Thursday, November 04, 2021

ETHIOPIAN WAR OF AGRESSION
Ethiopia compares Tigray forces to ‘rat’ as war marks 1 year


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People sit on steps next to a sculpture in the shape of Amharic words reading "Addis Ababa" in the Piazza old town area of the capital Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Thursday, Nov. 4, 2021. Urgent new efforts to calm Ethiopia's escalating war are unfolding Thursday as a U.S. special envoy visits and the president of neighboring Kenya calls for an immediate cease-fire while the country marks a year of conflict. (AP Photo)

NAIROBI, Kenya (AP) — Ethiopia’s government marked a year of war by lashing out Thursday in response to international alarm about hate speech, comparing the rival Tigray forces to “a rat that strays far from its hole” and saying the country is close to “burying the evil forces.”

The statement from the government communication service, posted on social media and confirmed by a government spokesman, came amid urgent new efforts to calm the escalating war as a U.S. special envoy arrived and the president of neighboring Kenya and others called for an immediate cease-fire.

The war that has killed thousands of people and displaced millions since November 2020 threatens to engulf Ethiopia’s capital, Addis Ababa. Tigray forces seized key cities in recent days and linked up with another armed group, leading the government of Africa’s second-most populous country to declare a national state of emergency with sweeping detention powers.

The spokeswoman for Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, Billene Seyoum, did not say whether Abiy was meeting with U.S. special envoy Jeffrey Feltman, who this week insisted that “there are many, many ways to initiate discreet talks” toward peace.

United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres has said he spoke with Abiy “to offer my good offices to create the conditions for a dialogue so the fighting stops.” Uganda’s president called for a meeting of East African leaders, and the European Union warned of “fragmentation and widespread armed conflict.”

But so far, such efforts have failed. Last week a congressional aide told The Associated Press that “there have been talks of talks with officials, but when it gets to the Abiy level and the senior (Tigray forces) level, the demands are wide, and Abiy doesn’t want to talk.”

Instead, the prime minister has urged citizens to rise up and “bury” the Tigray forces who long dominated the national government before he came to power. On Wednesday, Facebook said it had removed a post by Abiy with that language, saying it violated policies against inciting violence. It was a rare action against a head of state or government.

The government statement on Thursday took aim not only at Facebook, accusing it of showing its “true colors,” but also at media, humanitarian groups and others allegedly “working hand in hand with the enemy in propagating its false narrative.” It warned it would take action over “destructive behavior.”

But Ethiopia’s government aimed its harshest language at the Tigray forces. “TPLF and its puppets are being encircled by our forces. As the saying goes, ‘a rat that strays far from its hole is nearer to death,’” the statement said, referring to the Tigray People’s Liberation Front.

The U.N. special adviser on the prevention of genocide, Alice Wairimu Nderitu, told an online event Thursday that dehumanizing speech in Ethiopia is “of extreme concern,” and she warned that the risk exists of the war spilling across borders and “becoming something completely unmanageable.” She warned that ethnic-based militias are “so dangerous in this context.”

Kenya increased security along its borders amid fears of a wave of Ethiopians fleeing as one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises spreads, while its foreign ministry said statements inciting ordinary citizens into the conflict “must be shunned.”

Tigray forces spokesman Getachew Reda claimed they had “joined hands” with another armed group, the Oromo Liberation Army, to seize the city of Kemisse, which is even closer to the capital.

“Joint operations will continue in the days and weeks ahead,” he tweeted.

A security source confirmed that the two armed groups had linked up to control Kemisse and said Tigray forces were pushing east as well as south toward the capital. The source spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to speak to journalists.

All sides in the war have committed abuses, a joint U.N. human rights investigation said Wednesday, while millions of people in the government-blockaded Tigray region are no longer able to receive humanitarian aid. The U.N. says no aid has entered Tigray since Ethiopian military airstrikes resumed there on Oct. 18, and 80% of essential medication is no longer available.

The Tigray forces say they are pressuring the government to end the blockade, but the spreading insecurity as they push south through the neighboring Amhara region has hampered aid delivery to hundreds of thousands of hungry people.

A university staffer who fled the Amhara town of Woldiya before Tigray forces arrived weeks ago said friends who stayed were climbing nearby hillsides to call the outside world with reports of low food supplies and people drinking from rivers, while electricity is cut. There is no aid in the occupied areas, Alemayehu said, giving only his first name for his security.

“I wish the war ends before it moves to the capital, that’s my prayer to God,” he said, adding that he opposes the Tigray fighters.

With the government statements and the new state of emergency, ethnic Tigrayans in the capital told the AP they were hiding in their homes as authorities carried out house-to-house searches and stopped people on the streets to check identity cards, which everyone must now carry.

One lawyer, speaking on condition of anonymity for fear of retaliation, estimated that thousands have been detained this week, citing conversations with “many people from the four corners of the city.” He said Tigrayan lawyers like him were powerless to help because of their ethnicity.

“Our only hope now is the (Tigray forces),” said one young woman, Rahel, whose husband was detained on Tuesday while going to work as a merchant but has not been charged. “They might not save us, to be honest. I’ve already given up on my life, but if our families can be saved, I think that’s enough.”

Another Tigrayan, Yared, said his brother, a businessman, was detained on Monday, and when he went to the police station, he saw dozens of other Tigrayans.

“It’s crazy, my friends in Addis, non-Tigrayans, are calling me and telling me not to leave the house,” Yared said.

“They go through your phone, and if you have some material about the Tigray war that would be suggesting supporting the war, they would just detain you,” he said. “The past four days have been the worst by far, the scope at which they’re detaining people, it’s just terrorizing. We don’t feel safe in our homes anymore.”

International calls for ceasefire in Ethiopia grow as rebels advance on capital

Issued on: 04/11/2021 




Text by :NEWS WIRES

African and Western nations called for an immediate ceasefire in Ethiopia on Thursday after Tigrayan forces from the country's north made advances towards the capital this week.

The U.S. special envoy for the Horn of Africa, Jeffrey Feltman, arrived in Addis Ababa to press for a halt to military operations and a start to ceasefire talks.

African Union Commission Chair Moussa Faki Mahamat said he met Feltman to discuss efforts towards dialogue and political solutions to the conflict, which pits the central government against the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) and its allies.

