Saturday, September 04, 2021

IUCN RED LIST
New project to track endangered species coming back from brink



Issued on: 04/09/2021
The Green status suggests the California condor would have gone extinct in the wild without conservation 
DAVID MCNEW Getty Images North America/Getty Images/AFP/File


Marseille (AFP)

After decades of recording alarming declines in animals and plants, conservation experts have taken a more proactive approach, with a new "Green Status" launched on Saturday, billed as the first global measurement for tracking species recovery.

Since 1964, the International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN) has assessed some 138,000 species for its Red List of Threatened Species, a powerful tool to highlight the plight of wildlife facing extinction.

Some 28 percent are currently at risk of vanishing forever.

Its new Green Status will act as a companion to this survival watchlist, looking at the extent to which species are depleted or restored compared to their historical population levels.

The initiative aims "to measure species recoveries in a standardised way, which has never been done before", Green Status co-chair Molly Grace told a news conference Saturday during the IUCN congress in Marseille.

But it also looks to "incentivise conservation action", with evaluations of how well past preservation efforts have worked, as well as projections for how effective future ones will be.

It was born of a realisation that "preventing extinction alone is not enough", said Grace, a professor at the University of Oxford.

The burrowing bettong now exists in just 5 percent of its indigenous range 
TORSTEN BLACKWOOD AFP/File

Beyond the first step of stopping a species from disappearing entirely, "once it's out of danger, what does recovery look like?"

Efforts to halt extensive declines in numbers and diversity of animals and plants have largely failed to stop losses in the face of rampant habitat destruction, overexploitation and illegal wildlife trade.

In 2019 the UN's biodiversity experts warned that a million species were nearing extinction.

- 'Invisible' work -

The Green status of over 180 species have been assessed so far, although the IUCN hopes to one day to match the tens of thousands on the Red List.

They are classified on a sliding scale: from "fully recovered" through "slightly depleted", "moderately depleted", "largely depleted" and "critically depleted".

When all else has failed, the final listing is "extinct in the wild".

While these categories mirror the Red List rankings, "they're not simply a Red List in reverse", said Grace.

She gave the example of a pocket-sized Australian marsupial, the burrowing bettong, whose numbers have plummeted and which now exists in just five percent of its indigenous range.

Successful conservation efforts have seen populations stabilise, with a Red List rating improving from endangered to near threatened in recent decades.

But Grace said the Green Status assessment underscores that the species is not out of the woods, with a listing of critically depleted that suggests: "We have a long way to go before we recover this species."

The listing also incorporates an assessment of what would have happened if nothing had been done to save a given species.

The California condor, for example, has been classified as critically endangered for three decades, despite major investment in its preservation.

"Some people might think: 'We've been trying to conserve the condor for 30 years, its red list status has been critically endangered for all those 30 years, what is conservation actually doing for this species?'" said Grace.

But she said her team's evaluation of what would have happened without these protection efforts found that it would have gone extinct in the wild.

"What this does is it makes the invisible work of conservation visible. And this is hopefully going to be really powerful in incentivising and justifying the amazing work that conservationists do," said Grace.

© 2021 AFP

Komodo dragon, 2-in-5 shark species lurch towards extinction


Issued on: 04/09/2021 - 
At least 30 percent of the Komodo dragon's habitat is projected to be l
ost in the next 45 years
 Romeo GACAD AFP/File

Marseille (AFP)

Trapped on island habitats made smaller by rising seas, Indonesia's Komodo dragons were listed as "endangered" on Saturday, in an update of the wildlife Red List that also warned overfishing threatens nearly two-in-five sharks with extinction.

About 28 percent of the 138,000 species assessed by the International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN) are now at risk of vanishing in the wild forever, as the destructive impact of human activity on the natural world deepens.

But the latest update of the Red List for Threatened Species also highlights the potential for restoration, with four commercially-fished tuna species pulling back from a slide towards extinction after a decade of efforts to curb over-exploitation.

The most spectacular recovery was seen in Atlantic bluefin tuna, which leapt from "endangered" across three categories to the safe zone of "least concern".

The species -- a mainstay of high-end sushi in Japan -- was last assessed in 2011.

"This shows that conservation works -- when we do the right thing, a species can increase," said Jane Smart, global director of IUCN's Biodiversity Conservation Group.

"But we must remain vigilant. This doesn't mean we can have a free-for-all of fishing for these tuna species."

- 'Clarion call' -

A key message from the IUCN Congress, taking place in the French city of Marseille, is that disappearing species and the destruction of ecosystems are existential threats on a par with global warming.

And climate change itself is threatening the futures of many species, particularly endemic animals and plants that live on small islands or in certain biodiversity hotspots.

Komodo dragons -- the largest living lizards -- are found only in the World Heritage-listed Komodo National Park and neighbouring Flores.

The species "is increasingly threatened by the impacts of climate change" said the IUCN: rising sea levels are expected to shrink its tiny habitat at least 30 percent over the next 45 years.

Nowhere to run: Komodo dragons have a limited habitat 
JUNI KRISWANTO AFP/File

Outside of protected areas, the fearsome throwbacks are also rapidly losing ground as humanity's footprint expands.

"The idea that these prehistoric animals have moved one step closer to extinction due in part to climate change is terrifying," said Andrew Terry, Conservation Director at the Zoological Society of London.

Their decline is a "clarion call for nature to be placed at the heart of all decision making" at crunch UN climate talks in Glasgow, he added.

- 'An alarming rate' -

The most comprehensive survey of sharks and rays ever undertaken, meanwhile, revealed that 37 percent of 1,200 species evaluated are now classified as directly threatened with extinction, falling into one of three categories: "vulnerable", "endangered" or "critically endangered".

That's a third more species at risk than only seven years ago, said Simon Fraser University Professor Nicholas Dulvy, lead author of a study published on Monday underpinning the Red List assessment.

"The conservation status of the group as a whole continues to deteriorate, and overall risk of extinction is rising at an alarming rate," he told AFP.

The Earth's mass extinctions Alain BOMMENEL AFP

Five species of sawfish -- whose serrated snouts get tangled in cast off fishing gear -- and the iconic shortfin mako shark are among those most threatened.

Chondrichthyan fish, a group made up mainly of sharks and rays, "are important to ecosystems, economies and cultures," Sonja Fordham, president of Shark Advocates International and co-author of the upcoming study, told AFP.

"By not sufficiently limiting catch, we're jeopardising ocean health and squandering opportunities for sustainable fishing, tourism, traditions and food security in the long term."

A shortfin mako shark being fished for sport in The United States in 2017
 Maddie Meyer GETTY IMAGES NORTH AMERICA/AFP/File

The Food and Agriculture Organization reports some 800,000 tonnes of sharks caught -- intentionally or opportunistically -- each year, but research suggests the true figure is two to four times greater.

- Conservation tracker -


The IUCN on Saturday also officially launched its "green status" -- the first global standard for assessing species recovery and measuring conservation impacts.

While Atlantic Bluefin tuna has seen a dramatic recovery, Pacific Bluefin continues to be critically endangered
 Pau BARRENA AFP/File

"It makes the invisible work of conservation visible," Molly Grace, a professor at the University of Oxford and Green Status co-chair, told a press conference on Saturday.

Efforts to halt extensive declines in numbers and diversity of animals and plants have largely failed.

