Tuesday, December 14, 2021

WW3.0



Zelensky: No withdrawal of Russian forces from Ukraine borders following Biden-Putin summit

There has been no decrease in the number of Russian troops deployed near the border with Ukraine since the latest talks between the U.S. and Russian presidents.

That’s according to President Volodymyr Zelensky of Ukraine who spoke in an interview with Italy's La Repubblica, translated into Ukrainian and posted by the president’s press service, Ukrinform reports.

"After the American and Russian leaders held talks, there has been no reduction of the military grouping near our borders. Moreover, another space for escalation emerged, which is the Sea of ​​Azov, where Russia has blocked 70% of the water area," said Zelensky.

At the same time, the head of state assured, Ukraine is ready to protect its land and its people from any encroachments, under any circumstances.

Read also: Putin won’t stop on Ukraine as he aims for Europe - Reznikov

"Ukrainians will never give up their freedom. Meanwhile, Moscow may as well open a museum of various accusations. Undoubtedly, we’re grateful for the support, but collective efforts are not enough to get the Russian side back not only to the predictable policy, which would be based on respect for international law and neighboring countries, but also to meaningful negotiations toward achieving peace in the east of Ukraine," the Ukrainian president emphasized.

He stressed the fact that Ukraine doesn’t do saber-rattling, deploy troops near someone’s borders, or take coercive steps targeting its territories that are now temporarily occupied, while d constantly insisting on intensifying diplomatic work.

"Ukraine is ready to make all necessary efforts to make peace fair and lasting. This interview will turn into a thick book if I start listing all the proposals and efforts to intensify our talks that the Russian side has received from us throughout the war period. But it will only take a small paragraph to convey Russia's responses as they all boil down to their unwillingness to recognize themselves as a party to this war. Their role at the negotiating table is to insist that we talk to separatists in Donbas. But who are these separatists? In the occupied territories, everything is run by Russian officers and Russian government officials," Zelensky stressed.

Read also: Ukraine working with allies on ways to deter Russia - Kuleba

As reported earlier, on November 9, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky and U.S. President Joe Biden spoke over the phone.

Earlier, on December 7, the American leader held a virtual summit with his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin.

 

"We're preparing for Putin to give the order to start the war - help urgently needed"

Kiev Mayor Vitali Klitschko warns of Russia's invasion of Ukraine.

SOURCE: JUTARNJI LIST 
EPA-EFE/YURI KOCHETKOV
EPA-EFE/YURI KOCHETKOV

"We in the whole of Ukraine are preparing for Russian President Vladimir Putin to give the order to start the war," warns the former boxer in an article for the German Bild.

"As a soldier, I once swore that I would defend this country, and now I am ready to fight for the homeland," the mayor of the capital of Ukraine pointed out.

Russia has amassed troops on the border with Ukraine in recent weeks, sparking fears of a possible invasion. Moscow denies that and accuses the authorities in Ukraine of provocations.

In contrast, Klitschko calls for urgent international aid: "international support and military aid", as he wrote in a text published in the high-circulation Bild. "We are one European country, which needs European support more than ever," said Klitschko, who has been the mayor of Kiev since 2014.

According to recent NATO announcements, Russia keeps between 75.000 and 100.000 soldiers near the Ukrainian border, reports Spiegel.

The art of the possible Russia is massing troops on the border with Ukraine for the second time this year. Is an all-out war imminent?


December 10, 2021
Source: Meduza

The renewed Russian troop buildup near the border with Ukraine has been grabbing headlines for more than a month now. Citing intelligence sources, U.S. and European media report that Russia may be preparing for large-scale attack. These tensions brought about a video call between presidents Joe Biden and Vladimir Putin on December 7, after which the U.S. leader announced plans for high-level talks involving at least four major NATO allies and Russia. Is this what the Kremlin wanted? Or is an all-out war really on the table? Meduza turns to political scientists and military experts for some insight.


Mikhail Khodarenok
Military observer, retired colonel


The current situation is more about politics. From the point of view of strategy nothing tells me that in the near or foreseeable future Russia will invade Ukraine. Currently, Russian troops are in a concentration area [near the border] and they aren’t taking any further actions, they’re sitting in field camps. If an invasion were being planned, strike groups would be created, logistical, medical, and technical support systems would be deployed. All this wouldn’t go unnoticed, not only by intelligence, but also by citizens.

Sometimes a concentration of Russian troops [near the border with Ukraine] has been “tied” to military exercises. But what this current concentration is “tied to,” I don’t know. In this case, I find it difficult to say why Russia needs this transfer of troops. Just as I find it difficult to say what presidents Putin and Biden talked about during their last meeting [on December 7].

This war benefits neither Ukraine, nor Russia. For example, Russia may provoke such a response from European Union countries, the United States, and the entire Western community that everything that came before will seem like a light slap on the wrist.

Moreover, Russia is currently in a situation where it has no allies (South Ossetia and Abkhazia can’t be regarded as allies). A possible confrontation is taking the shape of “Russia versus the rest of the world.” Who [in history] has ever won in such a situation?

 No one.
 

Andrey Kortunov
Political scientist, director general of the Russian International Affairs Council


It seems to me that after the meeting between Biden and Putin there’s less talk about Russia attacking Ukraine. But there are still concerns about increased Russian military activity along the borders. There was a period of similar activity in the spring of this year. At the time, there was a lot of speculation about inevitable hostilities between Russia and Ukraine.

Under the current, not-so-simple political conditions there’s a tendency to analyze events according to the worst case scenario. From my point of view, this isn’t necessarily the right approach — but it’s actively used in the media and by analysts.

I think that everything we know about how the Russian leadership — and Putin in particular — behaves should lead to the conclusion that if they wanted to carry out a military operation, it would be covert. And we’d only find out about it afterwards. As was the case [in Crimea] in 2014.

The troops’ current behavior is demonstrative and open. This means that the task isn’t to prepare for an offensive operation, but to send a signal to Kyiv and the West. [Apparently, the Russian leadership] is concerned that Kyiv may return to the idea of a military solution to the conflict over the Donbas — and the Russian troops are a warning. And the signal to the West is a demonstration of Russia’s concern over what Putin has referred to as the development of NATO’s military infrastructure on the territory of Ukraine.


If Russia sends troops into Ukraine, of course there will be sanctions [from the West]. I don’t think sanctions on individuals and companies would strongly affect Russia. But if suddenly a big war starts, then Moscow will face sanctions of a different order [of magnitude]. There will be sanctions on the Russian financial system, disconnecting Russia from the SWIFT international banking system, sanctions on Russian energy, and attempts to take Russian oil and gas off the world market. This would do serious damage to the Russian economy. But beyond that, such sanctions would destabilize the world financial system and energy [sector]. Among other things, they would hit the American economy, and the Biden administration has no interest in that. So such sanctions remain only as a last resort.
 

