of the paper’s authors, said in a news release. “It’s liquid as long as there is high enough pressure, but if you release the pressure, the gas quickly escapes.”

A spokesperson for EPA said the agency looks forward to reviewing the findings.

As the agency prepares its Inventory of U.S. Greenhouse Gas Emissions and Sinks, it assesses new studies for data that could inform updates to the annual report (EnergywireMarch 30).

Ravikumar said he hopes state governments and EPA use the study results to improve their methane estimates.

“It is helpful simply to identify that there is a problem,” Rutherford said in the news release. “But, beyond that, our model offers up some clear actionable steps to improve our inventories and ways operators can adjust their practices that could really make a difference in reducing the amount of methane entering the skies."

“What we find is that if you use more modern data and slightly modified approaches … that the EPA approach can be used to produce an accurate inventory estimate,” Rutherford added in an interview.

Flaring flyovers

Other research shows oil producers that plan to cut their emissions still have problems with methane.

Royal Dutch Shell PLC, which has pledged to reduce its greenhouse gas emissions to the equivalent of zero by 2050, had the highest methane intensity among the 15 biggest oil companies, according to data compiled by Geofinancial Analytics and first reported Saturday by Reuters.

The firm analyzed emissions using more than 600,000 satellite images of oil and gas wells and compared the data to the oil companies’ public statements and disclosures. The top three U.S. producers — Exxon Mobil Corp., Chevron Corp. and ConocoPhillips — also had higher-than-expected emissions intensity, the company said.

The oil companies questioned Geofinancial’s interpretation of the satellite data, saying it may attribute emissions to their wells that were produced by pipelines or other third parties.

“Over time, their models and analysis have the potential to improve as additional information becomes available to them,” a Chevron spokesman told Reuters.

In a separate report published yesterday, researchers with environmental group Earthworks said that more than two-thirds of the gas flares in part of Texas’ Permian Basin have not been permitted by state regulators. The flares are typically installed at oil wells to burn methane and other gases that would otherwise leak to the atmosphere.

Earthworks focused on 227 flares in Reeves County, in the southern part of the Permian Basin near the New Mexico border, and compared them to state permit records. The analysis found that 69% to 84% of the flares didn’t have the required paperwork from the Texas Railroad Commission, the state’s oil regulator. Some of the sites belong to top producers like Shell and Exxon.

“What the commission fails to track, it can’t govern,” the report says.

Industry trade groups and oil and gas companies widely condemned the Earthworks report as misleading and repeatedly noted that some flaring is permissible under a commission rule.

“A short-term observation of a flare from a flyover and absence of an explicit exception does not necessarily mean the observed flaring is illegal,” a spokesman for the Railroad Commission said in an email.

However, the commission — along with oil companies mentioned in the report — didn’t respond when asked for more details about how the unpermitted flares complied with the rules.

When we talk about emissions, we need to talk more about methane

Methane traps 80 times more heat than CO2, so eliminating it first would buy us more time to cut the rest of emissions.



[Photo: felixmizioznikov/iStock]

WORLD CHANGING IDEAS
08-20-21 
FAST COMPANY

In the fight against climate change, CO2 gets more attention than any other greenhouse gas. That’s not surprising: It’s the biggest driver of global warming, and every pound of CO2 emitted now will be around for centuries. But the recent report from the U.N.’s Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change also spelled out the importance of reducing the emissions of methane, an even more potent gas. And because methane doesn’t last as long in the atmosphere, any steep cuts in methane emissions now can help buy the world a little more time as we simultaneously work to cut CO2.

“Methane is the next crucial, fast, climate-stabilization prize,” Rick Duke, White House liaison for the Special Presidential Envoy for Climate Change, said at a press conference after the IPCC report was released. “There’s simply nothing that comes close for securing our near-term climate future, buying us crucial time to decarbonize energy and to develop advanced options like negative-emissions technologies.”

Methane, which comes from leaks in oil and gas production, rotting food in landfills, cow burps, and other sources, traps around 80 times as much heat as CO2 when it’s first emitted. But unlike CO2, it’s also gone from the air in roughly 12 years (once it rises high enough, it reacts with other chemicals in the atmosphere and breaks down).

“Half of today’s warming that we’re experiencing from CO2 is from 100-plus years of burning fossil fuels and burning down forests,” says Ilissa Ocko, a senior climate scientist at the Environmental Defense Fund. “So it’s this buildup over time. Methane only lasts in the atmosphere for around a decade.” Right now, methane is responsible for more than a quarter of the global warming that we’re experiencing, and the impacts from reducing it can show up faster than cuts in CO2.