The European Union and the East African bloc the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) joined the chorus of bodies calling for a ceasefire. Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni announced an IGAD meeting on Nov. 16 to discuss the war.

Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta urged the rival parties to lay down their arms and find a path to peace.

"The fighting must stop!," he said in a statement.

U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres said he had spoken to Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed on Wednesday and offered to help create the conditions for a dialogue.

Abiy's government declared a state of emergency on Tuesday as the Tigrayan forces threatened to push forward to Addis Ababa.

TPLF spokesman Getachew Reda said on Wednesday TPLF troops were in the town of Kemise in Amhara state, 325 km (200 miles) from the capital.

The U.S. Embassy in Addis Ababa authorised the voluntary departure of some staff and family members because of the intensifying hostilities. Washington said on Wednesday it was "gravely concerned" about the situation and called for a halt to military operations and ceasefire talks.

The year-long conflict has killed thousands of people, forced more than two million more from their homes, and left 400,000 people in Tigray facing famine.

The United States, the European Union and the United Nations said that an end to a de facto government blockade in Tigray is needed to avert a large-scale famine.

No humanitarian convoys have entered Tigray since Oct. 18 and no fuel has entered to aid the humanitarian response since early August, according to the United Nations.


Addis arrests

Streets and shops in Addis Ababa, a city of around five million people, were busy as usual on Thursday morning, though some residents said there was a feeling of uneasy calm.

"There are rumors about the approach of the rebels. People debate about the conflict, most of the people accuse the government for what happened," said one man, who spoke on condition of anonymity.

Police had arrested "many people" in Addis Ababa since the government declared the state of emergency, police spokesperson Fasika Fanta said on Thursday.

Residents told Reuters on Wednesday many Tigrayans had been arrested but Fasika said arrests were not based on ethnicity.

"We are only arresting those who are directly or indirectly supporting the illegal terrorist group," he said. "This includes moral, financial and propaganda support."

He also said many people were registering weapons at police stations around the city in line with a government directive issued on Tuesday for people to prepare to defend their neighbourhoods.

"Some are even coming with bombs and heavy weapons. We are registering those too," he said.

Government spokesperson Legesse Tulu did not respond to requests for comment.

Year-old conflict

The conflict started last November when forces loyal to the TPLF, including some soldiers, seized military bases in Tigray. In response, Abiy sent more troops to the northern region.

The TPLF had dominated national politics for nearly three decades but lost much influence when Abiy took office in 2018.

The TPLF then accused him of centralising power at the expense of Ethiopia's regional states - an accusation Abiy denies.


The Tigrayan forces and their Oromo allies have made significant advances in the past week. Spokesman Getachew on Wednesday pledged to minimise casualties in their drive to take Addis Ababa.

"We don't intend to shoot at civilians and we don't want bloodshed. If possible we would like the process to be peaceful," he said.

A regional analyst, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said the TPLF was likely to hold off on any advance on Addis Ababa until they secured the highway running from neighbouring Djibouti to the capital.

That requires seizing the town of Mille, in Afar region. Getachew said on Tuesday that Tigrayan forces were closing in on Mille.

Ethiopian military spokesman Colonel Getnet Adane and an Afar regional government spokesperson did not respond to requests for comment.

Abiy's spokesperson, Billene Seyoum, accused the international media of being "overly alarmist" in its coverage of Ethiopia.

"Perpetuating terrorist propaganda as truth from offices far off and detached from the ground is highly unethical," she said in a tweet.

(REUTERS)

Opinion: Ethiopia at risk of Balkanization

Two years after Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, his country is engulfed in a war with the potential to destabilize the whole region for decades to come, says DW's Ludger Schadomsky.




The Ethiopian conflict threatens to destabilize the entire region

Jeffrey Feltman's visit to Ethiopia is the West's last, desperate attempt to rescue the tottering country. The US special envoy to the Horn of Africa will try to persuade Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed to agree to a cease-fire and peace talks. The hope is to bring an end to the war between the Ethiopian government and the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) before it descends on the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa.

The war, which has been going on for a year now, has long spilled out of Tigray and has devastated half of the country. Neighboring countries Sudan and Eritrea are involved, as well as other nations such as Iran, Turkey, the United Arab Emirates, Russia and China.


Ludger Schadomsky is head of DW's Amharic Service

The Horn of Africa is of particular geostrategic importance, and the conflict has the potential to destabilize the region for years, and possibly decades, to come. It is already driving a wedge through the international community and, once again, Beijing and Moscow are playing power games with their vetoes in the UN Security Council.

The fact that the prime minister, who was initially celebrated for his reforms, is now giving the cold shoulder to the US and the EU and looking eastwards is a bitter lesson for the terrifyingly naive decision-makers of the Old World who are writing up foreign and security policy.

Tragic end to 'Ethiopian Spring'

The bloody end to the "Ethiopian Spring" is tragic in many ways: Firstly, for the 110 million people who had hoped for a better future after the 2018 peace deal; and secondly because the economy, already battered by rampant inflation and the pandemic, will suffer from the burden of war for years. The vicious cycle of poverty and hunger will continue.

It's also tragic because it shows that even before the Afghanistan debacle has subsided, the country's partners in the West have failed miserably yet again. It was also grotesquely ill-advised of them to support the nomination of the supposed reformer for the Nobel Peace Prize. To recap — Abiy was nominated because of his peace agreement with Eritrea. The same Eritrea whose soldiers would go on to carry out terrible human rights violations two years later on invitation from the laureate himself.

ETHIOPIA: TIGRAY CRISIS ONE YEAR ON
A city burns
Residents of Tigray's capital Mekele sift through wreckage following an airstrike by government forces on October 20. The military said it was targeting a weapons manufacturing facility operated by the Tigrayan People's Liberation Front (TPLF), which the rebel Tigray forces have denied.
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The governments of the West were blinded by their eagerness to support reform. It was simply too tempting to support a young, charismatic prime minister who promised to bring peace and stability to Africa's second-most populous country and to stabilize the region.