In 2019 the UN's biodiversity experts warned that a million species are on the brink of extinction -- raising the spectre that the planet is on the verge of its sixth mass extinction event in 500 million years.

The IUCN Congress is widely seen as a testing ground for a UN treaty -- to be finalised at a summit in Kunming, China next May -- to save nature.

"We would like to see that plan call for the halt to biodiversity loss by 2030," said Smart.

A cornerstone of the new global deal could be setting aside 30 percent of Earth's land and oceans as protected areas, she added.

© 2021 AFP


Nearly 30% of 138,000 assessed species face extinction, says IUCN report


Issued on: 04/09/2021 -

Text by: FRANCE 24Follow|

Video by: Valérie DEKIMPE


Nearly 30 percent of the 138,374 species assessed by the International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN) for its survival watchlist are now at risk of vanishing in the wild forever, as the destructive impact of human activity on the natural world deepens.

Trapped on island habitats made smaller by rising seas, Indonesia's Komodo dragons were listed as "endangered" on Saturday, in an update of the wildlife Red List that also warned overfishing threatens nearly two-in-five sharks with extinction.

But the latest update of the Red List for Threatened Species also highlights the potential for restoration, with four commercially fished tuna species pulling back from a slide towards extinction after a decade of efforts to curb overexploitation.

The most spectacular recovery was seen in the Atlantic bluefin tuna, which leapt from "endangered" across three categories to the safe zone of "least concern".

The species - a mainstay of high-end sushi in Japan - was last assessed in 2011.


"These Red List assessments demonstrate just how closely our lives and livelihoods are intertwined with biodiversity," IUCN Director General Bruno Oberle said in a statement.

'Clarion call'

A key message from the IUCN Congress, taking place in the French city of Marseille, is that disappearing species and the destruction of ecosystems are no less existential threats than global warming.

At the same time, climate change itself is casting a darker shadow than ever before on the futures of many species, particularly endemic animals and plants that live uniquely on small islands or in certain biodiversity hotspots.

Komodo dragons -- the world's largest living lizards -- are found only in the World Heritage-listed Komodo National Park and neighbouring Flores.

The species "is increasingly threatened by the impacts of climate change" said the IUCN: rising sea levels are expected to shrink its tiny habitat at least 30 percent over the next 45 years.

Outside of protected areas, the fearsome throwbacks are also rapidly losing ground as humanity's footprint expands.

"The idea that these prehistoric animals have moved one step closer to extinction due in part to climate change is terrifying," said Andrew Terry, Conservation Director at the Zoological Society of London.

Their decline is a "clarion call for nature to be placed at the heart of all decision making" at crunch UN climate talks in Glasgow, he added.

'An alarming rate'


The most comprehensive survey of sharks and rays ever undertaken, meanwhile, revealed that 37 percent of 1,200 species evaluated are now classified as directly threatened with extinction, falling into one of three categories: "vulnerable," "endangered," or "critically endangered".

That's a third more species at risk than only seven years ago, said Simon Fraser University Professor Nicholas Dulvy, lead author of a study published on Monday underpinning the Red List assessment.

"The conservation status of the group as a whole continues to deteriorate, and overall risk of extinction is rising at an alarming rate," he told AFP.

Five species of sawfish - whose serated snouts get tangled in cast off fishing gear - and the iconic shortfin mako shark are among those most threatened.

Chondrichthyan fish, a group made up mainly of sharks and rays, "are important to ecosystems, economies and cultures," Sonja Fordham, president of Shark Advocates International and co-author of the upcoming study, told AFP.

"By not sufficiently limiting catch, we're jeopardising ocean health and squandering opportunities for sustainable fishing, tourism, traditions and food security in the long term."

The Food and Agriculture Organization reports some 800,000 tonnes of sharks caught -- intentionally or opportunistically -- each year, but research suggests the true figure is two to four times greater.

Conservation tracker

The IUCN on Saturday also officially launched its "green status" -- the first global standard for assessing species recovery and measuring conservation impacts.

"It makes the invisible work of conservation visible," Molly Grace, a professor at the University of Oxford and Green Status co-chair, said at a press conference on Saturday.

The new yardstick measures the extent to which species are depleted or recovered compared to their historical population levels, and assesses the effectiveness of past and potential future conservation actions.

Efforts to halt extensive declines in numbers and diversity of animals and plants have largely failed.

In 2019 the UN's biodiversity experts warned that a million species are on the brink of extinction - raising the spectre that the planet is on the verge of its sixth mass extinction event in 500 million years.

"The red list status shows that we're on the cusp of the sixth extinction event," the IUCN's Head of Red List Unit Craig Hilton-Taylor told AFP.

"If the trends carry on going upward at that rate, we'll be facing a major crisis soon."

(FRANCE 24 with AFP)

WHY SOME SCIENTISTS THINK CONSCIOUSNESS PERSISTS AFTER DEATH

We should not assume that pepole who are near death do not know what we are saying

Electrocardiogram in hospital surgery operating emergency room showing patient heart rate with blur team of surgeons background

 SEPTEMBER 3, 2021

Electrocardiogram in hospital surgery operating emergency room showing patient heart rate with blur team of surgeons background

A very significant change that happened in the last century or so has been the ability of science professionals to see what happens when people are thinking, especially under traumatic conditions.

It was not a good moment for materialist theories. Here is one finding (there are many others): Death is a process, usually, not simply an event.

Consciousness can persists after clinical death. A more accurate way of putting things might be that the brain is able to host consciousness for a short period after clinical death. Some notes on recent findings:

The short answer is, probably, yes:

Recent studies have shown that animals experience a surge in brain activity in the minutes after death. And people in the first phase of death may still experience some form of consciousness, [Sam] Parnia said. Substantial anecdotal evidence reveals that people whose hearts stopped and then restarted were able to describe accurate, verified accounts of what was going on around them, he added.

“They’ll describe watching doctors and nurses working; they’ll describe having awareness of full conversations, of visual things that were going on, that would otherwise not be known to them,” he explained. According to Parnia, these recollections were then verified by medical and nursing staff who were present at the time and were stunned to hear that their patients, who were technically dead, could remember all those details.

AT LIVESCIENCE (OCTOBER 4, 2017)

Death is probably, in most cases, a process rather than a single event:

Time of death is considered when a person has gone into cardiac arrest. This is the cessation of the electrical impulse that drive the heartbeat. As a result, the heart locks up. The moment the heart stops is considered time of death. But does death overtake our mind immediately afterward or does it slowly creep in?

Some scientists have studied near death experiences (NDEs) to try to gain insights into how death overcomes the brain. What they’ve found is remarkable, a surge of electricity enters the brain moments before brain death. One 2013 study out of the University of Michigan, which examined electrical signals inside the heads of rats, found they entered a hyper-alert state just before death.

PHILIP PERRY, “AFTER DEATH, YOU’RE AWARE THAT YOU’VE DIED, SAY SCIENTISTS” AT BIGTHINK (OCTOBER 24, 2017)

Despite claims, current science does not do a very good job of explaining human experience just before death:

Researchers have also explained near-death experiences via cerebral anoxia, a lack of oxygen to the brain. One researcher found air pilots who experienced unconsciousness during rapid acceleration described near-death experience-like features, such as tunnel vision. Lack of oxygen may also trigger temporal lobe seizures which causes hallucinations. These may be similar to a near-death experience.