In a study published earlier this year, Ocko and other scientists looked at existing solutions for reducing methane emissions and found that it would be possible to cut emissions in half this decade. As the total concentration of methane drops, it would have a cooling effect that could help counteract the overall trend. It can’t reverse global warming, since CO2 emissions are still rising. But the researchers calculated that it could slow down global warming by 30%.

Some of the changes needed are easy to make and have little or no cost, and the majority need to happen in the oil and gas sector. “Once you know where the emissions are coming from in the gas sector, it can be very simple and straightforward to reduce the emissions,” Ocko says. “It can be as simple as just closing a vent or tightening a valve. There are really simple measures that can be done that are basically plumbing. But the reason why they haven’t been done is because it has been a challenge to identify where the emissions are coming from.” Now, she says, it’s getting easier to track methane emissions through remote sensing tools. The Environmental Defense Fund, for example, is working with partners to launch a methane-tracking satellite in 2022 that will share data about emitters publicly.

At landfills, where rotting garbage releases methane, it’s possible to employ pipes to capture the gas and use it to make electricity or fuel. Composting food waste also significantly reduces methane. On farms, changing the diet for livestock—such as cattle feed supplements made from seaweed that can reduce cow burps—also reduces methane emissions. Manure can be converted into energy. Rice farmers can use techniques like adding compost to reduce methane emissions from rice paddies. In the future, direct air capture machines could also potentially be used to pull methane from the air in the same way that early machines are already capturing CO2.

Some other methane emissions are being driven directly by global warming, as hotter temperatures release more methane from wetlands and melting permafrost—even more reason to do everything possible to slow down warming now.

Methane didn’t initially get as much attention as CO2 because of the way that scientists chose to calculate “global warming potential”: If you look at a longtime horizon, methane doesn’t appear to be quite as bad as it actually is. It was only as the popularity of natural gas grew—ironically, because it was supposed to be a more climate-friendly option than coal—that scientists began focusing on methane. Partly because of the growth of natural gas, methane emissions have grown quickly in the last decade.

In the U.S., President Joe Biden has asked the Environmental Protection Agency to propose new regulations to cut methane leaks and flaring from oil and gas. He also wants to cap thousands of leaking, abandoned oil and gas wells, an initiative that’s part of the current budget reconciliation bill.

Ocko argues that governments also need to set clear goals to cut total methane emissions so that all the solutions that are feasible now are implemented. “I think if we set methane targets by country, or as part of the Paris Agreement,” she says, “it would really speed up the implementation of these options. Because these options exist.”


ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Adele Peters is a staff writer at Fast Company who focuses on solutions to some of the world's largest problems, from climate change to homelessness. Previously, she worked with GOOD, BioLite, and the Sustainable Products and Solutions program at UC Berkeley, and contributed to the second edition of the bestselling book "Worldchanging: A User's Guide for the 21st Century."


 

CCS ‘hubs’: Climate fix or boon for fossil fuels?

By Lesley Clark, Carlos Anchondo | 08/12/2021 06:02 AM EST

The Biden administration is supporting the concept of building out regional "hubs" for capturing carbon dioxide from various facilities and moving them along a shared pipeline network, reducing costs for carbon capture and storage developers. Claudine Hellmuth/E&E News (illustration); Francis Chung/E&E News (White House); ProjectManager/Wikipedia (pipeline)

The Biden administration and members of Congress are pushing regional carbon capture “hubs” as a way to slash emissions, despite persistent concerns from environmental justice advocates about the technology.

The massive infrastructure package passed by the Senate this week,, for instance, has provisions that could help create hubs, which would link multiple carbon capture and storage projects in a region. The bill includes the "Storing CO2 And Lowering Emissions (SCALE) Act," which would support the build-out of more CO2 transport and storage infrastructure, including pipelines.

White House climate adviser Gina McCarthy also recently touted the hub concept, connecting the idea with administration goals such as creating jobs in hard-hit energy-producing communities while making progress on climate.

McCarthy cast carbon capture projects — and the build-out of regional hubs — as indicative of how the administration is looking to tackle climate change: by protecting the jobs of energy workers, advancing technology and investing in communities.

President Biden “is not interested in moving forward with a climate strategy that isn’t about creating good union jobs,” said McCarthy, who appeared virtually last month at an event organized by the Labor Energy Partnership, a joint initiative of the Energy Futures Initiative (EFI) and the AFL-CIO labor federation, which backs the concept of regional hubs.

She told former Energy Secretary Ernest Moniz, EFI’s president and CEO, that hubs are “not only essential to get the deployment and scale that we actually need” but an “on-the-ground, in-your-face example of what we have and how we can build it — so people can realize we’re investing in them.”

But how would CCS hubs operate? And how far could they go to cut emissions?