But they woefully underestimated the dynamics of a country that boasts over 80 ethnic groups. A cursory glance at history would have sufficed to understand that the deep rivalry between the Oromo, the Amhara and the Tigrayans could not be plastered over with gestures and symbolic politics. The fact that the African Union, whose headquarters is in Addis Ababa, has once again failed to live up to its promise of offering "African solutions to African problems" goes without saying.
National dialogue is crucial

Of course, it would be too easy to blame the international community for the latest failed reforms. Ethiopia has a culture of deep-seated mistrust, and an incompetent and ethnocentric political caste stifles even the most modest attempts at democratization. Anyone who has heard Ethiopian intellectuals express astonishment at German coalition talks knows it will take generations before a culture of political compromise can establish itself here. Civil society is still very weak in this post-authoritarian country, which is essentially a powder keg that can be easily ignited by saboteurs. Ethnic hatred, for instance, is rampant on social media.

As an alliance of convenience between Tigrayans and Oromo marches on the capital, it would be presumptuous to predict any future power constellations. However, what can be said is that if there is not a serious national dialogue involving all relevant powers — important religious leaders and traditional authorities, jailed opposition politicians and actors of civil society — it will be difficult to halt the Balkanization of Ethiopia.

The choice to award the Nobel Peace Prize to Abiy Ahmed, a man who started out as a dynamic reformer and charming mediator but is today indulging in threats of war and conscripting civilians for the last stand, will go down in history as one of the Nobel Committee's worst decisions — and it has made many notoriously bad decisions over the years.

And the former ruling TPLF clique, which controlled politics, the economy and the military in Ethiopia for over a quarter of a century, could soon be back in the fold. This will particularly please nostalgic, Western-based experts who like to praise the discipline and morals of the former guerrilla movement. The majority of the Ethiopian population, on the other hand, will surely have very mixed feelings.

The Ethiopian Tourism Commission promotes the country as one with "13 months of sunshine." Abiy Ahmed's own sunshine policy has failed miserably. When will the next political spring arrive? Nobody can make any serious predictions. For now, it is a question of avoiding more bloodshed and a storm on Addis Ababa.

This article has been translated from German
GO TO EXPLANATION
FBI: LAX 'jetpack man' sightings may have been balloons
















Nov. 3 (UPI) -- The FBI said sightings of a "jetpack man" flying near Los Angeles International Airport may have been sparked by balloons.

Pilots flying in and out of LAX in late 2020 reported multiple sightings of a man piloting a jetpack near the airport, and at least two pilots reported seeing a similar scene in late July of this year.

"A Boeing 747 pilot reported seeing an object that might have resembled a jet pack 15 miles east of LAX at 5,000 feet altitude," an FAA representative said after the most recent sightings. "Out of an abundance of caution, air traffic controllers alerted other pilots in the vicinity."

The FBI released a statement Tuesday offering one possible explanation for the sightings.

"The FBI has worked closely with the FAA to investigate reported jetpack sightings in the Los Angeles area, none of which have been verified," the FBI said in a statement released to KABC-TV. "One working theory is that pilots might have seen balloons."

A photo captured by a Los Angeles Police Department helicopter in November 2020 and released this week shows a balloon in the shape of Jack Skellington, a character from 1993 film The Nightmare Before Christmas, flying over the Hollywood Hills area.


HPV vaccination lowers cervical cancer risk up to 87%, British study finds

Cervical cancer rates have dropped by as much as 87% in England since women started to receive the HPV vaccine there in 2008, new research shows.
 File Photo by Adam Gregor/Shutterstock

Nov. 3 (UPI) -- Becoming vaccinated against the human papillomavirus, or HPV, reduces a woman's risk for cervical cancer up to 87%, a study published Wednesday by the Lancet found.

By June 2019, about 450 fewer cases of cervical cancer and 17,200 fewer cases of cervical carcinomas, or pre-cancers, than expected occurred among women vaccinated between 12 and 13 years old in England from 2008 on, the data showed.

Cervical cancer rates were 62% lower in women vaccinated between ages 14 and 16 and 34% lower in those inoculated at ages 16 to 18 when the vaccine first was available, the researchers said.

"Although previous studies have shown the usefulness of HPV vaccination in preventing HPV infection in England, direct evidence on cervical cancer prevention was limited," study co-author Peter Sasieni said in a press release.

"The observed impact is even greater than ... models predicted," said Sasieni, professor of cancer prevention at King's College London.

HPV is the most common sexually transmitted infection in the United States, with about 43 million current cases, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. It has been linked with health complications ranging from genital warts to cervical cancer.

Though vaccines against HPV have been available in the United States since 2008, fewer than half of eligible adolescents have received the shots, the agency estimates.


The findings of this study are based using the HPV vaccine Cervarix, manufactured by GlaxoSmithKline.

The vaccine, administered in three doses, was approved in 2008 in England, where this study was conducted. It was used until 2012, and then replaced with Gardasil, made by Merck.

The Food and Drug Administration approved Cervarix for use in the United States in 2009.

A similar analysis published earlier this year found that cervical cancer rates in the United States have declined by up to 5% annually among women ages 20 to 64 over the past 17 years -- since HPV vaccines have been available.

For this study, the researchers analyzed data on cervical cancer cases in England diagnosed between January 2006 and June 2019 among women ages 20 to 64.

Roughly half of the women included in the analysis were vaccinated with Cervarix between ages 12 and 18, the researchers said.

During the study period, nearly 28,000 women in the study population were diagnosed with cervical cancer and more than 318,000 were diagnosed with cervical carcinomas.

Among women vaccinated against HPV, there were roughly 450 fewer cases of cervical cancer than would be expected for the population, based on historical prevalence data, the researchers said.

In addition, 17,200 fewer cases of cervical carcinomas occurred than would be expected.

Cervical cancer rates fell by 87% among women vaccinated at ages 12 or 13, with 89% having received at least one dose of the HPV vaccine and 85% fully vaccinated, the data showed.

The rates dropped by 62% in women vaccinated at ages of 14 to 16 and by 34% among those inoculated at ages 16 to 18, 60% of whom received at least one dose and 45% of whom were fully vaccinated.

Rates of cervical carcinomas fell by 97% in women vaccinated at ages 12 and 13, by 75% in those vaccinated at ages 14 to 16 and by 39% in those vaccinated at ages 16 to 18 , according to the researchers.

