Sunday, August 29, 2021

The Big Scary ‘S’ Word: why are people so terrified of socialism?

In a new documentary, film-maker Yael Bridge looks back and forward to see why some people have been so repelled by socialism and how things might change in the future

Protesters from The Big Scary ‘S’ Word. Photograph: Greenwich Entertainment
 in Washington

Lee Carter is a US Marine Corps veteran and Lyft driver. He is also a socialist. After he suffered a workplace injury, realised the system was broken and Googled “How do you run for office?”, he stood for election to the Virginia state assembly.

A campaign leaflet from his opponent displayed the faces of Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, Vladimir Lenin, Joseph Stalin, Mao Zedong – and Carter, who told film-maker Yael Bridge: “It’s from another era entirely. I was born in ’87, I don’t remember the Berlin wall falling, so the ‘red scare’ – anybody who uses the big scary ‘s’ word is automatically Stalin – it just doesn’t work any more.”

Bridge took his observation for the title of her soon-to-be-released documentary, The Big Scary “S” Word, which tells how Carter beat the Republican incumbent to become the lone socialist in the Virginia state assembly (though after two terms he lost a primary re-election bid in June) and explores the unexpected history of the American socialist movement.

Her film makes a persuasive case that while America famously embraces capitalism red in tooth and claw, the emergence of the leftwing senator Bernie Sanders in the 2016 presidential election was no anomaly but part of an equally proud tradition. Far from contradicting the US constitution, socialism has often been seen as furthering its ideals.

Bridge, based in Oakland, California, said by phone: “When you think about socialism, if you don’t just think about Russia or China or Cuba, people think about social democracies in Scandinavia. But we don’t need to look to all those other countries to find examples of socialism or success stories, so it was important to me to forefront those in the film.”

Few words are more loaded than socialism. It is defined by Merriam-Webster as “any of various economic and political theories advocating collective or governmental ownership and administration of the means of production and distribution of goods”.

Misunderstandings about what socialism means are widespread in the United States. One young person in the film puts it: “It’s kind of like a more mediocre version of communism, I think?”

For Republicans it has become the ultimate trigger word, guaranteed to provoke a visceral recoil. Last year’s Conservative Political Action Conference, for example, was themed “America vs socialism” and included sessions such as “Socialism: Wrecker of Nations and Destroyer of Societies”. Senator Mike Lee told attendees: “They’re talking about having the government become your healthcare provider, your banker, your nanny, your watchdog. Having the government lie to you and spy on you.”

So it is remarkable when the origins of the Republican party are outlined by one of the film’s interviewees, John Nichols, author of The “S” Word, a history of American socialism. He argues that the ideology enjoyed a popular high in the United States in the 1840s, when a group of immigrants who settled in Ripon, Wisconsin, started to form a communal society in which wealth was shared. They built communal houses and argued for land redistribution so poor people could have farms.

The people of Ripon formed a new political party that would oppose the expansion of slavery. Nichols says: “When we talk about the history of socialism in America, we certainly would say that the socialist party was founded by socialists, but we should also say that the Republican party was founded by socialists.”

Bridge, 39, adds: “There’s this building called the little white schoolhouse, which is a museum now as the founding place of the Republican party, so there’s Trump and George W Bush and all these big posters for Republicans – but it’s funny also knowing that the little white schoolhouse was indeed a schoolhouse for socialists in the 1800s.”

Bridge, whose previous film, Saving Capitalism, followed the former labour secretary Robert Reich as he talked to people disillusioned with the political status quo, found another surprise in North Dakota, a Republican stronghold where Donald Trump beat Joe Biden last year by 33 percentage points. It is the only state with a government-owned general service bank.

Lee Carter. Photograph: Greenwich Entertainment

“It was set up by socialists to be more democratic and help the people there and now most of the Republican leadership in that state come out of the bank and they don’t want anything to do with socialism. They don’t like talking about their early days history. But it’s clear today it was socialists setting up that bank and making it so successful.”

Another subject in the film, Eric Foner, a history professor at Columbia University, testifies that Republican president Theodore Roosevelt’s platform was to the left of Sanders, advocating for a national health service, unemployment insurance and controls over corporations, though he did not call himself a socialist.

In the Great Depression, Democratic president Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal adopted ideas from the socialist party and provided social security, the first minimum wage, unemployment compensation and millions of public sector jobs – “classical socialist things”, as one interviewee puts it.

The 1963 march on Washington was in fact the “March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom”. Foner argues that the civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr increasingly demanded fundamental changes in the economic system, but this radical edge is too often rubbed smooth by today’s efforts to sanitise him as a cosy symbol of racial reconciliation.

Bridge observes: “I don’t think this is an experience unique to the United States in that we whitewash all of our history and we defang it and we make it less radical and then we bring it into the fold.

“So now everyone loves Martin Luther King and he’s so fantastic and revered and what a wonderful human and we can certainly agree with all of his ideas. But he was certainly not that popular during his day and increasingly over the course of his life, when he saw economic inequality as a great barrier to racial equality and started using language of capitalism and socialism, that was very threatening. It was the beginning of the end.”

Barack Obama was branded a socialist for making relatively modest changes to the healthcare system. But the eruption of Sanders, an independent senator for Vermont and self-declared democratic socialist, in the 2016 Democratic primary shook American politics. Since then membership of the once dormant Democratic Socialists of America has soared to nearly 100,000. Union membership is also growing fast.