Pavel Luzin
International relations and security policy expert


Russia is moving its military equipment visibly, it’s not very hidden — on the contrary, it’s on display. We remember how after the war with Georgia in 2008, people were caught and tried for treason when they photographed military equipment on the eve of the August events. Now a huge amount of [similar] information is being posted [on social media] and no one is arresting anyone. This speaks to the fact that Russia isn’t hiding its actions, but using them as a means of putting pressure both on Ukraine and on Western countries directly.

For Russia, Ukraine is placed in the broader context of Russian relations with NATO countries and the United States. Naturally, Russia is achieving its aims — it’s demonstratively moving [military] equipment and Western media is writing about it (just like in the spring). This is a way to attract attention, to force the West to engage in dialogue on the Russian agenda. If you consider yourself a world player and claim a leadership position in the world, [but at the same time] are fading into the background, not setting the agenda but reacting to someone else’s, then you lose your positions automatically. Russia doesn’t want to lose its positions, so it creates its own agenda and forces the West to talk about it.

Russia is interested in discussing international security issues. Almost four weeks ago we blew up our own satellite, and now we’re conducting regular tests of hypersonic missiles. Moreover, this is not just advertised in the dry language of Defense Ministry press releases, but filmed from different angles. All this is part of the Russian course: we want to agree with the West that Russia will be one of the guarantors of security on the European continent.

Russia has been declaring its claims and ambitions for this since the 1990s. Russia claims that the post-Soviet space— with some exceptions in the form of the Baltic countries — is its sphere of [political] interest. And if the West seeks to do something on this territory, it must coordinate this with Russia. The Russian political elite denies the countries [in this “sphere of influence”] full-fledged international subjectivity, saying that Kyiv’s fate must be discussed not only with Ukraine, but also with Moscow. And if the West agrees that Russia has a special sphere of influence, it signifies that Russia is being institutionalized as a great power. And this is the first step toward Russia becoming a guarantor of security.

We last observed the same demonstrative military movements in the spring. At the time, the new U.S. administration, headed by Joe Biden, was ignoring Russia: all previous presidents met with the Russian leadership first thing [and Biden did not]. In parallel, President [Volodymyr] Zelensky has long been asking to involve the United States in resolving the conflict in the Donbas. But from Russia’s point of view, if the U.S. is going to be involved, then it will only be on Russia’s terms. The military maneuvers [in the spring] forced Biden to call Putin and by summer there was a meeting in Geneva — on a completely different level. Their [the Russian side’s] logic is if this mechanism works, why not use it again?

There’s no sense or political purpose for Russia to attack Ukraine — it doesn’t present a threat. In 2014, there was such a threat because of the Maidan [revolution] and the danger that Ukraine would begin to implement economic reforms that would make it an attractive alternative Russia. Putin wrote about this absolutely honestly in his July [2021] article. Roughly speaking, the logic is that Ukrainians shouldn’t live better than Russians, otherwise their example will be infectious for Russian society. The same goes for Belarus.

As for Ukraine itself, politics is the art of the possible. Russia is dragging tanks back and forth with its own aims. The Ukrainian authorities are trying to use this in their relations with the West — and thus receive more support and assistance. The Ukrainian administration loves the rhetoric that it should be brought into NATO, but no one is prepared to do this. The Ukrainians are trying to use this situation [the Russian troop build] to their own advantage. At the same time, it’s clear that Ukraine doesn’t want to fight and unfreeze an all-out conflict.

As long as Russia doesn’t take any serious actions outside its borders, there will be no sanctions; as long as there’s the possibility that Russia will talk [with the West]. And if the world gets distracted by some other event — Russia can turn up the heat.

Interviews by Sasha Sivtsova and Alexey Shumkin
Abridged translation by Eilish Hart

How Ukraine Can Strengthen Itself

By Stephen Blank
December 14, 2021

The December 7th Putin-Biden summit appears to be leading to the convocation of an international conference on European security to address Russia’s complaints. Thus this “summit” has evidently bought time for a diplomatic approach to the issues of Ukraine and European security more generally. Ukraine must utilize this interval or respite to strengthen itself not only militarily and diplomatically but also internally. Internal strengthening, the enhancement of Ukraine's overall resilience (to use a current vogue word) means driving the reform course still deeper and more strongly.

Specifically, this means further implementing the new legislation on deoligarchization that defines the category of an oligarch subjects them to registration, requires of many who associate with them, including state officials, that they submit a "declaration of contact, " bars them from providing services or finances to political organizations candidates, and parties, participation in large-scale government privatizations, and financing political rallies or demonstrations. To the degree that this legislation is implemented, it will go far to undermine the corrupting influence Ukraine’s oligarchs have on the media, the economy, the energy sector, and Ukraine’s politics. It will also undermine their ability to work with Moscow and its agents on their own behalf or Russia’s at the expense of the nation and the democratically-elected government.

The urgency of moving on the oligarchs and the pervasive corruption they have spawned over a generation is a necessity not just for domestic but for foreign relations purposes. Indeed, President Zelensky recognizes this and has made deoligarchization his number one priority. A key oligarch target is the country’s richest person, Rinat Akhmetov, who is an ally of Russia and controls a financial and industrial holding company, the energy sector conglomerate DTEK that controls 70% of Ukraine's power output, and a major media company that parrots Russian talking points about Ukraine and Zelensky. According to Zelensky’s security services, the Russians even sought to involve Akhmetov in a coup attempt last month.

But the political influence of oligarchs at home or over the media and their possible connection to Russia or pro-Russian elements is by no means the whole story. The corruption that inevitably is a byproduct of oligarchical domination of an economy or polity also exacts severe economic consequences on a country, depriving it of the capabilities it needs to gain friends and influence abroad or defend itself against subversion from within or without. For example, one ongoing sign of Ukraine's economic and political weakness issues directly from oligarchical domination of key economic sectors leading to restrictions on competition, namely foreign direct investment (FDI) in Ukraine.

As Elizabeth Braw has just observed, investing in Ukraine has for some time been a high-risk gamble, not least due to its restrictive and pro-oligarchical structures and laws. In 2020 FDI in Ukraine, due to those conditions and war, was negative, on the other hand, this year, the National Bank of Ukraine expects net FDI to reach $6.5 Billion, a clear improvement that owes something to this law. But if this trend continues, not only must there be peace. But domestic conditions for investment must also improve. Thus, for economic purposes, domestic reform must go hand in hand with diplomatic and military progress to deprive Russia of opportunities for continuing to wage its war of “cross-domain coercion” that puts pressure on Ukraine from all sides and exploits every instrument of power to that end.

A similar process is discernible in the energy sector. With proper corporate governance at SOEs and more investment, Ukraine could become not only self-sufficient but also a potential exporter of energy on a permanent basis. This would solve its own problems in that field and reduce if not eliminate the importance of people like Akhmetov and other sinister figures like Dmytro Firtash, who helped undermine Ukraine's economy, independence, and corrupted scores of political figures. Firtash even played a significant role in the scandals surrounding ex-president Trump’s ties to Russian and Ukrainian crooks, underscoring the international ramifications of oligarchical corruption in Ukraine.