But the most widespread explanation for near-death experiences is the dying brain hypothesis. This theory proposes that near-death experiences are hallucinations caused by activity in the brain as cells begin to die. As these occur during times of crisis, this would explain the stories survivors recount. The problem with this theory, though plausible, is that it fails to explain the full range of features that may occur during near-death experiences, such as why people have out-of-body experiences.

NEAL DAGNALL AND KEN DRINKWATER, “ARE NEAR-DEATH EXPERIENCES HALLUCINATIONS? EXPERTS EXPLAIN THE SCIENCE BEHIND THIS PUZZLING PHENOMENON” AT THE CONVERSATION (DECEMBER 4, 2018)

Such explanations are a classic case of adapting a materialist hypothesis to fit whatever has happened. They don’t explain, for example, terminal lucidity, where many people suddenly gain clarity about life.

Research medic Sam Parnia found, for example, that, of 2000 patients with cardiac arrest,

Some died during the process. But of those who survived, up to 40 percent had a perception of having some form of awareness during the time when they were in a state of cardiac arrest. Yet they weren’t able to specify more details.

CATHY CASSATA, “WE MAY STILL BE CONSCIOUS AFTER WE DIE” AT HEALTHLINE (SEPTEMBER 24, 2018) THE PAPER REQUIRES A SUBSCRIPTION.

So we should not assume that people who are on the way out cannot understand us. Maybe they can — and would like to hear that they are still loved and will be missed.

You may also wish to read: Do people suddenly gain clarity about life just before dying?

 New Brunswick

Province leaves bargaining table as strike votes loom for thousands of public-sector workers

Higgs says CUPE 'chose not to' have meaningful discussion, CUPE says province 'refused' to respond to proposal

CUPE New Brunswick president Steve Drost, seen with dozens of bargaining team members. By next week, more than 22,000 workers from 10 locals of the Canadian Union of Public Employees expect to hold strike votes. (Jacques Poitras/CBC News)
Crunch time is approaching for Premier Blaine Higgs and his relationship with public-sector unions in New Brunswick.

By next week, more than 22,000 workers from 10 locals of the Canadian Union of Public Employees expect to hold strike votes.

And if deals aren't signed, they could be walking off the job before the end of September.

"It would have quite a serious impact on the province. It would basically, after a number of days, shut the province down," said CUPE New Brunswick president Steve Drost.

"If these groups decide to pull their services … it would have quite a detrimental impact on the province."

Workers in 10 locals without contracts

The 10 union locals include workers in the health care, education, transportation and agricultural sectors, as well as social workers, jail guards, court stenographers, and staff at Worksafe NB, the New Brunswick Community Colleges and N.B. Liquor.

All have been without contracts since between 2016 and 2019.

"These workers never wanted to take strike action, but they feel they've been backed into a corner," Drost said.

Earlier this year, CUPE gave the province 100 days to reach agreements. That deadline expires Sept. 7.

Union and government bargaining teams have been in separate meeting rooms in a Fredericton hotel since Tuesday, passing proposals back and forth.

On Friday morning, the province left the bargaining table, CUPE said in an email to reporters.

The union said government negotiators "refused to respond" to a proposal it delivered Thursday night and did not want to negotiate unless CUPE agreed to concessions.

In a statement, Higgs said CUPE had refused to budge from a demand for five-per-cent annual wage increases over four years "and was planning strike votes for next week while we were at the table this week.

"The union had the opportunity to engage in meaningful negotiations but chose not to on all subjects, which is very disappointing," he said.

Higgs said the union's demand would have cost $158 million, while the province's latest counter-offer would have cost $71 million.

Premier Blaine Higgs has said wage restraint was necessary because COVID-19 pushed the province into a precarious financial position. (Jon Collicott/CBC)

Pandemic put pressure on finances: Higgs

Last December, Higgs said he would ask public-sector unions to agree to four-year contracts with no wage increase in one year and one-per-cent wage increases in each of the three remaining years.

He said wage restraint was necessary because COVID-19 had pushed the province into a precarious financial position.

This year's provincial budget projected a deficit of $244.8 million. The government had planned to release its first-quarter financial update on Thursday but that was later postponed.

Drost said years of wage increases below the pace of the cost of living have forced many public employees to take on second jobs or leave their jobs altogether. Others can't keep up with rents that are rising far faster than their salaries, he said.

Centralized wage negotiation process requested

In August, Higgs asked the CUPE locals to agree to a centralized wage negotiation process. All 10 locals are in talks with provincial negotiators to try to reach a single wage template for all their collective agreements.

If that happens, they'd then finalize the other non-wage terms of each contract individually.

Drost said last week the province proposed a new six-year wage package with one-per-cent increases in each of the first four years followed by two-per-cent increases in the fifth and sixth years.

He said that was "quite an insult" because it was identical to the package recently rejected by the New Brunswick Nurses Union.

Higgs said Friday that the province had made a new offer of annual increases of 1.25 per cent over four years and then two per cent in the fifth and sixth years.

But in return he wanted CUPE to agree to concessions, including converting members' pensions to the shared-risk model used elsewhere in the civil service and transferring about 100 union members to management positions.

The statement also said the province offered an extra 2.5 per cent wage increase if members agreed to give up a retirement allowance that now exists.

The premier's statement says contingency plans are in place if union locals opt to strike.

WORKERS COOPERATIVE

A Tea Garden Run By Its Workers: What Was and What Could Have Been


The story of the Sonali tea estate in the Dooars of north Bengal is a sobering reminder of the capacities of labour power and the forces forever plotting to destroy it.


The Sonali tea estate in the Dooars of north Bengal. Photo: Rupam Deb


Rupam Deb

September 4, 2021, marks the 47th anniversary of a possibility that was squandered. In a nondescript corner of North Bengal, abandoned tea workers proved that an alternative future was possible. This is the story of a certain past that still holds the key to the present.

It has been pieced together thanks to the accounts of Mattu Oraon, one of the three surviving members of the original cooperative, professor Sharit Bhowmick, and others including Tapan Deb, Ram Avatar Sharma, and Chandan Sengupta. I am especially grateful to the July-September 1995 edition of Bartika, edited by Mahashweta Devi.

§

The Dooars, literally meaning ‘doors’, are the piedmont areas in North Bengal at the edge of the mighty Himalayas. They are carpeted with tea gardens for miles at a stretch. One such tea garden is the Sonali garden.

To the south of Sonali flows the Teesta. Its eastward perimeter is flanked by the Gheesh river and the west by Leesh. Both are dry riverbeds except in the monsoons, when they turn into raging torrents. Moving past an Army camp, we enter Sonali, a garden without an operational factory.



A board pointing to the tea estate in the Dooars of north Bengal. Photo: Rupam Deb

Birenchandra Ghosh of Jalpaiguri took over the garden in 1955, naming it after his daughter Sonali. Before that, it was the out division of the Bagrakote Tea Company and was called the Shaogaon tea estate.

Apart from a few, the workers are all of Oraon origin. The tribe settled in the Dooars in the last quarter of the 19th century.

Bleeding from heavy debt, Biren Ghosh sold the estate to one Khemka ostensibly concentrated on financially draining the garden of what remained. On September 24, 1973, Khemka fled, leaving behind Rs 3 lakhs as payment for the non-plucking season and Rs 1 lakh more as provident fund.