We Want Bread protest from The Big Scary ‘S’ Word. Photograph: Greenwich Entertainment

Now 79, Sanders is chair of the powerful Senate budget committee, while his ally the New York congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, 31, has built a huge following. In June the socialist India Walton won a Democratic primary that made her virtually certain to become the mayor of Buffalo, New York.

The comedian Bill Maher once noted that the United Nations’ annual world happiness rankings were led by “socialist-friendly” countries like Finland, Norway, Denmark, Iceland, Switzerland, Sweden, the Netherlands and Canada, asking: “If socialism is such a one-way ticket to becoming the nightmare of Venezuela, then why do all the happiest countries in the world embrace it?”

Even within the US, it can be argued that the publicly funded elements of education, healthcare, media, transport and welfare – including a new child tax credit that aims to cut child poverty in half – are inspired by socialism. Yet the ideology is still used as a bogeyman by Republicans and rightwing media who point to the Soviet Union, Cuba, Venezuela and other countries to warn that it would destroy America.

Bridge responds: “I’m not an expert on any of those places but we don’t need to look to those examples as failures; we can look in our own country for successes like the Bank of North Dakota. They are able to have really fantastic public schools and universities and libraries and their infrastructure is really strong because there’s no private interest taking the money out and the people get to have a say in how that money is invested.

“We can look at work-around co-ops and those are incredibly successful. Frequently, they’re shown to be more productive then privately owned businesses because when you are your own boss and you’re able to reap the benefits of your work, you’re going to be working harder and that’s just not what we’re seeing right now at all.”

Polls consistently show a majority of millennials prefer socialism over capitalism. Bridge says: “What I found was that it’s just incredibly generational. The cold war was so powerful in this country and so many resources were spent making that word and those ideas just completely abhorrent and scary.

“People are really scared and so they don’t think, ‘oh, socialism, I’ll have healthcare’; they think, ‘Oh, socialism, that’s horrible, they’re going to come they’re going to take my house and I’m going to be wearing a uniform.’ I saw it so clearly when I would be traveling, meeting with different socialists in different parts of the country and there would be people over 75 or under 35 and such a small percentage in the middle.”

Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Bernie Sanders. Photograph: Johannes Eisele/AFP/Getty Images

The Big Scary “S” Word also considers the big scary “c” word: capitalism. It is, after all, America’s secular religion; it is as hard to imagine a socialist president as an atheist one. Nancy Pelosi, the Democratic speaker of the House of Representatives, declared, “We’re capitalists, that’s just the way it is”, while the progressive senator Elizabeth Warren has called herself a “capitalist to my bones”.

But Bridge turns the tables: “When people say, oh, name a socialist country that’s been successful, well, name a capitalist country that’s been successful. I look around, I don’t see any country that doesn’t have vast numbers of people starving. Where I live in Oakland, the houseless community is just expanding. I don’t see capitalism solving it in any meaningful way and, if you dig a little deeper, it looks like capitalism is particularly ill-equipped to solve those problems at all.”

The film notes that five individuals own more wealth than 3.5 billion people, half the world’s population. “The profit motive is great at generating a large degree of wealth but it hoards it in the hands of certain people and that is inherently undemocratic,” Bridge says. “If we want to live in a democratic society, which I do and which this country was founded on, you really just can’t have that large amount of inequality.

“I think capitalism and democracy are incompatible. When you have more money, you use your wealth to help write the laws and legislation and put in judges and politicians that are going to protect your interests, and so it becomes a vicious cycle.”

Later segments of the film detail how capitalism has failed to grapple with the coronavirus pandemic and climate crisis. Fossil fuel giants’ addiction to growth and profits took priority over the survival of the planet. Sanders, Ocasio-Cortez and others endorse a “green new deal” which, naturally, Republicans portray as a radical socialist plot against America.

Bridge reflects: “The profit motive is making it harder and harder for us to organise collectively, and we are all on one planet with the same amount of limited resources. If we are not able to share them and people are only driven by profit motive to succeed, we’re not all going to make it.”

  • The Big Scary “S” Word is released in US cinemas and on demand on 3 September with a UK release to be announced

To fix social media, we need to introduce digital socialism

Proprietary social media networks need to be transformed into local and global digital commons.



Michael Kwet
Michael Kwet is a Visiting Fellow of the Information Society Project at Yale Law School.
19 May 2020

Facebook is among the Big Tech companies dubbed the 'frightful five', along with Google, Amazon, Apple and Microsoft [File: Reuters/Dado Ruvic]


In the past few years, intellectuals across the spectrum have fallen out of love with Big Tech. The “frightful five” – Google, Amazon, Facebook, Apple, and Microsoft – wield enormous power, with their combined wealth exceeding $5 trillion. After years of market consolidation and exploitative practices, critics in the United States are pushing to break up Big Tech monopolies with antitrust law.

Social media networks are a centrepiece in this conversation: they violate privacy, amplify sensational content and “fake news”, and manipulate users to keep their attention.


Breaking up Big Social Media sounds great, but how would this look in practice? A number of legal scholars and politicians have proposed reforming social networks by using antitrust law and regulations to create a more competitive marketplace. Leaving this task to market forces, however, is a bad idea that will not solve the central problem: proprietary control of the networks and the exploitation of user attention for profit.

A solution based on digital socialism is needed to transform social media into a global democratic commons. This would eradicate Big Social Media by placing ownership and control directly into the hands of the people.
The antitrust proposal

Various scholars have put forward two main ideas to break up Big Social Media, neither of which can sufficiently accomplish their goals.