Domestic reform, therefore, also strengthens Kyiv's hand abroad. Great Britain, for example, has welcomed the new deoligarchization law. The EU has never deviated from its support for Ukrainian reforms as the means of fostering. Ukraine’s integration with and ultimate membership in the EU. Indeed, the European Union and its associated organs had previously criticized the failure to pass, let alone implement such a law. Continuing implementation of this and other reforms enhances the willingness of the Eu and European governments, including those of non-members, to support Ukraine against Russia while also imparting much more and needed resilience to Ukraine’s politics, economics, media, and military. Finally, in as much as this is a war encompassing all the elements of power, military force, economics, information, and diplomacy, such self-strengthening is vitally necessary across the board to heighten overall societal and governmental, as well as military capability. If Ukraine knows how to use this new interval that has become available to it now wisely, then it must seize the day and proceed accordingly. Rarely do nations get second chances.

Stephen J. Blank, Ph.D., is Senior Fellow at FPRI’s Eurasia Program. He has published over 1500 articles and monographs on Soviet/Russian, U.S., Asian, and European military and foreign policies, testified frequently before Congress on Russia, China, and Central Asia, consulted for the Central Intelligence Agency, major think tanks and foundations, chaired major international conferences in the U.S. and in Florence; Prague; and London, and has been a commentator on foreign affairs in the media in the U.S. and abroad. He has also advised major corporations on investing in Russia and is a consultant for the Gerson Lehrmann Group. He has published or edited 15 books, most recently Russo-Chinese Energy Relations: Politics in Command (London: Global Markets Briefing, 2006). He has also published Natural Allies? Regional Security in Asia and Prospects for Indo-American Strategic Cooperation (Carlisle, PA: Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College, 2005). He is currently completing a book entitled Light From the East: Russia’s Quest for Great Power Status in Asia to be published in 2014 by Ashgate. Dr. Blank is also the author of The Sorcerer as Apprentice: Stalin’s Commissariat of Nationalities (Greenwood, 1994); and the co-editor of The Soviet Military and the Future (Greenwood, 1992).

Russia looks for China's support in Europe: Putin and Xi will discuss 'aggressive rhetoric' by US and NATO as Vladimir's troops stage huge live-fire drills near Ukraine

  • Russian President Vladimir Putin and Chinese President Xi Jinping will discuss tensions in Europe during video call on Wednesday
  • Moscow staged ground battle exercises at Kadamovsky firing range in Rostov region, just 30 miles from Ukraine
  • Video footage shows more than 1,000 tank troops taking part in live-firing drills
  • US intelligence estimates as many as 175,000 Russian troops could launch attack on Ukraine early next year  

Russian President Vladimir Putin and Chinese President Xi Jinping will discuss tensions in Europe and 'aggressive' U.S. and NATO rhetoric during a video call on Wednesday, the Kremlin said. 

The announcement of the meeting comes after Moscow staged huge live-firing drills with more than 1,000 tank troops in a region close to the Ukraine border as Putin continues to stoke fears Russia will invade its neighbour within weeks. 

The latest show of strength by Putin comes amid high tension between Moscow and the West, with NATO countries such as Britain and the U.S. warning that 'serious consequences' will follow if Russia invades Ukraine.  

Putin has denied Russia plans to seize territory from Ukraine and has accused Britain and its allies of 'demonising' his country.  

But the Kremlin strongman is now looking for China's support in Europe and will discuss 'cooperation priorities' of the future during talks with Xi Jinping on Wednesday. 

The leaders will also 'exchange views on current global and regional issues', the Kremlin added, without expanding further. 

It comes as new footage showed Russia staging ground battle exercises some 30 miles from the frontier, a move that will do nothing to calm fears over Putin's intentions.   

Russia holds huge live-firing drills in a region bordering Ukraine
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Russia has staged huge live-firing drills with more than 1,000 tank troops in a region close to the Ukraine border as Russian President Vladimir Putin continues to stoke fears that Moscow will invade Kiev

Russia has staged huge live-firing drills with more than 1,000 tank troops in a region close to the Ukraine border as Russian President Vladimir Putin continues to stoke fears that Moscow will invade Kiev

Video footage and pictures show the drills held by the country's southern military district at Kadamovsky firing range in Rostov region

Video footage and pictures show the drills held by the country's southern military district at Kadamovsky firing range in Rostov region

Russia staged ground battle exercises some 30 miles from the frontier, a move which will do nothing to calm fears over his intentions. Video footage and pictures show the drills held by the country's southern military district at Kadamovsky firing range in Rostov region

Russia staged ground battle exercises some 30 miles from the frontier, a move which will do nothing to calm fears over his intentions. Video footage and pictures show the drills held by the country's southern military district at Kadamovsky firing range in Rostov region

Russian President Vladimir Putin
Chinese President Xi Jinping

Russian President Vladimir Putin and Chinese President Xi Jinping will discuss tensions in Europe and 'aggressive' U.S. and NATO rhetoric during a video call on Wednesday

The video shows drills held by the country's southern military district at Kadamovsky firing range in Rostov region. 

On Monday, British Prime Minister Boris Johnson warned Putin in a phone call of his 'deep concern' about the Russian military build-up close to Ukraine, and that 'serious consequences' will follow in the event of invasion. 

US intelligence officials estimate that as many as 175,000 Russian troops could launch an attack early next year, with troops, tanks and artillery already massing on the Ukrainian border.

Tensions continue to soar between Moscow and the West over Ukraine, as Russia said on Tuesday it was monitoring a French warship near its borders in the Black Sea.    

In the drills, soldiers performed fire training in the field using AK-74M, RPG-7V and AGS-17 Plamya hand and automatic grenade launchers, said TV Zvezda, run by the Russian defence ministry.

In the drills, soldiers performed fire training in the field using AK-74M, RPG-7V and AGS-17 Plamya hand and automatic grenade launchers, said TV Zvezda, run by the Russian defence ministry

In the drills, soldiers performed fire training in the field using AK-74M, RPG-7V and AGS-17 Plamya hand and automatic grenade launchers, said TV Zvezda, run by the Russian defence ministry

More than 100 crews of BMP-3 infantry fighting vehicles equipped with 100-mm guns performed exercises of live firing from short stops and in motion at distances up to 1,000 metres, according to the Russians

More than 100 crews of BMP-3 infantry fighting vehicles equipped with 100-mm guns performed exercises of live firing from short stops and in motion at distances up to 1,000 metres, according to the Russians

More than 100 crews of BMP-3 infantry fighting vehicles equipped with 100-mm guns performed exercises of live firing from short stops and in motion at distances up to 1,000 metres, according to the Russians.