A CCS hub involves shared infrastructure — and a shared pipeline network — that multiple carbon capture projects in the same region feed into. Instead of having each facility that traps CO2 determine its own storage solution and build a pipeline to it, the idea is to first build a shared network of pipelines that would facilitate carbon-capturing projects to spring up around it.

Backers say the development of hubs is critical if the CCS sector is to grow at a large enough scale to address climate change. The concept could lower costs of CCS technology significantly, they say.

“If you want efficiency and cost reductions over time, you need a much larger network in terms of the CO2 transport infrastructure, because the economies of scale and transport — in this case, compressed CO2, or almost anything in a pipeline — are vastly improved if you build a larger pipe to start,” said Brad Crabtree, director of the Carbon Capture Coalition and vice president of carbon management at the Great Plains Institute.

But critics of carbon capture note that multiple projects tied to power plants and large emitters have been canceled in the past decade, raising the question of whether enough CCS projects could affordably come online to support a hub. Others say the technology would extend the life of fossil fuels rather than helping cut emissions in the long term.

“A focus on carbon capture also distracts from the work needed to advance a just and equitable transition away from fossil fuels,” said Stephanie Thomas, a researcher and community organizer with Public Citizen in Texas. “Many are interested in fighting climate change. Reducing emissions by ending fossil fuel extraction is the best way to slow the climate crisis.”

Building hubs also will require several key policy changes — and money — that will need to be passed through legislation, observers said, both to increase the number of carbon capture projects and to build out the pipeline infrastructure needed to move greater amounts of carbon dioxide.

Regardless, the hub concept is not an idea that industry is ignoring. One closely watched hub proposal, floated by Exxon Mobil Corp. in April, aims to capture CO2 from manufacturing, petrochemical and electricity generation facilities along the Houston Ship Channel and surrounding industrial areas (Energywire, April 20).

The CO2 would then be “piped into natural geologic formations thousands of feet under the sea floor,” according to Exxon.

John Thompson, technology and markets director at the environmental nonprofit Clean Air Task Force (CATF), said “if you are more serious about addressing climate change, which I think the nation is becoming, then it sort of pushes hubs further into the foreground.”

“The value of a hub is that you improve the economics of transport and storage by either minimizing the distance or increasing the size of pipelines, so that they take advantage of economies of scale, and likewise economies of scale on injection,” he said.

A June report from the Labor Energy Partnership described regional hubs as an “essential step” toward the goal of gigaton-scale emissions cuts in the United States, saying they have been a “successful tool” overseas to encourage the private sector to participate in CO2 capture from a range of emission sources (Energywire, June 30).

Lee Beck, international director of carbon capture at CATF, pointed to hubs under development in Europe and how companies — knowing that there’s a storage destination for their CO2 — have then decided to pursue carbon capture at their facilities.

In the June post, Beck said “at least three projects and one industrial cluster project cite the Northern Lights Project as a potential storage location,” referring to a carbon capture and storage project that aims to take CO2 captured from industrial sources and sequester it under the North Sea.

“When we get this kicked off, it really will demonstrate viability in a way that’s going to attract the private sector,” McCarthy said of hubs, adding the administration is “sending all kinds of signals to the private sector about how we want to rebuild our economy. And this is an essential piece of that.”

A ‘chicken and egg’ problem

Hubs are getting more attention in the United States partly because of the threat posed by the climate crisis and changing public perception about it, according to administration officials and analysts. The International Energy Agency and other organizations have produced analyses finding it’s near impossible to reach global climate targets without extensive growth of carbon capture technology.

Jennifer Wilcox, the principal deputy assistant secretary for Fossil Energy at DOE, said last month that the world is “seeing changes in climate every day” and that opportunities for hubs, in the Houston metro and in other parts of the country like the Ohio River Valley, would help to commercialize carbon capture technologies so “that they are economically viable.”

In fiscal 2022 budget documents, DOE mentions CO2 storage hubs and calls for "field projects that advance characterization and certification of storage complexes in regions."

One of the biggest obstacles to the development of hubs is what some describe as a “chicken and egg” problem, where investors are unlikely to put money into CO2 capture without certainty that there will be storage for the greenhouse gas. Investors on the storage side also may not want to finance those projects unless they’re confident that a steady stream of CO2 is headed their way.

Building a large-volume, high-capacity pipeline system from the start can address that problem, but it’s difficult to get enough participants to fill that capacity from the beginning, according to Crabtree, director of the Carbon Capture Coalition.

To develop a pipeline system where capacity goes unused for a period of time — and get past the “chicken and egg” problem — Congress needs to pass legislation, namely the "SCALE Act" that moved through the Senate, according to Crabtree.