The first one seeks to dismantle past mergers and acquisitions. Facebook, for example, bought up Instagram and WhatsApp years ago, and is now seeking to integrate all three platforms into a seamless communications network.

Scholars like Tim Wu, Sarah Miller, and Matt Stoller have suggested breaking Facebook, Instagram, and WhatsApp into three separate companies. They hope these companies would then compete for customers, which would compel them to treat users with respect.

Yet there is no good reason to believe this would do much for privacy and competition itself does not necessarily curb harmful behaviour. Even if these companies are broken up, given that their business model is based on serving ads and the exploitation of user data, they would have no serious incentive to change their behaviour.

Furthermore, these companies are able to monetise surveillance because the data is running through their platforms, and they force people to be a part of their networks in order to interact with their friends and family. For example, a user who does not like Facebook’s privacy practices can leave for another network, but then they have to convince their friends to join them.

The second idea proposes a solution to this problem: make social networks interoperate. Social media platforms would be forced to allow members of one network to interact with members of another. For example, a Facebook user would be able to post a comment under a YouTube video while logged into Facebook, and vice-versa. Users’ data would also be “portable” so they could move their profile to a different platform.

Interoperability exists in other communications services, such as telephone networks and email.

However, the “competition through interoperability” antitrust proposal is deeply flawed.

The reason Big Social Media firms are able to raid everyone’s data and mistreat users is that they are centralised, cloud-based intermediaries. If I want to share a photo with you, I first upload it to, say, Facebook’s servers, and then you download it from Facebook’s servers. The user experience is then determined by Facebook’s network software.

This form of cloud-based centralisation gives corporations power over the platform and the data. Proprietary network ownership provides corporations with the coercive power to monetise user data and force ads on users. Making proprietary networks interoperable does not change this power dynamic. The companies will simply compete to collect more data and serve more ads so they can generate profits.

Some antitrust scholars have also suggested social media networks can solve this problem by charging people to use their networks. Users who do not like spying and ads can pay out of pocket for social networking instead.

A subscription-based social network might sound great for the middle and upper classes, but it is a non-solution for the billions living in poverty. Those with little or no income are not going to “pay for privacy” or any other “exploitation-free” benefits, such as ad-free access.

This same conundrum plagues the mobile app ecosystem, where 70 percent of apps spy on users through hidden trackers. Proprietary control of the apps prevents the public from stripping out the trackers, and competition among millions of apps does nothing to prevent app publishers from mistreating users.
Building a social networking commons

The new antitrust proposal will fail to remedy social media ills because it is wedded to competition in a capitalist system. A genuine solution must, therefore, eliminate the profit incentive and give people direct control over the means of computation.

To fix social media, activists and lawmakers need to press for digital socialism – a commons-based solution embodying libertarian socialist principles of self-governance, decentralisation, and federation. Social media would be transformed from a profit-seeking enterprise into a global democratic commons. A technological foundation has already been created (as I detail below).

To see this through, we need to pass laws imposing decentralised, free and open-source technology solutions on the social media ecosystem. Big Tech corporations would be forced to relinquish user data, and social networking infrastructure would be owned and controlled by the users. The platform software would be open source so the public can inspect the code and customise the user experience.

To ensure the network infrastructure will be well developed and maintained, governments would subsidise public interest technology. Technologists could be paid to develop software at public universities and non-profit organisations. Developers across the world would collaborate and borrow code from each other, while individuals and communities would join networks or form new ones as they see fit.

Governments could also subsidise the rollout of broadband internet and personal cloud infrastructure. Inexpensive FreedomBox devices could be provided to lower-income households and small server farms could be operated by local communities.

Corporations might participate in some form, but the new laws and technology would effectively cut off their ability to privatise control, generate large profits, push ads, or spy on users.

Funds for implementing social networks can be raised by taxing the rich and Big Tech firms. Resources for infrastructure and development should be extended to people in the Global South as compensation for colonialism, including recent revenue extraction through digital colonialism.
Social media decentralisation

The foundation for a commons-based social media system was laid in the establishment of the Fediverse – a set of interoperable social networks based on free and open-source software. Fediverse platforms include Mastodon (akin to Twitter), PeerTube (akin to YouTube), and PixelFed (akin to Instagram).

The Mastodon social network, which has more than four million registered users, is the most polished example to date. Its feature set resembles Twitter: you can post to your wall, “like” and “share” other posts, follow user accounts, and so on.

However, there are a few crucial differences.

For one, there is no central server or administrator through which all user activity, data, and membership flow. Instead, you join one of many servers, called “instances”, which host and transmit user data. Each instance sets its own terms and conditions: it might ban hate speech and pornography, or focus on a shared hobby or interest.

To open an account, you simply sign up with an instance. Let us say you pick the username Alice at an instance called instance123.social. Your social media handle would be: @alice@instance123.social. Alternatively, you can pay to host your own instance and set the code of conduct to your liking.

The Fediverse uses shared communications protocols like ActivityPub so that users can interact across platforms. For example, a user from Mastodon can post a comment or follow a user from the PeerTube social network without ever leaving Mastodon. This is similar to email, where you can send messages from a Gmail account to a Yahoo account.

With Twitter, you have one timeline that displays posts and activity from other users. With Mastodon, you can pick from three timelines. The first is your home timeline that displays content (such as wall posts or videos shared) by the people you follow. The second is a local timeline that displays content from members of your instance. The third is your federated timeline, which displays content from other instances. Each timeline provides a different way to interact and discover content.