"This represents an important step forwards in cervical cancer prevention," study co-author Dr. Kate Soldan said in a press release.

"We hope that these new results encourage uptake as the success of the vaccination program relies not only on the efficacy of the vaccine but also the proportion of the population vaccinated," said Soldan, who heads Public Health England's HPV surveillance program.
New model identifies areas of California prone to wildfires, researchers say

A new statistical model may help researchers identify fire-prone, which includes parts of California, where the Dixie Fire, pictured, this year became the second-largest wildfire in the state's history. 
File Photo by Peter DaSilva/UPI | License Photo


Nov. 3 (UPI) -- Researchers at the University of California, Santa Barbara said Wednesday that they have developed model designed to help identify wildfire-prone areas across the Golden State.

The new modeling approach outperformed currently used statistical models developed for certain regions of the state, accurately predicting new locations for wildfires, and the years in which they will occur, with more than 75% accuracy in some cases, the researchers said.

Based on a statistical approach known as generalized additive modeling, they were able to map annual wildfire probabilities throughout California from 1970 to 2016 by incorporating data on local climate variation, human activity and the time since the last fire event, they said.

Both local climate and human activity, such as the dryness of fuel available to burn and housing density, play key roles in determining wildfire probabilities throughout the state, the data showed.

For example, portions of the Southern California mountains such as the Angeles and Los Padres National Forests were at high risk for wildfires.

Both regions have sufficient vegetation and therefore fuel availability as well as being close to and at risk from ignitions starting in high-density housing in the Los Angeles metropolitan area, according to the researchers.

In addition, in certain environments, the amount of time since the last fire has an important influence on the potential wildfires, as do short-term climate variations involving extreme conditions, particularly in fire-prone shrublands and forests in southern California.

"This study presents a powerful tool for mapping the probability of wildfire across the state of California under a variety of historical climate regimes," the researchers wrote in an article published Wednesday by the journal PLOS ONE.

"By leveraging machine learning methods, it demonstrates the distinct ways in which local climate, human development and prior fire history each contribute to the yearly risk of wildfire over space and time," they said.

Like much of the western United States, California has been plagued by wildfires in recent years, with many communities suffering significant damage.

Many residents have lost homes, and smoke from wildfires has been linked with serious health complications, such as lung disease.

However, the factors and conditions that interact to contribute to the probability of wildfire, such as the interplay between local vegetation, precipitation and land use, are complex and vary by location and over time, according to the researchers.

With further refinements, the new modeling method could prove valuable for a variety of research and practical applications in such areas as wildfire emissions and hazard mapping for implementation of fire-resistant building codes, the researchers said.

"This study demonstrates that local climate -- through limitations posed by fuel dryness and fuel availability -- plays an important and predictable role in determining the annual probabilities of fire throughout California," the researchers wrote.

"Further, our findings emphasize the importance of incorporating human activity -- through influences on ignitions and suppression of fires -- into predictions of fire probability over space and time," they said.
'NATURAL AND ORGANIC'
Walmart recalls aromatherapy spray linked to rare, fatal bacterial disease




Walmart has recalled nearly 4,000 bottles of Better Homes and Gardens-branded aromatherapy room spray with gemstones linked to two fatal cases of a rare bacterial disease. 
Photo courtesy Consumer Product Safety Commission

Nov. 3 (UPI) -- Federal agencies on Wednesday expanded recalls and warnings regarding aromatherapy sprays linked to fatalities from a rare bacteria.

The U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the Consumer Product Safety Commission said that Walmart had recalled about 3,900 bottles of Better Homes and Gardens-branded aromatherapy room spray with gemstones in six different scents due to the presence of a bacteria linked to two deaths.

"The CDC tested a version of the product and determined that it contained the dangerous bacteria Burkholderia pseudomallei, which causes melioidosis," the commission said.

The CDC has been investigating a cluster of cases of melioidosis, which is usually associated with travel, in Kansas, Minnesota, Texas and Georgia that resulted in two deaths, including the death of a child.

Samples taken from a bottle of the aromatherapy spray, manufactured in India, in the home of the Georgia victim found the presence of the bacteria and further testing showed the genetic fingerprint of the bacteria in that bottle matched those identified in the other four patients.

The products were sold at approximately 55 Walmart stores nationwide and online at walmart.com from February 2021 through October 2021 for about $4.

The CDC recommends that consumers who have purchased the aromatherapy sprays stop using them immediately and double bag the bottle in a clean, clear zip-top resealable bag, place the bag in a small cardboard box and return it to a Walmart store.

Consumers should also wash sheets or linen the product may have been sprayed on using normal laundry detergent and dry completely in a hot dryer in addition to wiping down counters and surfaces that may have been exposed to the spray with an undiluted disinfectant cleaner.
CRIMINAL CAPITALI$M
British man charged in Twitter hack indicted for cryptocurrency scheme


British national Joseph O'Connor has been charged with stealing cryptocurrency, including bitcoin, from a Manhattan-based cryptocurrency company.
 File Photo by John Angelillo/UPI | License Photo

Nov. 4 (UPI) -- Federal prosecutors have announced a British man previously charged for a Twitter hack targeting high-profile users, including President Joe Biden, has been indicted on allegations of stealing $784,000 in cryptocurrency from a Manhattan-based company.

On Wednesday, the Justice Department announced the unsealing of a four-count indictment charging Joseph James O'Conner, 22, with conspiracy to commit computer intrusions, wire fraud and money laundering as well as aggravated identity theft for the elaborate scheme.

In the charging documents, federal prosecutors described the hack as a SIM swap attack in which threat actors gain control over a victim's mobile phone number in order to obtain unauthorized access to the accounts registered to it.

The prosecutors allege that O'Connor, who went by the alias PlugwalkJoe, with others unnamed conducted the scheme from March to May 2019 to target the anonymous cryptocurrency company that provided digital wallet infrastructure and related software to worldwide cryptocurrency exchanges.

The indictment states they targeted at least three of the company's executives with SIM swap attacks to gain unauthorized access to multiple computer systems in the company in order to divert various forms of cryptocurrency including bitcoin and Ethereum from wallets the company managed for two clients.

O'Connor was arrested by Spanish authorities in July at the request of the United States for compromising more than 130 Twitter accounts last year.