Motorised riflemen completed shooting exercises using AK-74M assault rifles, RPG-7V hand and automatic grenade launchers and AGS-17 Plamya grenade launchers.

They 'mastered the skills of camouflaging shooting positions'.

The range is some 30 miles from the border with the pro-Moscow rebel-held Luhansk region of Ukraine.

The latest drills involving 1,000-plus troops followed a five-day exercise when 500 tanks crews performed winter live firing from T-72B3 and T-90A tanks.

The earlier drills were carried out at multiple locations across the southern military district but included Rostov and also Crimea, annexed by Russia from Ukraine in 2014.

A Russian soldier climbs onto a moving tank while carrying a gun during the military exercises

A Russian soldier climbs onto a moving tank while carrying a gun during the military exercises

More than 100 crews of BMP-3 infantry fighting vehicles equipped with 100-mm guns performed exercises of live firing from short stops and in motion at distances up to 1,000 metres, according to the Russians

More than 100 crews of BMP-3 infantry fighting vehicles equipped with 100-mm guns performed exercises of live firing from short stops and in motion at distances up to 1,000 metres, according to the Russians

Kiev mayor urges European leaders to provide military aid and support amid fears of Russian invasion 

Kiev mayor and former boxing champion Vitali Klitschko has urged European leaders to provide military aid and support to Ukraine amid growing fears that Russia will invade.

Klitschko said Kiev is now preparing for a 'possible emergency' as he organises the city's civil defence. 

The mayor voiced fears that politicians are saying that Putin will not attack Ukraine and they are 'just threats and games'. 

Klitschko pointed to how politicians had said a Russian invasion was 'impossible' in 2014 - but Moscow did invade. 

Kiev mayor and former boxing champion Vitali Klitschko has urged European leaders to provide military aid and support to Ukraine amid growing fears that Russia will invade

Kiev mayor and former boxing champion Vitali Klitschko has urged European leaders to provide military aid and support to Ukraine amid growing fears that Russia will invade

Ukrainians deposed their pro-Russian president in 2014, prompting Russia to invade and seize and then annex the southern Crimean peninsula from Ukraine.  

Russian-backed separatists also captured large swathes of Ukraine's two eastern regions known as the Donbas.  

Klitschko wrote in German newspaper Bild: 'Putin has gathered more than 100,000 Russian soldiers near our borders, a threat unprecedented.   

'There are different scenarios how the Russian army can attack Ukraine, we have to be prepared for all of them.'

Klitschko added: 'Now I keep hearing that some politicians say that Putin will not attack and that these are just threats and games. 

'It reminds me of the discussions that took place before the 2014 invasion. Even then, almost all international observers thought it was impossible.'

Klitschko said while Ukraine is preparing for Putin to invade, the country is in urgent need of international support and military aid. 

Russian troops disembark from an armoured personnel carrier during drills taking pace in Rostov-on-Don, on the Russian side of the border, on Friday

Russian troops disembark from an armoured personnel carrier during drills taking pace in Rostov-on-Don, on the Russian side of the border, on Friday

He explained: 'In my home town of Kiev we are preparing for a possible emergency and I, as mayor, organize civil defense. 

'We have intensified our work on recruiting and training reservists.'

He said Germany's federal government must 'understand that aid has never been so important to our country'. 

Klitschko added: 'Ukraine is in the center of Europe. On the border with several EU countries. 

'We will not allow Russia to lead us back into the Soviet empire, which the people of Ukraine do not want to be in.

'We are a European country that needs European support more than ever.''The servicemen also fired large-calibre anti-aircraft machine guns,' said an official account.

'The crews drilled hitting targets imitating a moving tank, an antitank grenade launcher and a recoilless gun at distances ranging between 300 and 2,000 metres.'

A spokesman said: 'The drivers practiced driving the tanks in rough terrain, negotiating natural obstacles, including anti tank ditches and barriers.

'The tank crew combat training program focuses on offensive and defensive tactics both in the daytime and at night.'

These are the latest in a series of military exercises staged by Russia.

It comes as Russia's Black Sea fleet forces said on Tuesday they 'began to monitor' the actions of the French navy's multi-mission frigate Auvergne after it entered the Black Sea, the defence ministry said in a statement carried by Russian news agencies.

The Russian defence ministry did not offer further details.

Tensions between Moscow and the West are on the rise over Russian troops movements near ex-Soviet Ukraine. 

Last Thursday, Russia scrambled three of its jets to escort five French and US military aircraft over the Black Sea and away from its border, the military said.

That incident followed Russia dispatching planes to escort three French military flying near its borders in the Black Sea a day earlier.

Western countries have issued repeated warnings to Moscow against invading their ally Ukraine. 

Last week, France warned Russia of 'strategic and massive consequences' if Moscow attacked Ukraine.

Moscow accuses NATO member countries including France of provoking tensions in the Black Sea and says it is concerned over its security. 

The drills come after the G7 on Sunday warned Russia of 'massive' consequences if it invades Ukraine.

Foreign ministers from the world's richest nations held a two-day meeting in Liverpool, northwest England, seeking to present a strong, united front against global threats. 

Britain, which hands over the G7 presidency to Germany next year, portrayed the two-day conference as a chance to stand up to authoritarianism around the world.

In addition to talks over Iran's nuclear ambitions, Russia's build-up of troops on the border with Ukraine dominated talks, given fears of a possible invasion. 

UK Foreign Secretary Liz Truss said there was 'very much a united voice... that there will be massive consequences for Russia in the case of an incursion into Ukraine'.

In the final communique, ministers unanimously backed Ukraine's territorial integrity and sovereignty, praising President Volodymyr Zelensky for Kiev's 'posture of restraint'.

All options, including wide-ranging political and economic sanctions, are on the table if Russia ignores a diplomatic solution, officials indicated.

A senior US State Department official on Saturday said 'a large number of democratic countries' were ready to join the G7 nations of Britain, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan and the United States in taking action.

US President Joe Biden last week held a virtual summit with his Russian counterpart Putin to voice Western concerns.

He is sending his top diplomat for Europe and Eurasian affairs to Kiev and Moscow next week for follow-up talks with senior officials. 

Pope Francis also called for the situation to be 'resolved through serious international dialogue and not with weapons', following the Angelus prayer at St Peter's Square.

Germany's new Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock, speaking later on Sunday, warned that The Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline from Russia would not be allowed to operate in the event of any new 'escalation' in Ukraine, under an agreement between Berlin and Washington.

In response to the G7 summit, Putin last night denied Russia planned to seize Ukraine and accused Britain and its allies of 'demonising' his country.  

The president's official spokesman, Dmitry Peskov, said the accusations by Britain and its allies were 'once more being made with the aim of further demonising Russia'.


Tax justice not a technical battle but a crucial tool to advance human rights

| Publication date 12 December 2021 

Much has been said about the ‘post-pandemic world’, the one that would rise from the ashes in the aftermath of the pandemic, hopefully less materialistic, more sustainable, more supportive, and feminist. But a new wave of infections and the emergence of variants seem to be pushing back this ‘post-Covid-19’ once again, and we are entering the third year of the health crisis.