To make sure the experience is safe and enjoyable, Mastodon builds in a variety of content moderation policies. Individual users can filter out other users and instances that they do not want to see or interact with. Instance moderators can also filter out other users or instances. For example, if another instance is loaded with white supremacists, then you or your instance administrator can block that instance.

The ability for individuals to create their own instances, interact across networks, and set their own code of conduct undermines the centralised ownership and control model of Big Social Media. And because the server software powering Mastodon falls under a strong Free Software licence, the public can modify it to make it work as they wish.

For example, some developers created Glitch, a modified version of Mastodon which has its own set of features built in. In Glitch, you can set your posts as local-only so that they will not show up in outside instances.

The open sourcing of the network software also creates direct accountability to the public. If the Mastodon developers tried to, say, place banner ads inside their platform, an outside developer could take the code, strip out the ads, and release an ad-free version to the community.

The current Fediverse model is mostly decentralised, but there is room for improvement. Server administrators still possess the authority to surveil users and impose content moderation decisions on instance members. This means users have to trust the server administrators they interact with. To address this feature, Free Software developers are creating peer-to-peer technologies that fully distribute power and privacy down to the end users.

The LibreSocial network offers a glimpse of how this can work. There is no need to trust server administrators because the peer-to-peer architecture eliminates them altogether. Instead, the social network is operated by the community of end users through the LibreSocial software. The network is free and open-source, easy to use, and allows for customisation of the user experience – such as how to visualise a user wall, or social games – through the use of plugins that anyone can create or download.

While LibreSocial is still in a testing phase (which will soon be open to the public), the developers have built an impressive model for a fully decentralised social network.
Replacing digital capitalism with digital socialism

The ingenuity of the free software community is central to the struggle for tech rights and equality. Solutions like the Fediverse and LibreSocial prove that a world in which users are not exploited is possible. But they alone cannot pull away the billions of users stuck inside Big Social Media.

Ultimately, activists will have to push for new technologies, laws, and regulations that eradicate Big Social Media and transition the world to a social media commons.

Unfortunately, current legislative proposals by US legal scholars and Congress promote a capitalist model where “many Facebooks and Twitters” compete to capture data and user attention. This will not solve our problems.

Just as we cannot fix the climate crisis with “clean” coal, “all of the above” energy solutions, or cap-and-trade market-based reforms, we cannot fix social media with corporate owners, proprietary technology, centralised clouds, and market competition. The master’s tools will never dismantle the master’s house.

A genuine solution requires digital socialism: a decentralised social media commons based on free and open-source technology, supported by laws and the public purse. The foundation is already set, but a popular movement is needed to see it through.


The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.


Michael Kwet is a Visiting Fellow of the Information Society Project at Yale Law School. He is the author of Digital colonialism: US empire and the new imperialism in the Global South, and hosts theTech Empire podcast. His work has been published at Motherboard, Wired, BBC World News Radio and Counterpunch. He received his PhD in Sociology from Rhodes University, South Africa.


Hollywood’s Socialism Boom: Emboldened Leftists Agitate for Radical Change

With supporters ranging from assistants to power players like Adam McKay, the industry's Democratic Socialists are demanding a fair share for workers (but aren’t necessarily coming for your house in the hills).




BY GARY BAUMKATIE KILKENNY
JULY 19, 2021
The Hollywood Reporter


DSA member Noah Suarez-Sikes at a rally. PHOTOGRAPHED BY TARA PIXLEY

LONG READ


The chants are beginning in front of the Chateau Marmont.

It’s the evening of June 25 and masked protesters are marching on the sidewalk outside the legendary Hollywood hangout, which has been under fire for more than a year over escalating allegations of labor mistreatment, including racial discrimination, sexual harassment and mass layoffs at the onset of the pandemic. While a handful of A-listers have registered public disapproval (Jane Fonda recorded a video and Alfonso Cuarón signed a boycotting petition) it’s the industry’s proletariat — assistants, young writers, on-the-make directors and below-the-line crew — who make up a substantial cross-section of the crowd of nearly 100 picketing the Chateau this Friday evening.

“There’s a perception that Hollywood workers are separate from the L.A. community,” says Brenden Gallagher, a writer and a former writers assistant, there with his wife, Claire Downs, also a writer and a former agent assistant. “We have the opportunity to show that we’re all part of the same struggle.”

Many of these industry protesters, a diverse group dressed in various shades of red, are members of the fast-growing Los Angeles chapter of the Democratic Socialists of America and its Hollywood Labor group. “The people who come and stay at this hotel, who are our bosses or the people who we’re working for, they interact with these [hotel] workers on a daily basis,” says Neda Davarpanah, a DSA member on the leadership board of Hollywood Labor and a writers assistant. “Whether you’re working in a writers room or working in a hotel, we need to stand together.”

In the past few years, a new wave of Hollywood leftists seeking transformational change has been growing in number at the Los Angeles chapter of DSA. These entertainment workers believe the industry’s entrenched style of corporate neoliberalism, with industry moguls wielding outsize political power and the glorification of young artists living on little while attempting to achieve their dreams, needs structural recasting, not to mention a narrative correction. The Hollywood Reporter spoke to more than two dozen of such workers. Fueled by the success of openly socialist politicians like Sen. Bernie Sanders, Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and recently elected L.A. City Councilmember Nithya Raman, as well as justice movements roiling the industry, the chapter has tapped into the frustrations of an idealistic rank and file.