Reintroduced in March before ending up in the infrastructure package, the act was put forward by a bipartisan group of lawmakers, and includes a low-interest loan program for CO2 transport infrastructure projects and grants for initial excess capacity on new infrastructure.

That’s important because beyond the interests of companies involved, there is also a public benefit to CO2 pipelines, Crabtree said.

“This investment will pay itself back over and over again,” Crabtree said, adding “it’s just that from an upfront financing standpoint, it’s hard to do that with private capital, because that’s just not how pipelines are financed in this country.”

Hubs will still emerge over time without legislation like the "SCALE Act," but they won’t happen nearly as fast, Crabtree maintained, which is problematic considering the gravity of climate change.

Other policy changes that could help the development of hubs are updates to the federal 45Q tax credit to make it more valuable, said Thompson at CATF. The incentive, originally enacted in 2008 but reformed in 2018, provides a tax credit per metric ton of CO2 that is stored.

The value of the credit for saline storage should be increased from $50 per ton, as it is now, to $85 per ton, Thompson said.

Another sought-after change is to the credit’s “commence construction” window — or the deadline by which developers have to start construction to claim the credit — which Thompson said should be extended by five to 10 years. Projects currently have until the end of 2025 to begin construction, a change authorized by the omnibus package that passed last year (Energywire, Dec. 23, 2020).

The infrastructure package does not update 45Q but includes funding for four hubs with direct air capture, which involves pulling CO2 directly from the air rather than from large emitters like factories or power plants. The language further calls for development of regional clean hydrogen hubs, including one that would demonstrate production of clean hydrogen from fossil fuels, which could require carbon capture.

DOE, Exxon and environmental justice

Top officials at DOE have recently said there is wisdom in developing CO2 infrastructure in places where there’s a lot of emissions sources and proximity to geologic storage sites.

However, they have also acknowledged concerns from front-line communities disproportionately affected by fossil fuel infrastructure, saying the development of hubs should be coupled with meaningful public engagement.

“The reality is … there are communities that’ve been pushing back against our dependence on fossil fuels and the legacy that fossil fuels have had, and we want to be … able to show that we can use fossil fuels responsibly and that we can minimize the environmental impacts,” said Wilcox, appearing virtually last month at an event hosted by the Greater Houston Partnership, a Houston area chamber of commerce.

“We have the technologies to do this,” Wilcox continued.

A spokesperson for the Office of Fossil Energy and Carbon Management (FECM) said the agency is turning to local leaders and advocacy groups to discern what kind of engagement is needed for different projects, communities and technologies.

“It is a priority for DOE to ensure that the energy transition is inclusive and equitable, and we take the community feedback and input gained from conversations and listening sessions into our decision making,” the spokesperson said in an email.

“As we pivot to demonstration and deployment for the critical technologies that FECM focuses on, environmental justice and public engagement will be at the forefront,” the spokesperson added.

Environmental justice advocates, however, have pushed back on the Biden administration’s plans to build “next generation industries," such as carbon capture in distressed communities, including in a May report from the White House Environmental Justice Advisory Council (Energywire, May 17).

Thomas of Public Citizen said carbon capture can be an important technology for limited use where electrification is not an option. But “using it as a mechanism to prolong the life of fossil fuels is not a good use of our energy and resources, whether it’s to create a hydrogen hub, build out [liquefied natural gas] infrastructure or attach to a coal plant,” she added.

Even so, those pursuing CCS hubs say they are planning to solicit community input.

At the same event as Wilcox, a representative from Exxon called it “absolutely essential” to listen to local communities about the company’s so-called CCS Innovation Zone in Houston.

“As we look at specific communities, you have to look at specific needs and issues in those communities,” said Guy Powell, vice president of planning and business development with Exxon Mobil Low Carbon Solutions.

“This is not a very generic thing,” Powell said, adding, “This is something … you have to go in and be very specific on. … What is that community needing or desiring or what issues do they have?”

Todd Spitler, an Exxon spokesperson, said the company has had meetings with Texas Gov. Greg Abbott (R), Houston Mayor Sylvester Turner and the Biden administration, and will “continue to meet with all interested officials.”

FRACKING IS FUN
Plaza man publishes second children’s book in a series about oil and gas industry

Lucas Wurtz and his book "Bob the Big Pumper"(KFYR)

By Jody Kerzman
Published: Aug. 20, 2021

PLAZA, N.D. – Last spring, we told you about a children’s book written by a Plaza man.

Lucas Wurtz is a facility specialist for Marathon Oil Corporation, a new dad and an author.

He wrote his first book, “Oscar the Little Pumper” to bring awareness to kids and their parents about the importance of the oil and gas industry.