When the garden workers went to Khemka’s address in Calcutta, he wrote to them, “I don’t want to run the garden, the workers can run it.” A few days passed until one night the workers sat to figure out their and the garden’s fates. The story goes that a woman worker spoke up at the meeting, saying they must go to Jalpaiguri to seek support.

They acted promptly. On December 10, 1973, they marched barefoot across the Teesta towards Jalpaiguri. They spent the night in the open at Raipur garden and sat for two whole days at the verandah of the Jalpaiguri court. Their slogan was, “Khoon paseena jiska, cha bagan uska” (‘our blood, our sweat, our tea garden’).

Finally the Deputy Commissioner emerged to say that the owner had not renewed the lease for the garden and hence the ownership of the garden technically would be transferred to government. The DM added that the workers could pluck leaves by themselves and sell them – the government would not stand in the way.

Also read: The Bitter Plight of Bengal’s Tea Garden Workers

Upon their return, the workers formed a committee to pluck and sell produce. The first to purchase from them were Duncan’s, at a meagre 60 paise per kilogram. The wages the committee could afford was a meagre 12 annas instead of the earlier Rs 3. The workers subsisted on roots, leaves, jackfruit, tea flower and whatever they could hunt from the adjacent wilderness – rats, rabbits, or fowl.

But they persisted.

In time they considered the possibility of building a cooperative in place of the committee. In the lead was Chinmay Ghosh of the CPI, workers’ leader Simon Oraon and Professor Sharit Bhawmik.

Additional Labour Commissioners N.C.Kundu and Ramkrishna Saha, along with District Magistrate Dilip Raut were all supportive. The assistant registrar of cooperative societies was a young man, N.K. Maity. The latter facilitated the district-level formalities and got the Cooperative Inspector to the garden for a general assembly to discuss the formation of the cooperative.

Chinmay Ghosh was the promoter and the assembly was presided by the badababu of the garden, Rebati Mohan Saha. By the end of the assembly, the workers unanimously passed the decision to constitute themselves as a cooperative. Thirty two of them signed on the document and submitted the application on August 10, 1974. And finally on September 4, 1974 they formed the cooperative under the ownership of the workers.

They chose not to use the earlier name. Thus the Saongaon Tea and Allied Plantation Workers Cooperative Society Limited was born. However, nationally, it would be forever known as the “Sonali cooperative”.


The share certificate of the Saongaon Tea & Allied Plantation Workers’ Co-operative Society Ltd. Photo: Rupam Deb

There were many challenges. To start with, how would the work be organised?

In the past there was a hierarchical system of manager, assistant manager, garden babu, munshi, dafadar, and under them the “coolies”. This was inherited from the British. But as soon as the cooperative was born in the hands of the workers, the morning whistle fell silent and so did the coarse orders of the dafadars. Workers started on their own, early in the morning. While the committee was preparing to transition into a cooperative, women workers had already decided on the division of labour and how the work would be organised. The decisions were passed on to the men to follow.

The owner had fled with all available vehicles, so they started with bullock carts and cycles. This soon picked pace, and the workers did not turn back. Leaving behind the ‘garden babu-garden sardar’ model, for the first time in independent India, both male and female workers were paid equal wages.


This was a couple of years before even the Union government made a legislation to that effect. Impressed at this effort, the All India Women’s Federation gifted 10,000 multivitamin tablets to the workers.

In the plucking season, a worker would usually get a 7 paise incentive for every extra kilogram above their usual work. The cooperative, however, gave 10 paise, and in some time raised it to 15 paise per kilogram – double the amount any other garden gave at the time.

While other gardens faltered even with the stipulated Rs 3 wage, the cooperative did not fail. It also gave, as per the Plantation Labour Act, umbrellas, aprons, sweaters, quilts and handkerchiefs. The cooperative members, it is said, even came to buy samples of umbrellas from Siliguri to take them back and let the workers decide which ones they would like. By then, the cooperative had acquired quite a bit of fame and the shop owner treated them with cold drinks and paan.

In 1975, the cooperative took a loan of Rs 40,000 and purchased a vehicle worth Rs 56,000. They also managed to invest in a tractor worth Rs 64,000. The workers themselves repaired the roads that had remained unattended for years.

In 1976, the cooperative planted on an extra 10 acres of land and took annual production to 10,43,000 kilogram by 1977. This was quite the leap from the 8,50,000 kilogram that the garden produced before.


Women workers of Sonali tea garden, Dooars. Photo: Sandip Saha.

But this was not enough for the Saongaon Cooperative. They started educating women workers and kicked off a cooperative milk production unit, along with plucking activities. In its functioning, the cooperative turned the privately owned tea garden model on its head.

Senior manager of adjacent Lakkhipara garden, one Greemer, arrived at the garden just to witness these momentous developments in Sonali. To his surprise he found that garden ran like clockwork even without any garden sardars. He told the garden leadership, “In my garden, absenteeism is a big issue. But I see it is not an issue here. If you give me a job here, I will happily come here and work.”

But this golden era did not last long.

The first attack descended upon the garden in the garb of legalities.

A case was registered by the United Bank of India against the garden over an outstanding loan. In 1976, the court passed a verdict in favour of UBI and ordered the garden owner, Khemka, to pay UBI Rs 2 lakhs.

But the garden management not only did not comply with the court’s orders but seeing the garden running smoothly under the cooperative society, attempted to take back the tea garden.

In 1977, UBI filed a case in the Calcutta high court, challenging the registration of the workers’ cooperative. With the support of the district administration the garden stayed at the hands of the workers from 1974 till July 9, 1978. The next day by a temporary order of the high court, a receiver, advocate Swapan Kumar Mullick who was also the lawyer of the Khemkas, was appointed at the garden.

The workers still believed that they would emerge victorious, given that a Left Front government had come to rule the state following the election in the previous year. But when the receiver entered the garden with the 10 truckloads of armed police, the so-called “workers’ party” which was now in power, looked the other way.


An ICDS centre in ruins at the Sonali tea garden. Photo: Rupam Deb

Swiftly, the garden was turned into a police camp and Section 144 was invoked. In 1976, there were several proposals floated by Cooperative Minister Atish Singh and the Cooperative Secretary, pleading for the cooperative to be allowed to pay back the loan amount to the bank slowly over the years. But those came to use, even under Left rule.

And so, cooperative leaders had to abscond for many years to avoid police. Meanwhile, the receiver appointed one Radheshyam Agarwal, a petrol pump owner from Malbazar, as agent to manage the garden’s affairs. The remaining members of the cooperative society tell this author that behind all of these anti-worker moves was Parimal Mitra, whose beginnings were as a working class leader and who was then the forest minister in the Left Front government.

The final order of the high court on September 13, 1978, went in favour of the workers’ cooperative. But it also gave the receiver a month in his role, within which time he approached the Supreme Court on the matter.


Supreme Court overturned the high court’s order on February 26, 1979, and gave three months to the receiver to continue in his position. Even after the receiver left, the agent Radheshyam stayed on with the former owner’s support and the tussle continued with the cooperative.