Outside Chateau Marmont, marching in support of Unite Here Local 11. “It was very shocking to me that people had normalized the degree to which they were disrespected and being taken advantage of for their labor, and it just doesn’t have to be this way,” says Suarez-Sikes. 
PHOTOGRAPHED BY TARA PIXLEY

Meanwhile, higher-profile DSA members, like Catastrophe‘s Rob Delaney, have helped lift the organization’s profile. “I joined because I want more democracy in the U.S.,” Delaney, a lifetime DSA member, says. “Voting rights are under (a very successful) attack and, even more than that, I very seriously believe the workers should own and control the means of production.” The L.A. chapter’s Hollywood Labor subcommittee sprung up four years ago to meet the rising interest. Now around 1,000 people subscribe to the group’s Action Network mailing list. Many work as screenwriters, writers assistants, script coordinators, script supervisors and animation employees.

“In a country and in a city with crushing, devastating income inequality, it’s no longer ‘left-wing’ to demand living wages, universal health care and rent control,” says self-described Democratic Socialist, DSA-LA supporter and The Big Short director Adam McKay. “It’s a bare minimum. When I looked around, I found some incredible groups committed to fighting the big dirty money rotting out our communities. And DSA-LA, for me, is at the top of that list.”

DSA-LA members are happy to call out more centrist Hollywood labor groups. They will tell you that SAG-AFTRA — a body that, as DSA partisans are quick to remind you, once elected as its president Ronald Reagan — is captive to ladder-pulling stars who pay far too little of their income in dues. They view industry diversity initiatives as important but rather empty gestures when entry-level pay has remained paltry over decades, even as student loan debt and rents soar, creating a higher entry barrier for those with less access to family wealth. To them, Netflix shouldn’t be sainted for its $100 million announced investment in Black community financial institutions in 2020, at least so long as CEO Reed Hastings is still a financial backer and fervent promoter of the charter school movement, which some DSA members consider a capitalist hijacking of public education.

The group, which tends to reference the byword “dignity” in conversation, appeals to those breaking in who are increasingly vocal against workplace harassment, bullying and other forms of exploitation and who believe change should have happened years ago and are no longer willing to accept the status quo as the price of admission. “I’ve met people who were covering three desks and never had a moment to go to the bathroom; at bar after bar you hear from people who go, ‘Yeah, my job makes me want to kill myself. But maybe someday I’ll be a big producer,’ ” says member Noah Suarez-Sikes, who has worked as a producer’s assistant and is currently writing a pilot about Ayn Rand’s time in the entertainment business. (He wielded a bullhorn at the Chateau protest.) “It was very shocking to me that people had normalized the degree to which they were disrespected and being taken advantage of for their labor, and it just doesn’t have to be this way.”

While DSA-LA members see its agenda as part of a wave of equity-focused movements (including #MeToo, Black Lives Matter and #PayUpHollywood), the organization takes a wide-net approach. In the process, the group is wrestling with how to advance its causes while building its hoped-for solidarity in a business where folks inhabit roles as divergent — and differently compensated — as showrunner and PA. “The goal with DSA isn’t to create a class war, the goal is to create a dialogue and conversation with not only those that are below the line but also those above the line,” says postproduction supervisor and chapter member Albert Andrade.

Konstantine Anthony, a member who was elected to the Burbank City Council in 2020, spent several years working a union job at Universal Studios’ House of Horrors haunted maze as a werewolf before turning to stand-in gigs on sitcoms like New Girl and Parks and Recreation. He sees DSA as a perpetual outsider best able to agitate at the margins while other activist entities, like Time’s Up, strike deals or compromise in hopes of getting their way. “DSA stands with their flag post on the other side, saying, ‘No, we can go farther,’ continuing to instigate, in the good sense of the word. Fighting for a little bit more,” he says.

“I think there’s a lot of people that are like, ‘I want to buy a house in the Palisades — don’t yell at me.’ No one’s stopping you,” assures writer-producer Nick Adams (BoJack Horseman, Black-ish). “If you’re buying five houses, maybe we want to talk to you …”

***

The latest iteration of DSA’s L.A. chapter began in 2010, but remained a somewhat sleepy local until Sanders’ 2016 presidential campaign brought brand recognition to socialism (in 2015, the local chapter had 270 members; by 2017, that number shot to 800 and now there are 5,500 members). Some on the left who reacted to the Trump regime not as a freak aberration but instead a manifestation of entrenched issues have increasingly turned to DSA as a vehicle for change. The same contingent views the blue-wave Biden era as a potential sleepwalk toward calamity if the left grows too complacent.

The Hollywood Labor subcommittee has since found itself involved in several actions, from efforts to end Hollywood’s ties to the police to the Chateau boycott. The pandemic was its own radicalizing force, as industry workers lost their jobs and protests for racial justice swept the country. DSA-LA says it started 2020 with about 1,700 members and over the course of the year brought on thousands more. “It’s been a clarifying moment where a lot of people can see these institutional problems come to light,” Davarpanah says of COVID-19.

The chapter’s rise indicates just how far Hollywood has come from the red-baiting Blacklist era, which infamously drove many on the left underground. “The socialists can come in now without the taint of historical communism,” explains Brandeis professor Thomas Doherty, author of the Blacklist history Show Trial. “They can allege that they are for a purer vision of economic opportunity and redistribution. … Socialism’s not the dirty word it was in 1955.”