As the world commemorates International Human Rights Day on December 10, hypocrisy and cynicism remain the order of the day, particularly on the part of rich countries, which pay lip service to the issue while at the same time contributing to the denial of basic human rights to the majority of the world population.

Covid-19 is the best example of this. Despite their promises, most Northern states have monopolised and hoarded vaccines. These days, they are turning a deaf ear while a hundred or so emerging countries, led by South Africa and India, are demanding the lifting of patents on vaccines and treatments against the virus. While intellectual property rights are not the only reason why barely seven per cent of Africans are fully vaccinated, they certainly are a major obstacle. This selfishness regarding access to vaccines is not only morally outrageous, but also already coming back like a boomerang to hit rich countries as new variants emerge.

The other lamentable image of this end of 2021 is the increasing number of migrant tragedies at the gates of Poland, in the Mediterranean, in the English Channel, or at the border between Mexico and the US. Here again, the leaders of the rich countries pretend to forget that, while economic recovery is evident in their own countries, it is still to come in the developing world, which has suffered an explosion of poverty since the start of the pandemic, forcing hundreds of thousands of people into exile. An estimated 97 million more people are living on less than $1.90 a day as a result of the pandemic, and another 163 million are living on less than $5.50 a day. Three to four years of progress towards eradicating extreme poverty have been utterly lost.

Far from the headlines, a recent news item highlights the double talk of the major powers: the reform of the taxation of multinationals. After two years of negotiations, an agreement was adopted at the beginning of October, with the introduction of a global tax on corporate profits as its key measure. The aim? To put an end to the devastating competition between states in terms of corporate taxation, which is causing a hemorrhage of resources at the expense of funding for rights such as access to water, health, education, or vaccines. At least $483 billion in tax revenue is lost each year to tax abuse by multinationals and wealthy individuals. This would be enough to cover more than three times the cost of a full Covid-19 vaccine regimen for the entire world population.

The world will continue to be deprived of these funds. Negotiations led by the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) without really listening to developing countries have only resulted in the introduction of a 15 per cent tax on multinationals. This will only generate $150 billion in additional tax revenue, which will, moreover, go primarily to rich countries. An additional $250 billion could have been raised with a 21 per cent rate, for example, or even $500 billion with a 25 per cent rate, as advocated by the Independent Commission for the Reform of International Corporate Taxation (ICRICT), of which I am a member, along with such figures as Joseph Stiglitz, Thomas Piketty, Jayati Ghosh, and Jose Antonio Ocampo.

Here again, the leaders of rich countries are concerned about the extent of tax evasion but remain convinced that the best way to serve their national interest is to submit to the injunctions of multinationals and the demands of tax havens.

Most of these tax havens are not small islands lined with coconut palms: OECD countries are responsible for 78 per cent of the annual tax losses worldwide to multinationals and the richest. The most hypocritical country is the UK, which, with its network of overseas territories and ‘Crown Dependencies’, is responsible for 39 per cent of global losses.

Continuing to tolerate tax avoidance and tax evasion by most multinationals and the richest, and consequently depriving states of additional resources, is a direct attack on human rights. Without these funds, it is impossible to restore the health systems that have fought heroically against the virus – thousands of doctors and nurses have lost their lives – despite their meagre resources, which are constantly under attack by austerity programmes. It is also impossible to give a future to all the children out of school during and due to the pandemic – 99 per cent of children in Latin America, for example, were out of school for a whole year, and an estimated 3.1 million of them are out of school forever.

Without additional funds, it is also impossible to finance infrastructure, provide access to water or sanitation, or to daycares and nursing homes, all of which continues to increase the workload of women, who are the first victims of the pandemic. Finally, it is impossible to deal with the climate emergency, as the increase in natural disasters is depriving entire populations of shelter and food.

It is painful that the rulers of the rich countries have once again failed to address the magnitude of the crises we are going through. But a better world is possible, thanks to a growing movement of people around the world who are challenging governments to make multinationals and the super-rich pay their fair share. Each country can, if it wishes, unilaterally adopt a much more ambitious tax rate for multinationals, starting with the Europeans. The ripple effect on the others will be inescapable. Tax justice is not a technical battle, it is a crucial tool for advancing human rights.

Magdalena Sepulveda is executive director of the Global Initiative for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and a member of the Independent Commission on International Corporate Tax Reform (ICRICT). From 2008-2014 she was the UN Rapporteur on Extreme Poverty and Human Rights.
UK
Tory plot to weaken human rights law is ‘unashamed power grab’, says human rights group

EMILY CHUDY DECEMBER 14, 2021
PINKNEWS


Dominic Raab will be announcing reforms to the Human Rights Act on Tuesday (Leon Neal/Getty Images)

Plans to weaken the Human Rights Act (HRA) by the Tory government have been called a “blatant, unashamed power grab” by a civil liberties organisation.

Campaigners have raised concerns over plans to alter the HRA, which will be unveiled by justice secretary Dominic Raab in the Commons on Tuesday (15 December), warning that the rights of British people could be “fatally weakened” by the changes.

The Ministry of Justice (MOJ) has said the expected reforms will “allow more scope” for judges to override rulings from the European Court of Human Rights, rather than following them “blindly”.

The HRA was brought in by the Labour government in 1998, and incorporates the European Convention on Human Rights into UK law. The European Court is responsible for interpreting the convention.

Although the UK will remain party to the convention, the MOJ has said the reforms would “restore Parliament’s role as the ultimate decision-maker” on laws affecting the UK.

The reforms are also expected to include a tightening of the interpretation of Article 8, which protects the right to family life. This means that when faced with deportation, it will be harder to cite the right to family life with relatives who live in the UK in any appeals.

It is claimed that as many as seven out of 10 successful human rights challenges were brought by foreign national offenders who cited a right to family life.

Raab said the reforms will add a “healthy dose of common sense” to the interpretation of legislation and rulings.


In effect, the expected reforms will give more power to Parliament to override rulings from the European Court of Human Rights, and make it tougher to appeal deportation on the basis of Article 8.
The expected reforms will give more power to Parliament to override rulings from the European Court of Human Rights (Andia/Universal Images Group via Getty Images)

Martha Spurrier, director at Liberty, described the plans as “a blatant, unashamed power grab”.

She added: “Today’s announcement is being cast as strengthening our rights when in fact, if this plan goes through, they will be fatally weakened.

“This government is systematically shutting down all avenues of accountability through a succession of rushed and oppressive bills. We must ensure the government changes course as a matter of urgency, before we very quickly find ourselves wondering where our fundamental human rights have gone.”

Amnesty has previously warned that the Government’s independent review into the HRA could put LGBT+ rights at risk.

Amnesty UK director Kate Allen said: “Tearing up the Human Rights Act would be a giant leap backwards.