Now he’s written a second book in the series.

This is the story of “Bob the Big Pumper.” It is the second in a series of books Wurtz is writing to shed some light on the importance of the oil and gas industry.

“We talk in this book about the different things that oil makes, from toothpaste to rocket fuel,” he explained.

It is also a story about friends helping friends.

“Just like in the Oscar book, he has a problem, and then he has a friend who comes to help,” Wurtz said.

Wurtz is also exploring stories outside the oil and gas industry, including one titled “Don’t Eat the Sand.” It was inspired by a recent family vacation to the beach, where his son did nothing but eat sand.

“I thought it would make kind of a cute kid’s book,” Wurtz said. “There’s a turtle and a dolphin that come up and tell him that he shouldn’t be in the sand. I don’t want to give away the end of the book, but there’s a twist at the end.”

Much like Lucas’ life has been twist after twist; not many would have predicted this oilfield worker would also be a published author.

Wurtz has also just released a coloring book with scenes from both the Oscar and Bob books.

You can purchase all of Wurtz’s books on Amazon.

Copyright 2021 KFYR. All rights reserved.


MANITOBA
Confirmation of a 50-year archaeological potential project



Anne Davison / Virden Empire-Advance
AUGUST 18, 2021 

Alicia Gooden, President of the Manitoba Archaeological Society.
PHOTO/ ANNE DAVISON

The area could offer decades of digging and cataloguing to plumb the depths of the treasures in the Gainsborough Creek watershed.

The Manitoba Archaeological Society (MAS) and Dr. Mary Malainey concluded their dig at the Gainsborough Creek Wildlife Management Area (the Olson site) on Thursday, Aug. 5. Alicia Gooden, President of MAS, and a Virden resident said that while it is too early to draw firm conclusions about the discoveries of the 2021 exploration near Melita, it was very fruitful.

Gooden said, “Site Director, Dr. Mary Malainey, confirms we have uncovered two separate occupations in both the western prairie level and the valley bottom at the Olson site.”

She said that the earlier, deeper occupation is believed to be Besant, which dates to 1,000 - 2,000 years ago. That means that people lived there around the time of Christ or as late as 1000 AD.

The Archaeologists say the evidence points to people who were agriculturalists. Gooden explained, "The later, shallower occupation represents the horticultural population from around 500 years ago; that is at the forefront of Dr. Malainey's current research. She (Malainey) states, ‘The area was so densely populated that we could probably spend the next 50 years excavating and still find stuff.’”

Meanwhile, the work continues as the Olson site artifacts are analyzed and catalogued in the lab.
AUSTRALIAN TV
A satanic ritual suddenly appears in the news

CORY WEINBERG AUG 22, 2021



A mysterious sequence of satanic rituals appeared during an Australian news broadcast. The ABC channel did not comment

Chatting with the devil, or almost. An Australian television news broadcast on ABC showed a satanic ritual briefly on screen.

This amazing story happened on Friday 20th August. Yvonne Yong introduced the newspaper and announced the headline about police dogs. It started and we see bureaucrats chatting among themselves.
Satanic system

Just then a satanic ceremony suddenly appears, and for exactly two seconds, a masked protagonist greets a crowd by pronouncing “Hi, Satan” – “Hello, Satan”. A Catholic cross in red neon creates the background in red conditions similar to horror films.

Before starting the next topic, the film will return to the editor who manages to be without the image.

If the channel does not provide any explanation for this mysterious appearance, according to the site Inside, This video may come from The Nusa Temple of Satan, a satanic group based in Queensland. Their aim is to encourage the Australian government to allow Satanists to teach religious subjects in schools.
Police say Melbourne anti-lockdown protest ‘most violent in nearly 20 years’


Saturday’s rally was the first time police used non-lethal weapons during a lockdown protest, with at least nine officers ending up in hospital

Victoria police were pelted with projectiles, punched and kicked by some members of a 4,000 strong crowd who turned out to protest Melbourne’s Covid lockdown. Photograph: Dave Hewison/Speed Media/REX/Shutterstock

Australian Associated Press
Sun 22 Aug 2021 04.02 BST

An anti-lockdown protest held in Melbourne on Saturday was one of the most violent the city has seen in 20 years, Victoria’s top police officer says.

Chief commissioner Shane Patton said his officers had no choice but to use non-lethal weapons to defend themselves from an angry mob that came armed and appeared intent on attacking them.

It is the first time during a lockdown protest, police have used such tactics that included rounds of pepper spray projectiles and canisters.

At least nine officers ended up in hospital after being pelted with projectiles, punched and kicked by some members of a 4,000 strong crowd who turned out to protest the city’s Covid-19 lockdown.