That hack involved sending messages from the high-profile accounts to convince their followers to send them $1,000 in cryptocurrency. In return, the compromised accounts falsely promised to return double that amount if they did.

The scheme netted more than $100,000 in bitcoin from some 400 accounts in a day, prosecutors said.

Florida resident Graham Ivan Clark was sentenced to three years in prison and three years probation for his involvement.
Top HK court: Dissidents can't be charged if not physically present at riots, protests


Riot police arrest a protester during an anti-government rally in Hong Kong on September 29, 2019. 
File Photo by Thomas Maresca/UPI | License Photo

Nov. 4 (UPI) -- Hong Kong's top appellate court delivered a landmark ruling on Thursday that rejected government efforts to prosecute dissident activists who weren't physically present at an unlawful event or assembly.

The Court of Final Appeal struck down a lower court ruling that said Hong Kong authorities can punish activists as primary offenders, even if they didn't physically attend protests, assemblies or riots that violate the island's national security law.

The lower court had said the prosecutions were legal under the common law doctrine of "joint enterprise,' which says secondary offenders can be convicted on the same charge as primary offenders.

The decision Thursday by the five-judge appellate court, which was unanimous, concluded that the doctrine cannot be applied to rioting and cases of unlawful assembly. Physically participating in the unlawful events, the court said, is a "centrally important element" of the law.

The court said in its ruling that persons not present at illegal events can only be charged with conspiracy or ancillary offenses, such as aiding and abetting, incitement and assisting an offender.

The question wound through the courts after mass demonstrations in Hong Kong in 2019 and 2020 that opposed various issues such as police brutality, a controversial extradition law and the national security law itself, which has been used to punish dissidents critical of the Chinese government and those seeking independence from Beijing.

Thursday's ruling stemmed from appeals filed by pro-democracy activists Lo Kin-man and Henry Tong, who were charged for unrest that accompanied protests in 2016 and 2019.
Buffalo’s Establishment Pulled Out All the Stops to Defeat India Walton

To beat India Walton, the establishment smeared her, changed the rules, and threw piles of cash. In the end, she flipped Byron Brown’s base while he drove up turnout in the city’s wealthiest areas


India Walton walks to a polling place with supporters in Buffalo, New York on Thursday, October 28, 2021.
(Matt Burkhartt for the Washington Post via Getty Images)

BYBRANKO MARCETIC
JACOBIN
11.03.2021

When thinking about India Walton’s loss in the Buffalo mayor’s race last night, it’s hard not to first think about the never-ending injustice of being poor.

Consider: incumbent Byron Brown — Walton’s opponent and improbable write-in candidate, after he lost a Democratic primary in a city where its winner is virtually elected mayor by default — has one of the country’s more shocking records. Brown has recklessly run the city’s finances into the ground. He utterly failed to tackle the city’s pervasive poverty, exacerbating it instead. He did little to nothing about its growing lead problem, and has presided over such pervasive corruption, including several scandals linked directly to him, that the FBI was investigating his entourage even as the race was going on, including a raid on one of his offices. In fact, the only reason Brown was even able to stay on the ballot was that a judge with a glaring conflict of interest ruled he could.

Yet as soon as Brown lost the primary, all of the misdeeds he’d committed while actually in power over the past fifteen years took a backseat. Brown successfully turned the election debate to the petty personal mistakes of Walton, a woman who became a working mother as a teen, before becoming a nurse: she was charged with $295 worth of food stamp fraud in 2003; she owed $749 in back taxes in 2004; she was stopped for driving with a suspended license; she visited her cousin before he went to jail; she failed to show up for a court summons sent to the wrong address; she wrote a rude Facebook post; and her car was towed just last month over unpaid parking tickets.

It worked: a week before election day, more than half of voters said their opinion of Walton had gotten worse since the primary.

Most politicians don’t have these particular blots on their records; they either come from backgrounds where money is never an issue, or sociopathically design their entire adult lives, down to its minutiae, so as to have a spotless record when they eventually make their run. Brown exploited the fact that Walton was something exceedingly rare in today’s politics: an actual working-class person who hadn’t graduated from the Ivy League, or spent a decade or more obsessively planning her political career. Having lost her nonprofit job after running for office, Walton was delivering food for DoorDash and living on loans from her mother as she campaigned these last few months.

Brown had other advantages. His improbable comeback was helped every step of the way by a business sector terrified that, after fifteen years getting tax cuts, subsidies, and taxpayer-funded grants, the gravy train was about to end. Brown raised $851,000 in just four months from the city’s moneyed interests.

He was also helped by a bipartisan political establishment united against Walton. New York Republicans put up a united front with Brown, with right-wing party members, most of them outside Buffalo, making up a third of the signatures they helped collect to try to put him on the ballot. Together, they fearmongered about Walton using a playbook indistinguishable from the red-baiting tactics Republicans have used the last few years to rile their voters up against Democrats.

On the Democratic side, despite getting a late endorsement from Senator Chuck Schumer (D-NY), Democrats in the state largely avoided endorsing Walton, with the state party chair comparing her to white supremacist David Duke. At one point, shortly after her primary win, the Democrat-controlled city council voted to “explore” simply eliminating the mayor’s office.

For all the parties’ talk of fiscal responsibility, clean government, and social justice, they went for a corrupt, incompetent fiscal manager who has presided over virtually unchanged conditions for the city’s poor, largely black population. Why? Because Brown suited their class interests: he’s slashed taxes, gone easy on landlords, doled out lucrative favors for the right price, and sent real estate values soaring thanks to the city’s uneven development.
Reversal of Fortune

So how did Brown win?

Walton had caught Brown napping in June’s primary, where a mere 20 percent of Democrats showed up to vote, or about 13.8 percent of Buffalo’s registered voters. The question was how things would shake out in the higher-turnout context of a general election. At more than fifty-eight thousand votes, or 37.4 percent of registered voters, Tuesday’s was the highest turnout for a mayoral election in Buffalo since 2005, when a majority of more than seventy-three thousand voters first made Brown mayor.