“From Hillsborough, to Grenfell to the appalling mishandling of the recent COVID crisis in care homes, we have never so badly needed a means to hold the government to account and we know that the Human Rights Act does that extremely effectively.

“It took ordinary people a very long time to win these rights and we mustn’t let politicians take them away with the stroke of a pen.

“This looks worryingly like the latest power-grabbing move from a government that doesn’t like limits on its powers or judges who tell them when they break the law.

“What the government is proposing is also a gift to tyrants the world over. How can the UK call on other countries to respect human rights protections and legal responsibilities if they are busy ripping up the rule book at home?”

A three-month consultation is expected to be launched on the changes to the HRA.
Belarus jails opposition leader’s husband for 18 years


Syarhei Tsikhanouski arrested in 2020 as he prepared to challenge Alexander Lukashenko

Syarhei Tsikhanouski addressing crowds of supporters in Minsk in May 2020, before his arrest. Photograph: Sergei Grits/AP

Reuters in Moscow
Tue 14 Dec 2021

Syarhei Tsikhanouski, the husband of Belarus’s opposition leader, Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, has been sentenced to 18 years in jail for organising mass unrest and inciting social hatred, the official Belta news agency reported.

Five supporters tried with Tsikhanouski were jailed for 14-16 years.

Tsikhanouski, a video blogger, was jailed in May 2020 as he prepared to run against the Belarus leader, Alexander Lukashenko, in that August’s presidential election. He denied the charges. His wife stood in his place in the election, which led to months of mass protests after Lukashenko claimed a landslide victory and the opposition accused him of rigging the ballot.

A few hours before the verdict was pronounced, Tsikhanouskaya called it “illegal” and something that “should not be tolerated”.

“Commenting on the so-called ‘verdict’, I will ask myself only one question: what will I do with this news? And I will continue to defend the person I love, who has become a leader for millions of Belarusians,” she said in a video message. “I will try to do something very difficult, perhaps impossible, in order to bring closer the moment when we will see him in the new Belarus.”

Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya speaking to the European parliament in November 2021. Photograph: Reuters

After the election Tsikhanouskaya fled to neighbouring Lithuania to escape a sweeping crackdown. She has since gained prominence, meeting an array of western leaders.

Her husband’s trial was closed to the public, and lawyers were banned from disclosing details of the case.

In July, a Belarusian court jailed the former presidential contender Viktor Babariko for 14 years after convicting him of corruption, charges he denied. In September, Maria Kolesnikova, one of the leaders of last year’s mass street protests against Lukashenko, was sentenced to 11 years in prison.

The UN special rapporteur, Anaïs Marin, said more than 35,000 people had been arbitrarily detained over the past year and tens of thousands of Belarusians had fled abroad, fearing repression.

'No time to cry', Belarus opposition leader says of husband's sentence



'We don't have time to cry,' said Tikhanovskaya
 (AFP/Kenzo TRIBOUILLARD)

Kate GILLAM
Tue, December 14, 2021,

Belarus's exiled opposition leader Svetlana Tikhanovskaya on Tuesday told AFP she will not "cry" over a lengthy prison term the regime in Minsk handed to her husband Sergei Tikhanovsky.

Instead, she vowed to AFP in an interview, she will redouble her efforts to galvanise the EU to put more pressure on Belarusian leader Alexander Lukashenko in the name of democracy.

"I'm not going to, you know, to be panicked because of this because I understand that we don't have time to cry, we don't have time to think about it too much," she said.


It was Tikhanovskaya's first media reaction after a Belarus court earlier Tuesday sentenced Sergei Tikhanovsky to 18 years behind bars.

Five other co-defendants were alongside him in the closed courtroom for the verdict in their months-long trial.

State media reported that Tikhanovsky, a 43-year-old YouTube blogger, was found guilty of organising riots, inciting social hatred and other charges.

Svetlana Tikhanovskaya spoke in Brussels, where she was pressing EU officials to extend sanctions on Lukashenko ahead of an EU summit on Thursday.

The fact Tikhanovsky was given the maximum term possible, she said, proved that "my husband -- a brave, wonderful person -- became a personal enemy for Lukashenko".

The strongman, whose claim to re-election victory in polls last year triggered demonstrations brutally quashed by his security forces, fears the influence her husband had over the opposition, she said.

"In a sign that the regime is afraid of even those people... behind bars, even in jail... their process (trial) was closed. Because even the sight of those wonderful people can be an inspiration."

- 'Stay united' -

She pledged to fight even harder to stand up for democratic change in her country, and to prod the European Union into more action.

"My message to the European Union is stay united," she said.

While Tikhanovskaya explained that she understood that EU member states' interests might diverge on Belarus, she urged them to "be more decisive and principled".

"Think about values," she said, "because I'm sure democratic countries can't allow one dictator to, you know, influence the minds of leaders or democratic countries, it's unacceptable.

"One dictator can blackmail... the whole of Europe."

Tikhanovskaya told AFP that she had no way of communicating with her husband besides short messages transmitted through his lawyer.

She said she was certain her husband would not serve the full 18-year sentence given to him -- which she described as "just numbers on the paper" -- and that "millions of letters" would be written to protest his incarceration.

"I know how it's difficult to be behind the bars and lose years of freedom," she said.

"People behind the bars believed in us and we again, we can't betray them. We have to work, work harder, work tougher, you know, to release our beloveds."

kg-rmb/dc/tgb

HINDUTVA PROPAGANDA
Indian police probe Mother Teresa charity for 'forced conversion'

AFP
Published December 14, 2021
Catholic nuns from the order of the Missionaries of Charity gather under a picture of Mother Teresa during the tenth anniversary of her death in Kolkata, India, in this September 5, 2007 file photo. — Reuters


Indian police are probing a charity started by Mother Teresa, officials said on Tuesday, in the latest example of growing pressure on Christians under Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Hindu nationalist government.

Authorities in the western state of Gujarat told AFP they were investigating whether the Missionaries of Charity forced girls in its shelter home there to wear a cross and read the Bible.

Modi's home state is one of several in Hindu-majority India where vaguely worded rules against “forceful conversion” have been put in place, or more strictly enforced, in recent years.

Read: Interfaith love a deadly gamble in India amid Hindu nationalist surge

District social officer Mayank Trivedi told AFP that his complaint to the police was based on a report by child welfare authorities and other district officials.

According to the complaint, 13 Bibles were found in the library of the institute and girls staying there were forced to read the religious text.

The Missionaries of Charity, founded in 1950 by the late Mother Teresa — a Roman Catholic nun who lived and worked in Kolkata for most of her life and won the Nobel Peace Prize — denied the allegations.

Activists say that religious minorities in India have faced increased levels of discrimination and violence since Modi's Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) came to power in 2014.

In 2020, the US Commission on International Religious Freedom listed India as a “country of particular concern” for the first time since 2004.