The mostly unmasked protesters let off flares, yelled slogans and blasted music as they moved through the CBD.

More than 700 extra Victorian police officers were deployed to contain the lockdown protest.

Patton said he was nothing short of disgusted with the conduct of some in the crowd

“What we saw yesterday … was probably one of the most violent protests we’ve seen in nearly 20 years,” he told reporters on Sunday.

More than 200 people were arrested including some on remand for previous crimes. At least 19 will be taken to court rather than issued with fines in excess of $5,000. Two people will face assault charges.

He said many in the crowd came armed with projectiles that were hurled at police and it was clear they were there not to protest for personal freedom but to “confront and attack”.

Eight of the nine wounded officers have since left hospital but one remains for further examination. Injuries included blows to the body, cuts, bruises, suspected broken noses, one possible incident of loss of consciousness, and one leg injury.

“It appears to us that they came in with an intention of that violence,” Patton said.

“This wasn’t a group that had a specific leader. It seemed that it was angry men … between 25 and 40,” he said, “who were intent on causing this mayhem, intent on being involved in this criminal activity.

“I just hope it doesn’t result in the mass spread of Covid-19. The risk that those people have now posed to the rest of the community, by their conduct yesterday, was disgraceful and selfish.”

Patton also revealed 48 people have been fined almost $5,500 each over an illegal engagement party in Caulfield North, including the future bride and groom.

That number is expected to rise with eight other attendees yet to be interviewed.


Australia anti-lockdown rallies: protesters violently clash with police in Melbourne


The rest of the people at that party were children. They’ve been warned and won’t receive fines.

On Sunday, hundreds of protesters gathered at the NSW-Queensland border for an anti-lockdown protest, waving signs reading “open the border now” and “I was born free”.

Video showed a man riding a horse encouraging people to cross the border, which Queensland has closed to all but essential workers who have received at least one vaccine dose.

NSW police arrested eight people and issued 50 infringement notices to protesters, while Queensland police arrested one person for disorderly conduct.

The police minister, David Elliott, said he was disappointed by the protest.

“Communities, across New South Wales are sick and tired of the abhorrent actions of the minority. We have seen this sort of behaviour result in further lockdowns; the very thing these individuals are protesting against,” Mr Elliott said.

Tweed residents, on the NSW side, have been hit hard by Queensland’s strict border rules.

It had asked NSW to notionally move the border south, to the Tweed River, but NSW refused, saying it would just shift the problem further south.

New South Wales police also arrested 47 people and fined more than 260 in relation to protests on Saturday.

They issued 137 tickets after stopping around 38,000 cars approaching Sydney city, while a 32-year-old man who allegedly assaulted an officer was arrested and charges were expected to be laid.

The constable was taken to hospital for head and neck injuries.

More than 2,000 people also gathered in Brisbane City Botanic Gardens on Saturday to rally against the lockdown and vaccine measures. Queensland police said no arrests had been made.
'Roaring Twenties': Are we entering a new age of hedonism?




By Cath Pound
BBC
10th August 2021

An exhibition at the Guggenheim Bilbao centres on the 20th Century's wildest and most creative era. What can we learn from the 1920s' many parallels with today, asks Cath Pound.

When curator Catherine Hug began planning an art exhibition about "The Roaring Twenties" she had no idea how much it would end up resonating with people today. Of course, the 1920s have always held a powerful place in the public imagination, but there are some unquestionable parallels with our own times: both decades arrived on the back of economic depressions and pandemics, although thankfully in our case not a World War. These parallels have created an irresistible desire to look back 100 years in order to speculate on how the post-Covid-19 era may play out.

In Western societies, the 1920s was a decade of progress and backlash against years of trauma and deprivation caused by World War One and the 1918 flu epidemic. While many countries battled with the fallout from the collapse of empire, revolution and the ongoing impact of colonialism, the US and Europe enjoyed an unprecedented period of creativity and innovation. Cities were growing at breakneck speed, the mass production of cars was transforming both daily life and urban planning, gender norms were being questioned and racial prejudices challenged. A newly awakened thirst for life was quenched in the jazz-filled clubs of Montmartre and the decadent nightclubs of Berlin.

Artists thought that society had to be changed not only on the political and economic levels, but also the educational, cultural and artistic ones – Catherine Hug


Undoubtedly after a year-and-a-half of being stuck indoors, many today identify with the perceived hedonism of that era, leading to speculation that after Covid-19, some societies could enter a new "Roaring Twenties". But people also identify with the post-war, post-pandemic awareness of the fragility of the world and the need to make it better. "Many people felt that things had to be changed in order to [prevent] any future world war. Artists thought that society had to be changed not only on the political and economic levels, but also the educational, cultural and artistic ones," says Hug, who co-curated the Roaring Twenties exhibition that is at the Guggenheim in Bilbao until mid-September.