As of the time of writing, Walton has more than doubled the 11,132 votes she had gotten in the primary, a testament to her campaign’s grassroots operation. But Walton wasn’t the only one to turn people out. If we treat the write-in votes as a proxy for Brown votes, Brown nearly quardrupled his 9,625 primary votes to 34,273 in the general, nearly eight thousand more votes than his best ever performance in 2009, and nearly double his average vote total in the last four races.

Walton and Brown both turned out a relatively large number of voters — Brown just turned out a lot more. If nothing else, it’s a sharp reversal from the dwindling political engagement that has worsened under Brown.

The incumbent mayor owes much of this to a sharp spike in turnout in the city’s wealthiest, whitest districts, the two highest-turnout districts in 2017. Brown’s advantage in the South District alone — 87 percent white, with a relatively even income split but one of the city’s lowest poverty rates — was responsible for nearly two-thirds of his overall advantage over Walton.

There, Brown’s vote total was more than six times the number he got in the primary, and the gap between him and Walton went up thirteen-fold. This, after losing the district eighty to nineteen four years ago to a hometown opponent who made many of the same critiques of Brown’s record as Walton has this year.

In terms of vote totals, Brown’s second biggest gap, and his second largest gain from the primary, came in the Delaware district, the city’s wealthiest, and typically its friendliest to Republicans. Walton had bested Brown there in the primary, but Brown’s vote total in the district jumped four-fold last night, letting him take the district with an advantage of more than eighteen hundred votes.

By contrast, Walton’s strongest showings were in districts that are less white and wealthy. Walton again narrowly won the Ellicott district, two-thirds black and where more than half earn below the city’s median wage of $35,000 a year; and her home district of Niagara, where one in five residents are black and nearly a third earn less than $20,000 a year. The University district, a majority black district traditionally part of Brown’s base on the East Side, and which he’d won with 64 percent of the vote in 2017, swung significantly to Walton this year, who lost by less than three hundred votes there.

Maybe most notably, where Brown had won his home district of Masten in the primary — long a loyal stronghold of his in mayoral races — Walton flipped it last night. A district Brown had won by as much as 97 percent in 2009’s primary and 68 percent just four years ago went 53 percent for his opponent this year. More than four-fifths of the district’s residents are African American, and nearly two-thirds earn below the median wage. In a significant reversal from 2017, Brown lost a large chunk of his traditional base to Walton this election, and was propelled by some of the districts most hostile to him in previous years.

But this doesn’t tell the whole story, because Brown was able to repeatedly defy this simple pattern. He held onto Fillmore, the city’s poorest district whose population is roughly equally white and black, and he bettered his primary vote share by nineteen points in Lovejoy, a majority-white district where nonetheless nearly 40 percent of residents are African American and more than half earn below the median wage (Brown had lost it four years ago, managing thirty points less than he got in this election).

Likewise, Brown flipped the North district, comparably poor and nearly 50 percent white, but which has benefited from development projects Brown has presided over. He quintupled his primary votes there, adding seventeen points to his vote share. He similarly cut Walton’s lead in her home district by seventeen points and ever so slightly shaved down her margin in Ellicott.

These figures suggest Brown’s built a similar coalition to the one that made Joe Biden the Democratic nominee last year: African-American voters loyal to a long-serving familiar face, accompanied by a surge of more conservative, well-off white voters desperate to stop a left-wing insurgent.

Simple Twists of Fate


As more information comes out, the Walton campaign will no doubt be looking to make sense of what, strategically, they could’ve done differently. Is the local political and media perception correct, that Walton needlessly antagonized Democratic officials after the primary by telling them they were “on notice” and that “we are coming”? Was she fatally dogged by the “defund the police” slogan, which Walton never used but which was associated with her, and which spurred the city workers that populate the South district to organize against her? And to what extent was it ever possible for Walton’s insurgent campaign to combat the widespread voter perception that she lacked the experience necessary to run a major city?

There is a broader lesson here for the Left, too. After Walton’s primary win, many presumed the general election was a done deal. That Brown, with the backing of a corrupt establishment determined to protect its power and standing, could engineer an improbable, history-making comeback — even rewrite the law to do so — seemed beyond the realm of possibility, until it wasn’t. Walton’s campaign worked hard to turn out voters until the day of the election. But engineering the defeat of a united establishment — even just within a single city — may require vastly more resources and manpower than we think.

There is also a lesson from, of all places, Byron Brown’s own career. Brown and his allies didn’t come to dominate Buffalo politics by winning one mayoral election out of the blue. The Grassroots Inc. political organization Brown came out of was founded nearly two decades before his win, by African-American community activists who decided they needed political power to improve their neighborhoods, and set about the long, patient process of gradually unseating the do-nothing establishment hacks in council seats, the state assembly, and anywhere else they could manage a win.

Brown made his way up the political ranks under its auspices, until eventually securing enough of a foothold and support to run for mayor. The tragedy is that both Brown and Grassroots simply replaced the previous corrupt machine with their own.

Besides this, every insurgent challenge is a long shot by definition, and absent the perfect campaign or the perfect set of conditions — and sometimes even with one or the other — a dose of good fortune is pivotal. Walton’s story, of a working-class activist winning an improbable challenge against a complacent, business-focused incumbent, has more than a few parallels with the story of Bernie Sanders in Burlington forty years ago.

Sanders’s shock win then launched the greatest left-wing electoral success story in modern political history. But even with all his political skill, it all rested on a series of fortunate twists of fate: a lazy and out-of-touch opponent; the latter’s alienation of several key voting blocs; the entrance of two extra challengers who split his vote, allowing Sanders to squeak through by only twelve votes.

Maybe most crucially, with Sanders having delivered his upset in a general election and not a primary, the incumbent never had the chance to get his act together and go for round two, though he certainly did what he could. It also meant the press never had the chance to go negative against him — the fact that he was a socialist wasn’t even widely known or brought up until after the election was over.

In a political system where money wins out over people the majority of the time, left-wing politics has always meant losing and losing, until you start to win. The Walton campaign fell short this time, and it will have to evaluate why exactly that was. Those lessons will inform insurgent campaigns of the future — which may look back on this as one more crack in the dam before the walls really started to burst.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Branko Marcetic is a Jacobin staff writer and the author of Yesterday's Man: The Case Against Joe Biden. He lives in Chicago, Illinois.
Landru: France's chilling killer who inspired Chaplin

Issued on: 04/11/2021 


Bluebeard: Henri-Desire Landru killed at least 11 people from 1915 to 1919 
eba AFP/File

Paris (AFP) – While French soldiers were dying by their thousands at the front during World War I, the country's first modern serial killer was murdering the lonely women left at home and burning their bodies in his kitchen stove.