Modi's government rejects having a radical “Hindutva” (Hindu hegemony) agenda and insists that people of all religions have equal rights.

Activists say there have been more than 300 anti-Christian incidents this year alone.

Last week, a Hindu mob of 200 to 300 people barged into a Christian school in Madhya Pradesh while students were taking their exams and pelted stones at the building, the school's principal said.

“We moved the children from the auditorium to another wing of the school. We kept them on the first floor and gave them extra time to finish the exam. But the students couldn't write, they were crying and shivering,” Brother Anthony Tynumkal, principal of St Joseph School, told AFP.

Call from Pakistan preceded Ghani’s flight from Kabul: magazine

Anwar Iqbal
Published December 14, 2021 

WASHINGTON: A text message and a call from a Pakistani number persuaded Afghan National Security Adviser Hamdullah Mohib to leave Afghanistan with former president Ashraf Ghani and his family, says a report in The New Yorker magazine on Monday.

The message came around one O’clock on Aug 15, the day Taliban fighters seized Kabul. Khalil Haqqani, a leader of the Taliban faction named for his family, wished to speak with Mohib. He took the call from Haqqani who asked him to “surrender.”

Haqqani said they could meet after Mohib issued an appropriate statement. When Mohib proposed that they negotiate first, Haqqani repeated himself and hung up. “Mohib called Tom West, a deputy to (Ambassador Zalmay) Khalilzad in Doha, to inform him of the call West told him not to go to any meeting because it might be a trap,” the report added.

Earlier that day, Mohib joined President Ghani and a diplomat from the UAE on a lawn beside the President’s office to discuss a possible evacuation plan.

As they discussed the plan, they heard gunshots coming from somewhere outside the palace grounds and Ghani’s bodyguards hustled him inside.

At noon, Mohib joined Ghani in his library and agreed that Rula, Ghani’s wife, and nonessential staff should leave for the UAE as soon as possible.

Mohib’s UAE contacts offered seats on an Emirates Airlines flight scheduled to depart Kabul at four that afternoon.

President Ghani asked Mohib to escort Rula to Dubai, then join the negotiating team in Doha, to finalise talks with Khalilzad and Mullah Baradar, the Taliban leader in Doha, about the handover of Kabul.

Mohib returned to Ghani’s residence at around two, escorted Rula to a helipad behind the Dilkusha palace. They were to fly to Hamid Karzai International Airport, to make the Emirates flight.

Also read: Ghani pledged to fight till death but fled, says Blinken

By then, three of the President’s Mi-17s were at the Arg Palace and the fourth was at the airport. Mohib learned that the pilots had fully fuelled the helicopters because they wanted to fly directly to Tajikistan or Uzbekistan, as soon as possible. Other Afghan military pilots seeking refuge had already used this route to escape.

According to the New Yorker report, pilots refused to go to the airport with Rula as they had heard that rogue Afghan soldiers were seizing or grounding helicopters there.

While they were still discussing these options, Qahar Kochai, the head of the Presidential guard, approached Mohib and said: “If you leave, you will be endangering the President’s life.”

Mohib asked Kochai if he wanted him to stay. “No, I want you to take the President with you,” Kochai replied.

“Mohib doubted that all of Ghani’s bodyguards would remain loyal if the Taliban entered the palace grounds, and Kochai indicated that he did not have the means to protect the President,” the magazine reported.

“Mohib helped Rula onto the President’s helicopter and asked her to wait. With Kochai, he drove back to the residence,” found Ghani standing inside and said: “Mr. President, it’s time. We must go.”

Ghani wanted to go upstairs to collect some belongings, but Mohib “worried that every minute they delayed they risked touching off a panic and a revolt by armed guards. Ghani climbed into a car, without so much as his passport,” the report added.

As the staff and bodyguards saw the president leaving, they scuffled and shouted over who would fly. The pilots said that each helicopter could carry only six passengers.

Along with Ghani, Rula, and Mohib, nine other officials squeezed aboard, as did members of Ghani’s security detail and they flew to Uzbekistan.

In Doha that morning, Ambassador Khalilzad was discussing a surrender plan with Mullah Baradar at the Ritz-Carlton. Mullah Baradar “agreed that they will not enter Kabul” and would withdraw what Baradar described as “some hundreds” of Taliban who had already entered the capital.

Ambassador Khalilzad was in WhatsApp contact with Abdul Salam Rahimi, an aide to President Ghani, and informed Rahimi of this plan. Rahimi told Ghani that the Taliban had pledged not to enter Kabul.

“Yet this was based on assurances from Khalilzad and the Taliban, and Ghani regarded both as unreliable sources,” the report noted.

As Ghani flew to Uzbekistan, Rahimi and dozens of other Arg palace staffers — who had no idea where Ghani or Mohib had gone — were left behind, while still negotiating a deal with the Taliban.

Published in Dawn, December 14th, 2021

Australian deputy PM Barnaby Joyce says Julian Assange should not be extradited to US

Australia’s Deputy Prime Minister has come to the defence of WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange, calling on the UK not to extradite the Australian citizen to the US (Dominic Lipinski/PA) / PA Wire

By Alana Calvert
9 hours ago

Australia’s Deputy Prime Minister has come to the defence of WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange, calling on the UK not to extradite the Australian citizen to the US.

Barnaby Joyce one of the Australian government’s most senior ministers, said Mr Assange should be kept in Britain and tried there or returned to home nation.

The 50-year-old is facing extradition to the US over espionage charges relating to the publication of classified military information in 2010 and 2011 by WikiLeaks.

Mr Joyce, who caught coronavirus during a visit to the UK earlier this month, said Mr Assange did not steal the secret US files and was also not in the US at the time of their publication by WikiLeaks.

The New England MP added that Mr Assange was not in breach of any Australian laws at the time of his actions.

“As an individual, whether you like him or despise him, it is beyond him, given his circumstances, to protect his rights by himself. So we must hope for the British courts to do so, and we will judge its society accordingly,” Mr Joyce wrote in an editorial published in Australia’s Nine Newspapers.

READ MORE
J
ulian Assange has stroke in prison due to ‘stress over future’, fiancee says

“I have never met him and, from observation, don’t respect him. I presume I would not like him.

“To look at it clearly, you must leave your uninformed preconceptions at the door of the high-colour sideshow. You must also set aside the grave issues that surround the actions of [Mr] Assange.

“They are a separate matter to the key issue: where was this individual when he was allegedly breaking US law for which the US is now seeking his extradition from London?”

Mr Assange has spent the past two years in Belmarsh Prison in London after almost a decade hiding in the Ecuadorian embassy in the capital.

The WikiLeaks founder is currently facing a renewed push for his extradition to the US after the High Court last week overturned a previous ruling against such a move.

His fiancee on the weekend accused UK authorities of playing the role of “executioner” after Mr Assange suffered a mini stroke in prison.