Still, today’s DSA members bear some similarities to the industry’s leftists of earlier eras. Nearly a century ago, says film historian and Tender Comrades co-author Patrick McGilligan, Hollywood knowledge workers like readers and story editors formed the “militant factions” of that era’s intellectual leftism. “They were overworked and underpaid,” he says, adding, “In these fields, you get the very educated, who understand the contradictions of their own environment.” Today, Hollywood Labor’s big tent includes a spectrum of ideologies, from anarcho-communist to progressive Democrat. The backgrounds of members vary, too: working- and middle-class, with conservative, liberal and mainly moderate political family upbringings.

Some say they are very outspoken about being a socialist, while those starting out in their careers tend to be cautious. Certain members are well versed in Marx; one casually quotes Fred Hampton. Others are more issue-driven.

“Have I read a lot of socialist theory? No,” says Big Mouth and Sunnyside actor and comedian Joel Kim Booster, who came into the fold after supporting Sanders. “I believe we should house the unhoused. I believe we should have universal health care.”

***

DSA-LA isn’t just riding a favorable political wave. Its community-organizing outreach includes launching a series of get-togethers that it has branded Champagne Socialism, a take on the industry’s ubiquitous networking drinks: “You come and talk about your challenges at work. Your production company that doesn’t have an HR department. That you’ve been promised opportunities instead of pay. The lies you’ve been told,” explains Helen Silverstein, a member who’s a script doctor and a writers assistant at 96 Next, a mixed-media and interactive studio. In March, the group helped organize an “Anticapitalism for Artists” event that featured a talk by Sorry to Bother You director Boots Riley, workshops and community discussions. Also during lockdown, Hollywood Labor launched The Redlist, a socialist answer to Franklin Leonard’s The Black List that foregrounds scripts that “promote left-wing narratives in entertainment, and … highlight the experiences of the poor, the disenfranchised and the oppressed.” (Members point to Snowpiercer and Us as model Redlist films.) Now the group is planning a rollout of its own cheeky renditions of that L.A. standby, Star Maps. These will be introductory guides to workers who are new to the industry that may detail local labor laws and explain “meetings” culture. “Hollywood Labor’s goal is to bring more workers over to our socialist program — socially,” explains Daniel Dominguez, an organizer for health care unions and a DSA chapter member.

Adam Ruins Everything star Adam Conover, who is not a DSA-LA member but is supportive of the group, says that he sees “DSA-LA, and especially their Hollywood Labor committee, as part of the overall political awakening of Hollywood labor,” noting that the group’s “most important” ongoing work is as an organizing entity that can prod the industry’s many and often divergent entertainment unions.


An April 2021 rally in support of Donut Friend workers’ unionizing efforts.
COURTESY OF DSA LA

DSA-LA members want to unionize video game and VFX workers, whose fields largely haven’t been organized. The group also encourages members already in unions to become more involved, run as delegates and push more aggressive organizing and reforms. Some believe that unions should take a long view and advocate politically for single-payer health care so that, if such a system were implemented, they could cease bargaining for health benefits and focus on quality-of-life improvements. Those familiar with SAG-AFTRA add that they want top-earning actors to pay more dues.

Recently, DSA-LA union members participated in efforts to separate the union federation AFL-CIO, which represents Hollywood unions, from a police union under its umbrella (they have not yet succeeded). If DSA-LA organizers do ever gain meaningful power in the industry and its unions, “they’ll work to divest from things like police unions,” says writer, actor and DSA-LA member Sarah Sherman (Magic for Humans). Ridding cops from on-set production work — where they enforce shoot perimeters and direct traffic — has become a rallying cry. Group members also joined Black Lives Matter’s protests against former L.A. County District Attorney Jackie Lacey, who lost her election to progressive reformer George Gascón last year.


The Nov. 7, 2020, Rally and March to Defend Each Other & Demand Democracy. “In a country and in a city with crushing, devastating income inequality, it’s no longer ‘left-wing’ to demand living wages, universal health care and rent control,” says Democratic Socialist and The Big Short director Adam McKay. COURTESY OF DSA LA

Adam West, a longtime costumer, union representative and DSA chapter member, says they want entertainment industry workers to remember that “the power rests in the membership of the unions — not in the elected leaders, not in the hired representatives, not in the overall international structure.”

Another popular talking point for members: how Hollywood’s much-touted diversity efforts ring hollow when early-career industry salaries remain so low, a point IATSE members (and particularly those in Local 871, which represents writers assistants and script coordinators and has members in DSA-LA) are also making with their #IALivingWage campaign. “So many of those studio and agency jobs require having parents who can pay your rent while you do that job,” says writer and producer Mitra Jouhari (Big Mouth, Three Busy Debras). “If you don’t have that luxury, you can’t do that job.” Sherman adds that “the landscape has become so much more precarious” than it was decades ago, when today’s upper-management echelon entered the business. “The student debt is 20 million times worse,” she says of the more than 100 percent increase since a decade ago. “These people need to be paid [better]. There needs to be a $25 minimum wage. I don’t know what these old farts’ memory is of when they were young, but it’s not the same.”