In a cautionary tale for the Tinder generation, Henri-Desire Landru -- nicknamed "Bluebeard" for bringing to life the folk story about a killer who prayed on lovelorn women -- lured his victims with personal ads promising romance.

His trial, which opened exactly a century ago, both captivated and horrified France, with the little bald charmer with his long black manicured beard mesmerising the packed courtroom.

In one of his many dramatic flourishes during the three-week trial, Landru denied all the charges and demanded: "Show me the bodies!" knowing that all that remained of his 11 victims was ash.

The prosecution wheeled in Landru's stove in an effort to upstage him and it later made its way to a Paris wax museum before being bought by one of France's most famous television hosts.

Landru's piercing gaze and strange charisma not only hypnotised the press, it inspired books and films, including a Charlie Chaplin movie, "Monsieur Verdoux".

Hunting in the classifieds


An odd jobs man who called himself an engineer and inventor, Landru patented a motorcycle but never put it on the market -- the first of his many scams.

Born in Paris in 1869, the altar boy turned bad had spent three stints in prison before being sent to the notorious Devil's Island penal colony in French Guiana as the Great War broke out.

He managed to escape in the chaos of mobilisation, adopting more than 90 false identities and moving a dozen times to stay one step ahead of the police.

With men away fighting and many women left alone, Landru began to hone his deadly ruse.

Fatal attraction

He published a small ad in the classified columns of newspapers proposing marriage and pretending to be a rich widower seeking a soulmate.#photo1

Some 283 women replied, but only the lonely singletons or rich widows interested him. Neat and nimble, he spoke well and put his victims at ease with jokes.

From 1915 to 1919 Landru repeated the same modus operandi.

He lured the chosen fiancee to an isolated rented home in Gambais, west of Paris, had them nominate him as their proxy to pocket their savings and then killed them.

It is believed he then part-burned the bodies in his kitchen stove. Neighbours reported foul smells.

Another particularly chilling detail was revealed at the trial: Landru always bought himself a return train ticket to Gambais but got only a one-way for the women.

In all he killed 10 women and one of their sons. No trace of their bodies was ever found. And there is strong suspicion had he killed a 12th person.

Capture

On April 12, 1919, the most wanted man in France was arrested in Paris after the sister of a victim had recognised him on the street and alerted the police.

His capture and conviction owed much to the persistence of Inspector Jules Belin, who in the absence of hard evidence and a confession gathered clues that convinced the jury.

The profile that emerged of Landru in court was that of a meticulous, obsessive man.

He recorded everything in his notebook -- the physical details of the women, his purchase of dozens of hacksaws, and, next to the names of his victims, a time, presumably the exact moment he killed them.

Courtroom drama

The legend of Landru was firmly forged when his trial opened two and a half years after his arrest.

For three weeks ordinary people and high society types flocked to the trial in Versailles by train on the "Landru express", at once horrified and fascinated by the man standing in the dock and his diabolical methods.

The novelist Colette covered the trial for the "Le Matin" newspaper, describing the spectacle and the mesmerising effect Landru, who was quite the actor, had on his audience.

On November 30 Landru was sentenced to death and executed early on February 25, 1922.

Just before the guillotine came down, Landru's lawyer asked if he wanted to ease his conscience.

"That, sir, is my little suitcase," he said, taking his secrets with him to his grave.

Enduring fascination


Horrifying as his crimes were, Landru inspired a devoted following in France.

While he awaited trial in prison, several thousand people voted for him as an undeclared candidate in an election.

Behind bars he received some 4,000 letters from admirers, including 800 proposals of marriage.

Even after he lost his head some claimed he was still alive.

Rumours persisted that he was secretly released, with sightings all over the world.

Landru became a popular culture bogeyman, the punchline of dark, often sexist jokes.

There have been numerous books, comic strips and films made about him, including Chaplin's "Monsieur Verdoux" and Claude Chabrol's "Landru", as well as classic songs by Charles Trenet and Serge Gainsbourg.

© 2021 AFP

A Year After the Election, Trump’s Effect on Evangelical Churches Lingers

Political tensions in the pews have calmed, and another survey shows leaders’ Trump support yielded more positives than negatives for evangelicals.
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A Year After the Election, Trump’s Effect on Evangelical Churches Lingers
Image: Eva Marie Uzcategui / Getty Images

Political polarization has subsided in most American churches a year after the 2020 presidential elections. But there are notable exceptions to that trajectory, and new research has found lingering effects of evangelical support for former president Donald Trump.

In the youthful, mobile, and tech-savvy church, members who “leaned more toward the far left and the far right tended to have the most difficult time in this last season,” Sinnett said, “and they also were the ones that gravitated away from the church.”The remnants of tension are evident at congregations such as Seattle’s Downtown Cornerstone Church, where pastor Adam Sinnett has been surprised “at how challenging it is to really cultivate unity amidst [our] political differences.”

The Seattle congregation’s experience aligns with data released this week by Heart and Mind Strategies, a research and consulting organization. A survey of 1,000 US adults conducted in August found some remaining sources of political strife for evangelicals.

Around half of Americans believe evangelical leaders’ support of Trump hurt the church’s credibility. One in four say evangelical support for Trump reduced their desire to participate in religion. And among evangelicals, 33 percent say their leaders’ support of Trump made personal witness to friends and family more difficult.

The political strife the church has endured in recent years “shows the world that Jesus doesn’t really unite people like we say he does,” Sinnett said.

At Downtown Cornerstone, the political differences show up “in three primary spheres: personal relationships, small groups, and most pointedly around decisions of leadership” over whether to address social issues and whether to submit to the government on COVID-19 restrictions, among other issues.

“It’s somewhat of an indictment of the church that we are far more comfortable in our ideological circles than we are with people that have totally different political perspectives but worship the same Jesus,” Sinnett said.