Right before the festive season in autumn, a small demonstration by workers led to a severe crackdown on the workers, involving police action with lathicharge, tear gas and bullets. Even though they were booked against bailable charges, bail was denied to the workers. Almost the whole of the cooperative board was put behind bars. Suspensions and retrenchments followed. Each worker had no fewer than seven to eight cases registered against him or her – milk theft, wood theft, tea leaf theft, death threats, dacoity. All were fictitious.

Shortly afterwards, the Supreme Court said that ownership of the land was disputed. The high court was ordered to resolve the case and asked the state government to take over the running of the garden till the matter was disposed.

The West Bengal Tea Development Corporation and its workers thus entered the garden and put in honest effort to bring it back to its feet. Workers once again started getting their wages and provident fund amounts regularly. But Radheshyam’s son Rajesh Agarwal continued in his attempts to usurp the garden, and reportedly was not above using muscle power.

Also read: Conversations in a Tea Garden Ahead of the West Bengal Elections

Cut to 2005, and once again, the high court removed the WBTDC and appointed two receivers, who handed over charge to Rajesh Agarwal. Aided by the state government’s apathy and the exhausting length of judicial procedure, the final verdict came in 2007. The management of the garden was passed to Rajesh Agarwal, ending what was once a strong example of labour power.

On November 22, 2014, after not having been paid wages for three months, angry garden workers allegedly brutally murdered Rajesh Agarwal in front of the garden office.

The garden was shut for two years and finally reopened in the hands of a new Siliguri-based owner. At present, workers receive Rs 193 daily instead of the stipulated Rs 202. In several sections, tea plants have been uprooted and sold off. In 2018, through an RTI, this author got to know that the owners have the lease till 2035. The rent and cess value, payable to the West Bengal government, amounts to Rs 6,21,128. Outstanding lease amounts to nearly Rs 15 lakhs.


Mattu Oraon with a picture of the late Simon Oraon. Photo: Rupam Deb

Only three of the erstwhile members of the original cooperative are alive now. One of them is the then vice-chairman of the Cooperative, Mattu Oraon. Remembering another prominent leader of the cooperative, Simon Oroan, he said, “At the time, CPIM leaders would say that if workers become owners themselves, how will class struggle be sharpened? Actually, they did not want this plan to succeed as a successful cooperative would have inspired similar models across the Dooars.”


Mattu Oraon said that the most influenced would have been the adjacent Rupali garden which was under CPIM leader Parimal Mitra’s influence. “But for as long as the crisis in the gardens continue, the relevance and significance of the Sonali struggle will stay alive.”

Rupam Deb is a ground activist and student based in north Bengal.
CLASS WAR 
When History is Held Hostage: Commemorating the Continuing Sufferings of the Mappila Martyrs of 1921

While religion had a part to play in the rebellion, the movement in fact registered the resistance of the rural poor to acts of oppression and exploitation perpetrated by feudal landlords and the British colonial state.


Mappila rebels captured after a battle with British colonial troops in 1921. 
Photo: Unknown author/Wikimedia Commons, Public Domain

Muhammed Niyas Ashraf
03/SEP/2021

When, in the last week of August, the Indian Council of Historical Research (ICHR) decided to remove the names of 387 Mappila martyrs from the list of honour in the Dictionary of Martyrs of India’s Freedom Struggle, 1857-1947, it was not the first time that the Mappila uprising of 1921, popularly known as the Malabar rebellion, had grabbed the headlines of the national dailies and became a politically contested and polarising event.

The ICHR’s announcement in fact was the culmination of years of controversy sparked by right-wing activists who maintain that the Mappila uprising had not been an anti-colonial rebellion at all, but had aimed instead to establish an Islamic state in India.

While it is true that religion had a part to play in the 1921 rebellion, the causes of the Mappila outbreaks (there had been as many as 35 serious ones between 1849 and 1921) were far more profound and predominantly agrarian in nature. This movement, in fact, registered the protest and resistance of the rural poor to acts of oppression and exploitation perpetrated by feudal landlords and the British colonial state, which was why the 387 martyrs of the rebellion were included in the dictionary in the first place. To remove them from the list would be to reduce the event to the level of a large-scale communal riot – as had served the divide and rule purpose of the colonial British government in India at that time.

The Dictionary of Martyrs

The main objective of the Dictionary of Martyrs of India’s Freedom Struggle, 1857-1947, in which the professional historians associated with the ICHR and the Union Ministry of Culture have identified and listed 14,000 martyrs of the anti-colonial struggle between 1857 and 1947, is to bring to the attention of the wider Indian public the unsung heroes who decided to accept suffering and possibly death for the larger cause of Indian independence.

In his editor’s note for Volume IV of the dictionary, Arvind P. Jamkhedkar, the present chairperson of the ICHR, wrote:

“Our objective in the project has always been to try as best as we can in covering martyrs belonging to all the categories of Indian society, and to bring into focus not only the known, but also the barely known, the obscure and the forgotten (especially from the lower rungs of society), and enlist them into liberated India’s roll of honour.”

Thus, the five volumes of the dictionary indicate precise sources of historical data to establish their authenticity. Each entry provides a brief biographical history of the martyr concerned, based to the extent possible on authentic archival and other contemporary documents. Each entry tries to show that the martyr’s decision was made explicitly rather than impulsively and that the martyr fully understood the gravity of the consequences of her or his actions. By accepting suffering, the martyr could not act aggressively or respond to aggression, but was ready and willing to die for a set of ideological or political beliefs.

The recording of the martyrs’ sufferings and deaths is meant to become part of the country’s collective memory and give meaning to the past. The primary sources that each entry depends on are the dynamics of the authority and authenticity that govern this memory work. The methodology followed by the research assistants in this project builds a relationship between knowledge built upon collective memory and historical experience. The Dictionary of Martyrs has included as many names as possible of people who participated in various movements, organisations, and incidents during the Indian independence movement.

The project had been initiated in 2007 by the national implementation committee in charge of organising celebrations for the 150th anniversary of the 1857 uprising and 60 years of India’s independence, which had wanted a compilation of a ‘national register of martyrs’. The ICHR accepted the project and necessary funds at the request of the Union Ministry of Culture and the advisory committee, comprising historians and representatives of the Union Ministry of Culture and the National Archives of India, decided that the project would produce a series of volumes entitled Dictionary of Martyrs of India’s Freedom Struggle, 1857-1947.


Prime Minister Narendra Modi releasing a volume of the ‘Dictionary of Martyrs of India’s Freedom Struggle, 1857-1947’ in March 2019. Photo: narendramodi.in

The committee also accepted for the purpose of this project the definition of the term ‘martyr’ that the Government of India had adopted in 1980 to facilitate the distribution of awards and pensions. A martyr, according to this definition, is a person who died or was killed in action or detention or was awarded capital punishment while participating in a national movement for India’s emancipation, including ex-Indian National Army or ex-military personnel who died fighting the British.

The search for sources


Sabyasachi Bhattacharya, a prominent historian at the Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi from 1976 to 2003, and the author of significant historical monographs, was the then chairperson of the ICHR. He showed the gaps that existed in the biographical dictionaries of martyrs that had been published on the occasion of the Mahatma Gandhi centenary celebrations by the Union Ministry of Education. This compilation of the Who’s Who of Indian Martyrs published in 1969, 1972 and 1973 under the editorship of Dr P.N. Chopra defined the term ‘martyr’ as a patriot who was hanged or killed in the struggle for freedom.