***

Since it began four years ago, Hollywood Labor has offered a gateway for industry workers to get involved in local issues, and for those looking to branch out, DSA-LA has committees dedicated to electoral politics, health care justice, climate justice, housing and homelessness, and a number of other areas. That DSA-LA is not myopically focused on Hollywood itself, and shows industry workers they can repurpose their professional skills for the benefit of a larger community, can be a draw. “With DSA, there were all these conversations of being in L.A. that were not just about networking,” says Hollywood Labor leadership board member and screenwriter Alex Wolinetz. “They cared about local issues.” Andrade, an L.A. native, says he’s used his postproduction supervising skills to aid the chapter’s Neighborhood Council group, which runs DSA members as candidates in neighborhood council elections, which has been “really the most satisfying thing I’ve ever done in my life.”

Indeed, though its national organization is not a political party, DSA-LA puts an emphasis on running candidates in local elections to further realize its goals. Anthony was elected as a Democrat to the Burbank City Council with a platform focused on housing justice and infrastructure, among other issues. DSA-LA member and former Time’s Up Entertainment executive director Raman’s victorious, homelessness-focused 2020 campaign for City Council was a “touch point” for many in the chapter, says Dominguez. (Raman, whose husband is Modern Family executive producer Vali Chandrasekaran, is facing an incipient recall effort from some who are discontented with her approach to the unhoused and also her ties to DSA-LA.) Adams recalls seeing Raman at an event early in her campaign and thinking, “This is exactly why I joined [DSA-LA].” He adds, “It’s hard for me to see the school system, the homelessness, the traffic, the air quality, the inequality. That’s where I try to focus my energy because I feel like it’s doable. Having a more progressive L.A. City Council is doable.”

This local work occasionally intersects with L.A.’s network of lefty grassroots organizations such as KTown for All and Ground Game LA. The “NOlympics” campaign to raise awareness about the Games exacerbating displacement, among other concerns, and to build community opposition to the 2028 Los Angeles Olympic Games began in DSA-LA’s Housing and Homelessness committee, and now more than two dozen organizations, including Black Lives Matter, have joined the effort.

DSA-LA organizers who work in the industry say they want to push the entertainment business — and its unions — to start weighing in more on local politics. “I want to get people in Hollywood more involved in the issues of the community, because Hollywood is very insular,” says Suarez-Sikes. “And to the point that it’s often very removed from Los Angeles, but in reality, it all interacts, it all intersects.” Mary Tyler Moore Show actor Ed Asner, a longtime DSA member who once served as president of SAG-AFTRA, notes, “If you can’t liberalize the politics at home, you’ll never do it at a distance.”

Some members say DSA needs to focus on efforts specifically for communities of color and making inroads with more working-class people in Hollywood, and not just “lofty lefty educated writer types,” in the words of Adams. Asner says, “I would like to see the [group] spreading more widely than it is. I’m unimpressed with the numbers” of DSA-LA’s growth.

Doherty contends that DSA-LA’s Hollywood union efforts present “a classic wedge point” in American organized labor, exposing a tension between blue-collar lifers and younger activists who want revolutionary change. Suarez-Sikes acknowledges that, even within DSA itself, “internal cohesion” can be a challenge: The group “sometimes has trouble activating its members in the way that smaller, but less inclusive, organizations are able to,” he says. Colorist and editor Sean Broadbent adds that the group needs to prepare for critics to portray their work as divisive: “The challenge is really to stay rooted with each other and with the people that we hope to organize so that we’re not seeding the ground for the counterrevolution,” he says with a laugh.

And for some, there’s a wariness of co-option by the market forces it’s rebelling against. “DSA will have to guard against becoming a [business] networking organization” as it grows, warns member Robert Funke, creator of On Becoming a God in Central Florida. “They will have to impart class solidarity into an industry that disincentivizes it at all levels and in all areas.”

Additional reporting by Kirsten Chuba.

This story first appeared in the July 16 issue of The Hollywood Reporter magazine. 
Capitalists Exploit Workers — Even When They’re “Socialists”
JACOBIN
05.30.2021

After the “socialist”-branded No Evil Foods busted its workers’ union last year, the company settled with two former employees for $40,000. But those workers still aren’t satisfied — and the private-equity backed company is as fiercely opposed to worker organizing as ever.


Cofounders of No Evil Foods Sadrah Schadel and Mike Woliansky. 
(Source: No Evil Foods via WRAL TechWire)

After No Evil Foods settled with Jon Reynolds and Cortne Roche, the money went quickly.

The two workers say that the socialist-branded, vegan food producer fired them last year for organizing on the job. They filed a complaint with the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB), alleging illegal retaliation, and in September of 2020, the board found the allegations had merit, issuing a federal complaint against the company for its violations of the law.

In October 2020, Reynolds and Roche settled with No Evil rather than take the company to court. The terms of the settlement are that neither Reynolds nor Roche can return to the company, no one admits fault, and No Evil pays $20,000 to Reynolds and $22,500 to Roche.

“It didn’t last very long,” says Roche of the payment. “I had to buy a car, I had to pay rent.”


When I spoke to Reynolds and Roche last year, not long after No Evil had fired them both, they were adamant that, while the company claimed it had let them go for social-distancing violations and dress-code violations, respectively, their termination in fact constituted illegal retaliation for organizing. They have not wavered in that belief.

“What, they paid us over $40,000 because they’re just handing out money now?” jokes Reynolds. The situation still smarts, they explain, because the company continues to deny it broke the law or busted the union. (No Evil did not respond to a request for comment.)