Divides in many churches hit a breaking point in 2020, with heightened political polarization during Trump’s reelection campaign and pastors struggling to maintain unity over pandemic responses. In the aftermath of the contested election and the riot at the US Capitol, pastors even found themselves in conversations around conspiracy theories, fear, and truth.

Amid the tensions, some congregations clashed with their leaders, some pastors left their churches, some members went searching for a new church home, and some have taken a break from church life altogether.

But as the election recedes and pandemic outlooks improve, things feel a lot better in most churches than they did in 2020. The effects still linger, but the intensity of the debates have died down.

The question for analysts is whether the apparent calming of political tension among evangelicals stems from increased spiritual maturity or just the changing news cycle. Author and theologian Jonathan Leeman thinks it’s a combination of both.

“There are risks of dividing over things that are in the news,” said Leeman, coauthor of How Can I Love Church Members with Different Politics? “Now we’re not talking about a presidential election,” and the division is subsiding. “Everybody is talking about vaccines and mask mandates, so that’s where you’re going to feel the fissures.”

Still, Christians seem to be learning in 2021 to separate “whole church issues,” on which Christians must agree to be part of a congregation together, from “Christian freedom issues,” which are not as clear in Scripture, he said.

“At least a few more people are beginning to grab onto the idea of Christian freedom as a crucial doctrine that allows the temperatures of conversations to drop at least slightly,” said Leeman, editorial director at 9Marks in Washington, DC.

It can be hard to disagree over politics in church when so many believers see their vote and their political engagement as stemming from their Christian convictions and beliefs in right and wrong. Two-thirds of self-identified evangelicals, according to the Heart and Mind survey, say their faith influences their political beliefs, twice as many as Americans on average.

The majority of evangelicals (57%) believe their support of Trump in 2020 “showed moral courage to try and achieve policies and actions consistent with evangelical Christian values,” and more than a third of Americans overall agreed.

Most who identify as evangelicals or hold evangelical beliefs said evangelical stances on President Trump didn’t affect their church involvement either way. But for a sizable minority, it led them to become more engaged with their church and their faith.

Among self-identified evangelicals, 30 percent say they are more likely to attend Sunday services as a result of how their pastors addressed Trump in the last election, 27 percent say they’re more likely to make donations to their church, and 33 percent are more likely to witness to friends.

Approximately 80 percent of white evangelicals voted for Trump in 2016 and again in 2020, according to polling data. Trump’s evangelical allies, convened by friend and televangelist Paula White, included leaders like First Baptist Dallas pastor Robert Jeffress, Gateway Church pastor Robert Morris, and Samaritan’s Purse president Franklin Graham.

Some evangelicals who objected to Trump during the 2016 election—such as Southern Baptist Theological Seminary president Albert Mohler—ended up backing him in 2020 based on his track record on religious liberty, abortion, and other issues. In the Heart and Mind survey, evangelicals who were white, over 55, and weekly church attenders were most likely to agree with such stances, believing Trump kept his promises to champion matters important to faithful Christians.

The evangelical critics of the former president, though, said Trump’s brash approach, as well as his remarks on women and immigrants, revealed a character at odds with Christian values. Pastors like Andy Stanley at Atlanta’s North Point Community Church worried evangelical association with Trump would hurt the church’s reputation and outreach. In the survey, a minority of evangelicals believed the same, concerned about the impact on evangelical credibility and Christian witness.

But surveys so far haven’t reported a significant impact on evangelical affiliation. The new findings from Heart and Mind align with data released last month by the Pew Research Center showing there was no mass exodus from evangelicalism during the four years of Trump’s presidency despite pockets of turmoil. In fact, affiliation grew thanks to Trump’s political supporters adopting the label.

While evangelicalism at large looks to have survived the Trump era without major fissures, division remains for some Black Christians.

The Heart and Mind Strategies poll found 64 percent of Black evangelicals identified with the sentiment that “evangelical leaders’ obsessive support of Trump coupled with his personal failings does more harm than good, tarnishing numerous causes.” An identical percentage of white evangelicals (64%) agreed that they supported Trump because “while not a perfect person, he championed matters important to faithful Christians.”

Those racial differences manifested themselves in the departures of several African American pastors from the Southern Baptist Convention (SBC) last year. Now Marshal Ausberry, immediate past SBC first vice president and immediate past president of the SBC’s National African American Fellowship, says the suburban DC congregation he pastors may leave the SBC this year.

Members of Antioch Baptist Church in Fairfax Station, Virginia, are “deeply, deeply concerned” over appearances the convention is “in bed with a particular [political] party,” he said.

The Trump administration “reopened” past wounds of racial trauma for African Americans and brought grown men to tears, Ausberry said. Over the past year, the situation “has not improved because anytime you experience pain or racialized trauma resurfacing, it takes time to heal.”

The Hispanic community seems to mirror the larger trend of political calming, according to Javier Chavez, a Georgia pastor and global studies professor at Truett McConnell University. The 2020 election cycle was “difficult” for Latinos due to the “political noise.”

In different parts of the country and among Latinos with different backgrounds, views clashed over the president. Some churches split over the election, and some Hispanic believers changed churches over politics, Chavez said.

This year, however, “is a different story.” Currently, “the discussion of political ideology is not really what is transpiring in my community,” said Chavez, pastor of Amistad Cristiana International, a Spanish-speaking, predominantly Mexican and Central American church in Gainesville, Georgia. “At this moment, the concern is economics: inflation, constant noise of an approaching economic crisis, housing prices.”

Amid the slowdown of election conflict, half (52%) of evangelicals agree they are “proud that some in the evangelical community are seeking to separate the gospel message from Trump and toxic politics,” according to the Heart and Mind Strategies survey.

Evangelicals under 35, people of color including Asians and Hispanics, and those living in the Mountain and Midwest areas were most likely to agree.

Many of them likely have their own leaders in mind. Self-identified evangelicals gave their pastors higher marks in their handling of the 2020 election than evangelical leaders in general.

Respondents were more likely to say evangelical leaders did a fair or poor job speaking about the presidential election (43%). When asked about their own pastor or church leader, though, just over half (51%) gave them positive marks.

David Roach is a freelance reporter for CT and the pastor of Shiloh Baptist Church in Saraland, Alabama.