Gaps also existed in the biographical dictionaries or lists of martyrs published by state governments to commemorate events in the freedom struggle. For example, in 1975, Karunakaran Nair edited a 625-page monograph titled Who is Who of Freedom Fighters in Kerala. Most of these publications lacked authenticity because of the absence of primary sources relating to the martyr’s contribution to or sacrifices for the freedom movement.

The ICHR’s Dictionary of Martyrs of India’s Freedom Struggle, 1857-1947, on the other hand, utilises primary sources such as archival and other contemporary documents, which are listed at the end of each biographical note as references.

Considering the massive extent of the project, after the publication of Volume I, Part 1, Bhattacharya and the central advisory committee decided to engage a research consultant for the project, Professor Amit Kumar Gupta (who passed away in July 2021), a leading historian who documented various episodes of peasant resistances and various freedom movements in his books, 2015’s Nineteenth-Century Colonialism and the Great Indian Revolt and The Agrarian Drama: The Leftists and the Rural Poor in India, 1934-1951, published in 1996. His vast experience and ability to guide the research proved invaluable. He asked the research team to strictly follow the historical methodology of carefully reading primary sources to obtain sufficient details on every historical movement.

To write about the martyrs and to authenticate their martyrdom from primary sources (including archival documents, official and non-official), the research team, including myself, undertook various trips to different state archives over and above its regular visits to the National Archives of India and the Nehru Memorial Library and Museum, New Delhi.

For the entries from Kerala, the research team visited the Tamil Nadu State Archives in Chennai, the Calicut State Archives and the Thiruvananthapuram State Archives to gather the information necessary for establishing identities, viz. name, date of birth or age at the time of martyrdom, place of birth or residence. Since caste identities feature in almost all 19th century records, this is also included in the entries on the martyrs. All these data are followed by a summary of the available information on the individual’s participation in the freedom struggle and the course of events leading to her or his death or martyrdom. Scholars can thus follow up the references to the archival data.

While doing the archival work for the martyrs from Kerala, especially to identify the martyrs of the Mappila outbreaks between 1849 and 1921 and the Punnapra-Vayalar movement of 1946, the research team studied a variety of primary sources. These included the fortnightly reports sent by the colonial officials or collector of Malabar to the governor-general of British India or his imperial agents in then Madras, generally about local conflicts; the political and foreign files of the home department; the proceedings of the judicial department, consisting of records related to criminal trials and judicial decisions in matters before a particular court or details of a sentenced prisoner and his death; and native newspaper reports consisting of weekly typewritten abstracts taken from a wide variety of Indian newspapers with some extracts translated by an official translator divided into foreign politics, home administration, police, working of the courts, jails and so on, from the Tamil Nadu State Archives.


26th September 1925: Mappila prisoners go to trial at Calicut on the Malabar Coast in India’s south-western state of Kerala, charged with agitation against British Rule in India. 
Photo: Topical Press Agency/Wikimedia Commons

The research team also consulted the Proceedings of the Home Political Department files from the National Archives of India, the Malabar Collectorate Records, police files, political (home) files from the Kerala State Archives in Kozhikode and freedom movement files in the Kerala State Archives in Thiruvananthapuram. Most of Kerala’s entries in the Dictionary of Martyrs are based on primary sources, allowing those who are not satisfied with the brief biographical notes in the volumes of the project to gather more information.


Moreover, before the publication of each volume of the Dictionary of Martyrs, two experts undertook the arduous task of reading it meticulously, suggesting improvements and adding a few more names. The research team also consulted secondary sources to cross-check and authenticate the data regarding primary sources whenever possible. For example, here is an entry from Volume V of the Dictionary of Martyrs:

Appankollan Moideen: Resident of Pandikadamsom, taluk Ernad, Malabar, Kerala. He was involved in an armed confrontation in his village with the British during the Malabar rebellion of 1921-22 and coinciding with the Khilafat and Non-Cooperation movement. In the ensuing clash between the fully armed 2/8th Gurkha Rifles and the scarcely armed 2000 Mappila rebels on 14 November 1921 in Pandikad, about 234 unyielding Mappilas were believed, by the Colonel Commandant, to have perished. Moideen was one among those who died on the 14 November 1921 firing by the British troops. [H/ Poll, 1921, F. No. 241, Part 1-A, NAI; PPRM (K.N Panikkar (ed), Peasants Protest and Revolts in Malabar), pp. 372-74].

More than 500 martyrs from Kerala were included in the dictionary by Professor Shobhanan of the history department, University of Kerala, the regional coordinator from Kerala in the initial stage of the dictionary, together with the research team I was part of. We focused on the obscured, the undiscovered and the forgotten (especially from the lower strata of society) in the annals of India’s freedom struggle and thus each martyr’s inscribed transmission and sufferings has become a memorial, conveyed and sustained through this dictionary, enhancing the nation’s collective memory.

Possibilities of controversy


In the editor’s note in the introductory volume of the Dictionary of Martyrs, Bhattacharya informed the readers that various research details may lead to controversies. He wrote:

“The question of inclusion or exclusion of some individuals may itself be a subject of controversy. Our decision was to make this compilation as inclusive as possible. Moreover, the primary sources we have depended upon may contain errors of facts or interpretation; the inherent bias in the British Indian government’s records is too obvious a thing to elaborate upon. In this collection of data, an effort has been made to overcome such data limitations.”

With all these risks in mind, the research team consulted archival sources in several regional archives across India and scrutinised thousands of files relating to the participants and proceedings of various anti-colonial and anti-feudal movements that had not previously been explored or consulted on a larger scale to identify as many of those as possible who gave up their lives in the widespread popular struggle between 1857 and 1947 to win the country’s freedom. The martyrs in the dictionary have all participated in an anti-colonial movement or social protest even if these were of a purely local or sectional nature, taking place within the narrow grooves of the collective self-awareness of a tribe, caste, or religious sect. This voluminous research has provided a comprehensive view of the nation-formation movement, particularly the development of the national freedom movement and the regional variations that allowed the independence struggle to be mobilised for further emotional integration, unity, and political advantages.

The pan-Indian work that went into the dictionary shows how India’s plural society advanced against the imperialist assertion in ways that carried a national consciousness. In this endeavour, the research team telescopically covered the ubiquitous participation of almost all the segments of Indian society in the freedom movement.

Also read: Jallianwala Bagh Revamp: Martyrs’ Descendants Say They’ll Boycott Functions in Protest

The sufferings of unknown martyrs in jails, especially with diseases and police brutality, were given ample consideration in the dictionary. For example, in volume V:

Ammankallan Viran Kutty: Resident of Iruveethiamsom, distt. Malappuram, Kerala, he was taken into custody in connection with the Malabar rebellion of 1921 against the combination of the British colonial authorities and the exploitative Jenmis, and coinciding with the Khilafat and Non-Cooperation movement. He was detained on 5 May 1922 as an under-trial prisoner and kept in the Manjeri Sub-Jail. Together with brutal police tortures, and a serious attack of pneumonia in the jail (due to very bad sanitary conditions, overcrowding and insufficiency of clean water and food), Viran Kutty died on 25 May 1922 in detention at the age of 30. [Pub Deptt, G.O. (MS) No. 960, 20.11.1922, TNSAC].