"It was the beginning of democratic politics and democratic states, the idea that everyone could participate in a peaceful society. One of the interesting consequences that was reflected in art was places like the Bauhaus… [which] saw education and culture as necessary to build a better society," explains Hug.

In Cité Fruges at Pessac, Le Corbusier created worker's housing consisting of a series of rectangular blocks of modular housing units, each with its own terrace
(Credit: Alamy)


Architects such as Le Corbusier and Walter Gropius sought a socially responsible architecture that was dedicated to providing better living conditions for the residents of crowded cities. "The notion of a healthy way to live was a lot of air, a lot of light and the visibility of nature. That's why it was the decade of large windows," says Hug. Although many of those designs proved theoretical, Le Corbusier was able to turn some of his ideas into reality with the Cité Fruges at Pessac, a suburb of Bordeaux, where he created worker's housing consisting of a series of rectangular blocks composed of modular housing units, each with its own terrace, in a garden setting.

The increasing emancipation of women was evident in art, fashion and dance. German painter and photographer Christian Schad's portrait of his partner Maika (1929), with her bobbed hair and sleeveless dress, shows a modern woman firmly in control of her own image and body. Meanwhile, fellow German artist Jeanne Mammen, herself one of the new independent career women, portrayed gay women revelling in their sexuality in Weimar's raucous nightclubs. However, she also depicted bored-looking prostitutes forced to resort to the oldest profession in order to survive. "What they show is the ambiguity, and also the complexity of transformation at this time," says Hug of these works.

Christian Schad's Maika (1929), with her bobbed hair and sleeveless dress, shows a modern woman in control of her own image and body (Credit: VEGAP, Bilbao, 2021)


The fashion and hairstyles of the era, which saw women turning their back on elaborate up-dos and restrictive corsetry in favour of cropped hair and loose shift dresses that daringly revealed legs and ankles, were undoubtedly a sign of liberation. Yet many other factors were also at play. "After World War One it became difficult to get domestic staff, lifestyles had to be scaled down, you had to be able to get dressed yourself and maintain your clothing yourself," explains Cally Blackman, who teaches Fashion History and Theory at Central Saint Martins in London. Blackman also cautions against overplaying the link between fashion and female emancipation. Coco Chanel's designs might have made women's clothing more comfortable, but she didn't necessarily intend to empower those who wore them. "She believed in women's weaknesses, she wasn't a feminist," says Blackman.

That could shatter some illusions Рbut if we want evidence of a truly independent female icon of the 1920s, who challenged not only gender but also racial boundaries, we only have to look to the dancer Josephine Baker. Her expressionistic dances oozing with sensuality came to epitomise the pleasure-seeking Parisian nightlife of the era. Although her most famous outfit Рwhich consisted of a banana skirt, necklace and little else Рmight appear to be pandering to gender and racial stereotypes, Hug insists "she was very self-determined about her body. She was playing with the male gaze and the clich̩s that she was very much a victim of in the US."

'A search for meaning'

The joie de vivre of the wild Jazz Age that Baker embodied is something many will be longing to relive in the 2020s. Having studied the impact of pandemics on human behaviour over the centuries, Nicholas Christakis, a Yale epidemiologist and author of Apollo's Arrow: The Profound and Enduring Impact of Coronavirus on the Way we Live, believes our own times will certainly echo the 1920s in that respect. "People will relentlessly seek out social interactions and nightclubs and bars and restaurants and musical concerts. People will start spending their money, there'll be an economic boom and I think we'll see an effervescence of arts and entrepreneurship and creativity," he tells BBC Culture.

When people are cooped up at home and have a lot of time on their hands, they'll think about what's important in their lives and what's important in their societies – Nicholas Christakis


However, having undergone a collective trauma the likes of which most of us have never endured before, we are also likely to share with the artists of the 1920s a profound desire to change society for the better. "When people are cooped up at home and have a lot of time on their hands, they'll think about what's important in their lives and what's important in their societies. We see this search for meaning in the form of political developments in our society. The Black Lives Matter protests were a response to decades of racialised policing in our society… but in addition I think it was a search for meaning," says Christakis
.

The 2020s could see artists and communities come together around social justice issues like Black Lives Matter and the environment (Credit: Valery Hache / Getty Images)


Greg Hilty, curatorial director of the Lisson Gallery in London, certainly believes the pandemic has been a time of reflection for many artists. They "have used the time to review the essence of their work and working practice, away from the surface demands of the art industry. For most, this has been a positive outcome, reaffirming their values and their sense of purpose arising from the work itself rather than its consumption," he tells BBC Culture. In terms of the type of work this might inspire, he says: "the pandemic has drawn our attention to the wider shifts in consciousness relating to the precarity of our relationships between peoples and with the natural world. We can expect more and deeper reflections on our current condition.