Workers at No Evil sought to organize the company’s Weaverville, North Carolina, facility with the United Food and Commercial Workers (UFCW). In response, No Evil ran an anti-union campaign, with workers at the production plant subjected to captive-audience meetings, mandatory sessions in which employees listen to managers argue why they should oppose the union. No Evil employees said that the meetings lasted hours and took place as frequently as three times a week in the lead-up to the February union election. The result was a 43-15 vote against unionizing.


A company that describes itself as “revolutionary” engaging in union-busting is galling. No Evil sells items with names like “Comrade Cluck” (a vegan chicken product) and “El Zapatista” (a vegan chorizo product), so its opposition to unions surprised and outraged workers, including Reynolds and Roche. Reynolds, after all, is vegan himself, and he moved to the state to build a career at No Evil, a company he believed shared his values.


In the aftermath of the settlement, the argument has continued: No Evil still publicly denies that it did anything wrong, leading Reynolds and Roche, among others, to continue discussing the events of last year.

“No one was fired for their interest in unions or hazard pay,” reads a recent reply posted by No Evil’s Twitter account. “The NLRB cannot determine whether allegations are true without a hearing where witness and evidence are presented. No such hearing happened,” reads another tweet.

In an interview with VegNews last August, shortly before the NLRB found merit in the workers’ claims, No Evil founders Sadrah Schadel and Mike Woliansky say, “Everyone makes mistakes. Learning from them is essential. Striving to do better is what ‘No Evil’ is all about.”

No Evil has gone to unusual lengths to keep these workers’ claims quiet. The company got audio and video of captive-audience meetings removed from websites and podcasts by filing takedown requests on copyright and privacy grounds. The recordings were captured by workers present at the meetings and, as an attorney with the Electronic Frontier Foundation (EFF) wrote in a letter to No Evil last October, the company’s takedown notices appear to be “motivated not by genuine concern” for copyright but rather by a “desire to shut down criticism.” Workers say that after EFF warned the company against continuing to abuse copyright law, No Evil toned down its efforts to drown out criticism on social media and ceased issuing takedown requests.

When asked how they feel about their decision to settle rather than going to trial, Reynolds and Roche are ambivalent.

“I have mixed feelings, because that’s their argument now: that it never went to court and they were never proven guilty of any wrongdoing,” says Reynolds. Roche agrees, noting that the decision was not made because they felt they would lose a trial — both say there is strong evidence of retaliation and believe they would’ve won — but because the process is both time- and resource-intensive. (After leaving No Evil, both workers moved on to other low-wage jobs, though Roche is currently unemployed after a stint first at Whole Foods, where she was a temporary hire, and then Chipotle, where she says the $11-an-hour pay couldn’t justify the time and money spent on the commute.)

For workers experiencing employer retaliation, Roches advises they take their bosses to trial. “Even if you lose, it’s still an experience that very few people get to have, which is a company being put on trial for violating workers’ rights. That doesn’t happen very often,” she says.

In the VegNews interview, No Evil’s founders also accuse workers like Reynolds and Roche of encouraging others to “endanger their lives and the safety of their young children.”

“It’s crazy, because none of it’s true,” says Meagan Sullivan, who quit her job at No Evil in June 2020. Of the founders’ description of a “campaign of harassment and extortion” by former No Evil workers like herself — who are described as union “operatives” — Sullivan says, “We’re just telling people what happened in our own experience working for the company.”

As for what the future holds for No Evil, workers describe the plant’s rapid transformation, with the installation of new machines and a reorganization of production. The company is backed by venture-capital firm Blue Horizon and is quickly expanding. No Evil products are now available in more than five thousand stores nationwide, including Walmart.


“My speculation is that they plan to sell the company in a few years,” says Sullivan. This is part of the reason the union drive happened when it did, she explains. “I worry about the people who work there, because now it’s up in the air, and they don’t have any control over it.”

While Reynolds, Roche, and Sullivan are long gone from the company, instability remains.

“When anybody sticks up for themselves, they get fired,” says Jordon Hoffman, who worked as a production tech at No Evil until last month, when he quit. Hoffman believes three people were fired the day he quit, and that firings are a frequent occurrence. Even some of the managers who led the company’s anti-union campaign have since been fired.

“Imagine I was a totally different person, and I’d said, ‘I’m going to stick by management, I want to be a company man,’” says Reynolds of the termination of No Evil’s most loyal employees. “I’d have still gotten screwed over. They don’t have loyalty to anything except the bottom line and their investors. That speaks volumes about what kind of a company this is, and about how it would go with any other company, too. Loyalty doesn’t pay off to a company that busts unions.”

Or, as Hoffman bluntly puts it, “They really don’t give a fuck about us.


ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Alex N. Press is a staff writer at Jacobin. Her writing has appeared in the Washington Post, Vox, the Nation, and n+1, among other places.

  

Socialism 101

    Planet Money
 

Socialism and capitalism.

chokkicx/Getty Images

Socialism. For many, particularly in the United States, the word evokes some pretty dark images. Dictators. The Cold War.

But socialism started as an attempt to improve on capitalism. And, by the way, capitalism was really a reaction and criticism of feudalism. Back when society was divided into kings and peasants.

Whether you support socialism or staunchly oppose it, there's no debate it's a major economic theory in the world. And the U.S. does have some socilaist policies already, think police departments, public schools, medicare — those are all a little socialist. And while we at Planet Money have talked about socialism in certain aspects, we haven't done The Socialism Episode.

Today on the show: Socialism 101. How it started, what versions exist today, and where it goes from here.

Music: "We Don't Care," "Don't Look Down," and "Get And Give It."