Limited perspectives


Despite the laborious work put in by the research team, right-wing activists have attempted to reduce the public perspective of the Mappila Uprisings of 1921-22 into the limited viewpoint of religion.

In September 2020, when a Malayalam film project on Variyankunnathu Kunjahammed Haji, a prominent Mappila leader who led the outbreak, was announced, right-wing groups announced that they would oppose the endeavours to eulogise Haji and the uprising with a year-long campaign to expose the rebellion’s ‘anti-Hindu’ aspects.

Two years earlier, the Indian Railways was forced to remove a painting of the 1921 Mappila uprising from Tirur station in Kerala when the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) protested against it.

This August, the Union Ministry of Culture withdrew the fifth volume of the Dictionary of Martyrs after right-wing groups, including the Hindu Aikya Vedi (a Kerala-based organisation), alleged that the aim of the Malabar Rebellion was the establishment of an ‘Islamic state’ and demanded the withdrawal of the entries covering the rebellion’s leaders, Variyankunnathu Kunjahammad Haji and Ali Musliyar, from the martyrs’ dictionary. A.P. Abdullahkutty, the national vice president of the BJP, said that Variyankunnathu Haji had been the ‘first head of the Taliban in Kerala’ and referred to the 1921 anti-colonial Mappila uprisings as the ‘Moplah Massacre’. Similarly, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh ideologue Ram Madhav called this anti-colonial movement ‘the first manifestation of the Taliban mindset’ in Kerala and Kummanam Rajasekharan, the former state president of the BJP, said that the rebellion had been a campaign of jihād that had murdered thousands of Hindus, sexually abused Hindu women and desecrated Hindu temples.

At the same time, following the argument of the Muslim reformer Makti Tangal (1847-1912), who, according to an unpublished University of Delhi thesis by Muhammed Niyas Ashraf titled Islamic Modernity and Reform in Colonial Kerala: Reading Makti Taṅṅaḷ, had criticised the 19th century Mappila outbreaks as being detrimental to Muslim educational progress, the Samastha Kerala Jam-Iyyathul Ulema, a body of Muslim Sunni scholars in Kerala, denounced the Mappila uprising during the centenary celebrations of the 1921 revolt as a feckless effort that pushed back the Muslim community by 100 years.

Such hesitancy to consider the heroic efforts of the Mappilas in the country’s freedom struggle coupled with critical statements and writings that demonise a particular Muslim community largely serve the purpose of colonialists who worked hard to divide Indians based on religion and caste. This debate on martyrs, the status of their martyrdom and the mistrust of their religious identity that we are now witnessing is not an attempt to politicise history but instead an attempt to make history hostage to agenda-driven politics.

However, in the wake of the centenary celebration of the 1921 Mappila uprising in 2021, this controversy can and should influence historians and social scientists to study the manifold nature of the movement and the sacrifices made by the Mappila freedom fighters and bring this information into the public sphere. Rather than research the 1921 uprising as the culmination of a few events, emerging academics and intellectuals can situate the Mappila uprising not only in the broader canvas of the freedom struggle, especially the non-cooperation and Khilafat movements which were the pivotal motif of 1921, but with multi-layered narratives from subaltern histories with manifold manifestations. We can locate such layered stories and multiple strands in a few post-colonial scholarships from different schools of historical thought, such as those by Conrad Wood, Robert Hardgrave, D.N. Dhanagare, Ranajit Guha, K.N. Panikkar, Gangadhara Menon and M.T. Ansari, that view the revolt as an anti-colonial uprising and challenge the simplistic narrations that depict the 1921 revolt as a widespread communal riot.

The 1921 Mappila Uprising

In itself, the pathetic condition of the poverty-stricken cultivator of south Malabar was a direct provocation for the 35 Mappila outbreaks that took place between 1849 and 1921. Even the British administrators of Malabar, such as William Logan, the Malabar collector, in 1884 and C.A. Innés, a settlement officer in Malabar, in 1913, had realised the growing dangers of agrarian trouble and had strongly urged the adoption of land reforms. But nothing had been done to improve the situation. Therefore, it is not surprising that as late as 1919, disorders in Malabar were being sparked off by agrarian disputes, according to a news report published in The Hindu of February 13, 1919.

The uprising of 1921-22 was no exception.The contemporary opinion, especially found in colonial records such as the legislative assembly debates, India Office records and private papers, almost shyly admitted that the convulsion was due to the agrarian grievances of tenant farmers against the janmis or landlords. Even the viceroy of India, Lord Reading, who believed that the Khilafat propaganda of the time was the leading cause of the ‘rebellion’, considered agrarian discontent as a ‘predisposing factor’ and opened a correspondence with the governor of Madras, Lord Willingdon, to examine the question of tenancy law reform which he thought was desirable in the interest of the future peace of Malabar.

“We have in regard to Malabar,” Reading wrote to Willingdon in a letter maintained in the India Office Records, “to aim not merely the restoration of order but also at the conversion of the Moplahs into peaceful and loyal citizens, and it may be that agrarian reform would be a powerful influence in this direction.”

It is fair to argue that if the outbreak had not been agrarian in nature, the Mappilas from the comparatively better-off parts of Malabar would not have remained aloof or sided with the government. In his pathbreaking work Against Lord and State, K.N. Panikkar writes: “Peasantry in Malabar lived and worked in conditions of extreme penury entailed by the twin exactions of the lord and the State.”

But though the agrarian grievances were the underlying factor, other contributory causes had combined to produce the eruption: a perceived threat to Islam, inflammatory newspaper reports, provocation by government officials and police were all factors, but the Khilafat and non-cooperation movements acted as a catalyst, according to The Moplah Rebellion of 1921-22 and Its Genesis, the published PhD thesis of historian Conrad Wood.

As with previous occasions of Mappila outbreaks, an attempt was made by the colonial narratives and post-colonial Western scholarships to present the 1921-22 rebellion as a violent expression of pure religious fanaticism; an organised Khilafat-Congress rebellion ‘to upset the British Raj’ and essentially an anti- Hindu outbreak, as seen in reports in the Madras Mail of August 22 and 30, 1921, and memos between Willingdon, the governor of Madras and Edwin Montagu, the secretary of state for India and Burma. Agrarian discontent was simply dismissed as a ‘myth’, according to John J. Banninga in his despatch, The Moplah Rebellion of 1921, published in the October 1923 edition of The Moslem World. However, recent subaltern scholarship’s deeper acquaintance with the subject shows that religion was only a channel through which the discontent found an escape.

The outbreak was the manifestation of deliberate political action within the ambit of the Khilafat-non-cooperation propaganda that heightened the religious feelings of the Mappilas, who were naturally drawn into the agitation. The Mappilas began to be attracted to the Khilafat movement in April 1920 after a conference at Manjeri, according to Robert L. Hardgrave Jr in his The Mappila Rebellion, 1921: Peasant Revolt in Malabar, and by June, a Khilafat committee had started directing the action in Malabar. By the following year, nearly 200 committees were working under both Muslim and Hindu leaders. Then in September, Shaukat Ali, accompanied by Mahatma Gandhi, descended on Malabar on a propaganda tour, according to Banninga.