"Issues that many artists have been long engaged with have over the past year received both more intense and wider appreciation culturally – the climate emergency, social justice and in particular the continuing fight for the value of black lives," as has "the gulf between dominant cultural values, such as those expressed in monuments, and more nuanced and plural values," says Hilty. This suggests that the 2020s may see a growing relationship between artists and their public as both strive towards diversity and social justice. Hilty observes that there has already been a "shift to a more direct engagement between artists and institutions on the one hand, and their audiences and communities on the other."


Diversity and inclusion have become part of every conversation in America – Su Ku


A sense of community with shared social values is likely to have a major impact on the fashion we choose to wear in the 2020s, too. "Diversity and inclusion have become part of every conversation in America, whether it's politics or family values or economic support for people in need, therefore retailers who share values of sustainability and diversity will have a connection with the younger generation especially, who see that as an absolute necessity," says Su Ku, a tutor on the Fashion Institute of New York's fashion programme.


Fashion in the 2020s will be increasingly focused on sustainability and diversity 
(Credit: Photo by Claudio Lavenia / Getty Images)


But fashion in the 2020s looks likely to be as much about vintage as socially conscious brands. One of Blackman's students is writing a dissertation on sustainability on the red carpet. "She's done an amazing amount of research on celebrities who go out of their way to wear second-hand clothes. Once that begins to happen and people like Kim Kardashian start to join in, it's unstoppable, because they have such power and influence over the mainstream buyer," says Blackman. "Whereas high street retailers may have gone by the board, the market in vintage and pre-used clothing is surging," she observes.

This suggests that fashion historians of the future are going to have a much harder time tying down the decade stylistically than in the 1920s. "In comparison to the 1920s, we have complete sartorial freedom. I think lockdown has cemented that," says Blackman.

Changing public spaces


When it comes to imagining how our cities might develop over the coming decade, it seems that 2020s architects share many of the social concerns of their 1920s contemporaries. However, where once the car was king when it came to urban planning, now nature takes precedence.


A year of meeting and eating outdoors, wherever possible, will change our view of the public realm – Eleanor Young


For their Rethink: 2025 competition, the Royal Institute of British Architects (RIBA) asked architects and students to consider what life and the built environment might look like in the post-pandemic world. All three winning entries had the environment, quality of life and social justice at their core. One, which focused on redesigning streets to create high-quality outdoor spaces for people and encourage cleaner, more physically active methods of transport has effectively come into being already. "Within weeks of the competition's launch we saw widened pavements," says RIBA's Eleanor Young. "A year of meeting and eating outdoors, wherever possible, will have to change our view of the public realm," she says.


Nature will take centre stage when it comes to urban planning in the 2020s 
(Credit: Getty Images)


Another entry imagines repurposing redundant office space to house the homeless. "It just makes a lot of sense," says Young. Obviously, landlords, not known for their altruism, are still going to want to make money, but as Young says: "if you've got a 1960s office building standing empty, having a charity in there that pays you rent is probably better than nothing."

But by far the most ambitious project envisages transforming London's metropolitan area into an ecologically diverse, agricultural landscape, in part as a response to the premise that industrialised food production has made us vulnerable to diseases transmitted from animals to humans. "What is particularly interesting about that is that they had done some mapping which showed that some of those things were happening already like city farms and marshlands," says Young. "It could change London and make it a much better place to live. That kind of resetting of ideas about us and nature. Not just in terms of health but also our mental health," she says. And these are ideas that could potentially be adopted by cities everywhere. "If you can apply that to London, you can apply it anywhere," says Young.

It seems like the 2020s could well have some of the hedonism that characterised the "Roaring Twenties," although we must hope it does not echo the end of that decade, which saw economic depression and the rise of fascism. There is reason for optimism as, alongside that understandable yearning for pleasure, it is clear there will also be the same desire to build a better society that pandemics have always inspired. A growing concern with social justice and the fragility of our environment will be reflected in the culture all around us. The clothes we wear to go clubbing or to the theatre will be vintage or sustainable. Our cities are less likely to roar than murmur as the car is increasingly confined to the outskirts and green spaces proliferate. And artists will, as they always have, offer reflection on our current condition while seeking to inspire their audience to improve the world around them. It would be wonderful if this time they were able to succeed.

The Roaring Twenties is at Guggenheim Bilbao until 19 September 2021.