Gandhi viewed the Khilafat as an ‘opportunity of uniting Hindu and Muslim as would not arise in hundred years’. When the Khilafat question was discussed in a joint conference of Hindus and Muslims on September 24, 1920, Gandhi attended and chaired the meeting. He advocated non-cooperation to redress Khilafat grievances, agrarian discontent and economic issues in Malabar, which meant that the arbitrary exactions of the Hindu ‘upper caste’ landlords and the oppressive government increases in the land tax were exploited in this meeting along with religious grievances.

When the Congress-Khilafat leadership stated in two public meetings that it was their spiritual and national duty to fight against British imperialism, the Mappilas were motivated to participate in the movement, according to R.H. Hitchcock in A History of the Malabar Rebellion, 1921, which was published in 1925. M.P. Narayana Menon, a prominent Khilafat leader who was later tried for his part in the outbreak, was reported in the Madras Mail of July 28, 1922, to have declared at a meeting: “The British Government is at an end, the British Government has no troops. If the Moplahs remain united, they can easily overthrow the present Government and establish a Khilafat rule instead; all should be prepared to sacrifice their lives for the Khilafat cause.”

Also read: India and Pakistan Tell a Different Yet Similar History Through Their Stamps

By the end of 1920, the Khilafat organisation and the non-cooperation movement were widely spread in Malabar and attracted Muslims in large numbers. In midsummer came the fateful resolutions of the all-India Khilafat Conference at Karachi proposing the establishment of an Indian republic, which gave the Mappilas the belief that the end of the British Raj was at hand, according to C. Gopalan Nair in The Moplah Rebellion, 1921, which was published in 1923. The sparks that kindled the flame of the Mappila uprising were provided by several other Mappila Khilafatists on August 20, 1921, according to Hitchcock, with the attempt of the colonial government to arrest some Khilafat leaders at Tirurangadi, including Ali Musliyar (1861-1922) against whom the authorities seemed to hold a grudge, the torture and humiliations of several Mappila families, the assault of the police on those who wore Gandhi caps at Tirurangadi, the dishonour of the Khilafat flags and the persecution of Khilafat workers, according to G.R.F. Tottenham in The Mapilla Rebellion, 1921-22, which was published in 1922.

The Tirurangadi arrests, coming as they did after prolonged and grave police provocations, let loose the pent-up Mappila feelings and sporadic violence began to take place in the taluks of Ernad, Walluvanad, and Ponnani, fully supported by the Khilafat movement. Gangadhara Menon, referring to the mutual dependence of the Khilafat and tenancy movements in Malabar in his 1989 book Malabar Rebellion (1921-22), noted that “Most tenants in Taluks of Emad and Walluvanad being Mappilas, the tenants’ agitation was animated by the Khilafat spirit.”

The fury of the Mappilas was first directed against European and Indian officials and Hindu janmis and money-lenders who they identified as their oppressors. It then turned on ‘upper caste’ Hindus in general as reprisals for betraying their cause and assisting the authorities in suppressing the ‘rebellion’. Besides, the majority of the police force was Hindu and the oppression to which the Mappilas had been subjected naturally turned them against the policemen’s co-religionists. Mappila loyalists of the government also became frequent targets. The rioters attacked the military and the police, burnt and looted government and private property, pillaged Manas and Kovilagams (‘upper caste’ households), destroyed revenue records and obstructed communications, according to the parliament papers of 1921. They brought the civil administration to a virtual standstill.

The uprising began on August 20, 1921, and lasted for six months. It took a further six months to establish peace and order in the areas of rebellion. The Mappilas ran an indigenous government of their own and kept up the spirit of revolt among Muslim peasants for a much longer period than anyone thought they could. The government suppressed the ‘rebellion’ with the help of Gurkha troops and the imposition of martial law, according to a report in the Madras Mail of March 23, 1923, that lasted for six months until the outbreak finally collapsed with the capture and execution on January 6, 1922, of Variyankunnathu Kunjahammed Haji, although the last of the leaders, according to Hitchcock, was not captured until towards the end of August 1922. This was the most serious rebellion that the British had had to face since the 1857 struggle for freedom.


According to official sources including memos between the secretary of state and the viceroy, the final death toll of the 1921 uprising was 2,337 rebels killed, 1,652 wounded, and 45,404 imprisoned. Unofficial sources put the figures at about 10,000 dead with 252 executions, 50,000 imprisoned, 20,000 exiled and 10,000 missing, along with hundreds of deaths in police confinement and losses in armed skirmishes, according to Roland E. Miller in his 1976 book, Mappila Muslims of Kerala: A Study in Islamic Trends.

Especially brutal was the transportation of Mappila prisoners in goods trains. On one occasion detailed in memos between the secretary of state and the viceroy, 64 out of 100 prisoners died through asphyxiation, heat, and exhaustion in an ill-ventilated 18x 9 x 7.5 feet wagon. Later on, according to the legislative assembly debates of 1923, the British state updated the mortality during the outbreak as 2,339 Mappilas’ deaths, 1,652 wounded, 5,955 captured and 39,348 surrendered to the military or the police. The number of prisoners in jails in April 1923 was 45,404 and 7,900 rebels were sent to the islands of the Andamans.These 7,900 were largely ignored in the popular memory of the Indian freedom struggle.

Most of those who lost their lives in this struggle are unknown Mappilas. Hence, the main objective of the biographical entries on the Mappila martyrs in the fifth volume of the Dictionary of Martyrs was to bring to the attention of the wider Indian public the lesser-known Mappila martyrs.

Threats to historical discipline


The inclusion of the Mappila martyrs of 1921 in the Dictionary of Martyrs was an attempt to present the voices of unknown martyrs to the general Indian public. The religion or other identities of the martyrs were never the focus. These biographical entries mention the contributions of the martyrs and record their struggle without associating them with any ideology or political agendas. The primary motive of the dictionary is to demonstrate the sacrifice and sufferings of local, subaltern, and unknown martyrs by indicating that each martyr had her or his own agency in delivering her or his sacrifice to the Indian public.

Historians and social scientists have shown that the word ‘martyrdom’ has powerful emotional, political and social connotations. While we can’t ignore the fact that any account of martyrdom during the freedom movement is bound to be selective, should the thousands of Mappilas killed during the Indian independence movement be described as heroes or martyrs or both?

In questioning martyrdom, we ask: who is a martyr? For some, martyrs and martyrdom are objective empirical realities that can be studied in isolation. For others, they are primarily created by later communities and entirely dependent on the socio-political context of their deaths, especially in the evaluation of the circumstances in which they sacrificed their lives and how they became some significant memories of the community.

However, the current controversies regarding the Mappila martyrs display the threats that both martyrs and historical discipline face from a kind of politics that stands closer to the colonial government than to the freedom movement. Erasing any of these martyrs and their sufferings and experiences in the anti-colonial/anti-feudal movement, agrarian discontent and police brutality would result in an incomplete, biased portrayal of the event with the possibility of historical distortions. Moreover, a singular Hindu victimhood narrative is futile, but critical and multiple histories of the uprisings are compelling and expected to be accomplished with scholarly engagement.


Muhammed Niyas Ashraf was the research/editorial assistant (2014-15) in the Indian Council of Historical Research project Dictionary of Martyrs of India’s Freedom Struggle, 1857-1947, who collected and compiled the list of Mappila Martyrs in Volume V. He is now a doctoral fellow at the Freie Universität Berlin, Germany.