The Execution of Julian Assange


  
COUNTERPUNCH
DECEMBER 14, 2021
Facebook

Let us name Julian Assange’s executioners. Joe Biden. Boris Johnson. Scott Morrison. Teresa May. Lenin Moreno. Donald Trump. Barack Obama. Mike Pompeo. Hillary Clinton. Lord Chief Justice Ian Burnett and Justice Timothy Victor Holroyde. Crown Prosecutors James Lewis, Clair Dobbin and Joel Smith. District Judge Vanessa Baraitser. Assistant US Attorney in the Eastern District of Virginia Gordon Kromberg. William Burns, the director of the CIA. Ken McCallum, the Director General of the UK Security Service or MI5.

Let us acknowledge that the goal of these executioners, who discussed kidnapping and assassinating Assange, has always been his annihilation. That Assange, who is in precarious physical and psychological health and who suffered a stroke during court video proceedings on October 27, has been condemned to death should not come as a surprise. The ten years he has been detained, seven in the Ecuadorian Embassy in London and nearly three in the high security Belmarsh prison, were accompanied with a lack of sunlight and exercise and unrelenting threats, pressure, anxiety and stress.  “His eyes were out of sync, his right eyelid would not close, his memory was blurry,” his fiancé Stella Morris said of the stroke.

His steady physical and psychological deterioration has led to hallucinations and depression. He takes antidepressant medication and the antipsychotic quetiapine. He has been observed pacing his cell until he collapses, punching himself in the face and banging his head against the wall. He has spent weeks in the medical wing of Belmarsh. Prison authorities found “half of a razor blade” hidden under his socks. He has repeatedly called the suicide hotline run by the Samaritans because he thought about killing himself “hundreds of times a day.” The executioners have not yet completed their grim work. Toussaint L’Ouverture, who led the Haitian independence movement, the only successful slave revolt in human history, was physically destroyed in the same manner, locked by the French in an unheated and cramped prison cell and left to die of exhaustion, malnutrition, apoplexy, pneumonia and probably tuberculosis.

Assange committed empire’s greatest sin. He exposed it as a criminal enterprise. He documented its lies, callous disregard for human life, rampant corruption and innumerable war crimes. Republican or Democrat. Conservative or Labour. Trump or Biden. It does not matter. The goons who oversee the empire sing from the same Satanic songbook. Empires always kill those who inflict deep and serious wounds. Rome’s long persecution of the Carthaginian general Hannibal, forcing him in the end to commit suicide, and the razing of Carthage repeats itself in epic after epic. Crazy Horse. Patrice Lumumba. Malcolm X. Ernesto “Che” Guevara. Sukarno. Ngo Dinh Diem. Fred Hampton. Salvador Allende. If you cannot be bought off, if you will not be intimidated into silence, you will be killed. The obsessive CIA attempts to assassinate Fidel Castro, which because none succeeded have a Keystone Cop incompetence to them, included contracting Momo Salvatore Giancana, Al Capone’s successor in Chicago, along with Miami mobster Santo Trafficante to kill the Cuban leader, attempting to poison Castro’s cigars with a botulinum toxin, providing Castro with a tubercle bacilli-infected scuba-diving suit, booby-trapping a conch shell on the sea floor where he often dived, slipping botulism-toxin pills in one of Castro’s drinks and using a pen outfitted with a hypodermic needle to poison him.

The current cabal of assassins hide behind a judicial burlesque overseen in London by portly judges in gowns and white horse-hair wigs mouthing legal Alice-in-Wonderland absurdities. It is a dark reprise of Gilbert and Sullivan’s Mikado with the Lord High Executioner drawing up lists of people “who would not be missed.”

Iwatched the latest installment of the Assange show trial via video link on Friday. I listened to the reading of the ruling granting the appeal by the United States to extradite Assange. Assange’s lawyers have two weeks to appeal to the Supreme Court, which they are expected to do. I am not optimistic.

Friday’s ruling was devoid of legal analysis. It fully accepted the conclusions of the lower court judge about increased risk of suicide and inhumane prison conditions in the United States. But the ruling argued that US Diplomatic Note no. 74, given to the court on February 5, 2021, which offered “assurances” that Assange would be well treated, overrode the lower court’s conclusions. It was a remarkable legal non sequitur. The ruling would not have gotten a passing grade in a first-semester law school course. But legal erudition is not the point. The judicial railroading of Assange, which has eviscerated one legal norm after another, has turned, as Franz Kafka wrote, “lying into a universal principle.”

The decision to grant the extradition was based on four “assurances” given to the court by the US government.  The two-judge appellate panel ruled that the “assurances” “entirely answer the concerns which caused the judge [in the lower court] to discharge Mr. Assange.” The “assurances” promise that Assange will not be subject to Special Administrative Measures (SAMs) which keep prisoners in extreme isolation and allow the government to monitor conversations with lawyers, eviscerating attorney-client privilege; can, if the Australian his government agrees, serve out his sentence there;  will receive adequate clinical and psychological care; and, pre-trial and post trial, will not be held in the Administrative Maximum Facility (ADX) in Florence, Colorado.

“There is no reason why this court should not accept the assurances as meaning what they say,” the judges wrote. “There is no basis for assuming that the USA has not given the assurances in good faith.”

And with these rhetorical feints the judges signed Assange’s death warrant.

None of the “assurances” offered by Biden’s Department of Justice are worth the paper they are written on.  All come with escape clauses. None are legally binding. Should Assange do “something subsequent to the offering of these assurances that meets the tests for the imposition of SAMs or designation to ADX” he will be subject to these coercive measures. And you can be assured that any incident, no matter how trivial, will be used, if Assange is extradited, as an excuse to toss him into the mouth of the dragon. Should Australia, which has marched in lockstep with the US in the persecution of their citizen not agree to his transfer, he will remain for the rest of his life in a US prison. But so what. If Australia does not request a transfer it “cannot be a cause for criticism of the USA, or a reason for regarding the assurances as inadequate to meet the judge’s concerns,” the ruling read. And even if that were not the case, it would take Assange ten to fifteen years to appeal his sentence up to the Supreme Court, more than enough time for the state assassins to finish him off. I am not sure how to respond to assurance number four, stating that Assange will not be held pre-trial in the ADX in Florence. No one is held pre-trail in ADX Florence. But it sounds reassuring, so I guess those in the Biden DOJ who crafted the diplomatic note added it. ADX Florence, of course, is not the only supermax prison in the United States that might house Assange. Assange can be shipped out to one of our other Guantanamo-like facilities. Daniel Hale, the former US Air Force intelligence analyst currently imprisoned for releasing top-secret documents that exposed widespread civilian casualties caused by US drone strikes, has been held at USP Marion, a federal penitentiary in Marion, Illinois, in a Communications Management Unit (CMU) since October. CMUs are highly restrictive units that replicate the near total isolation imposed by SAMs.

The High Court ruling ironically came as Secretary of State Antony Blinken announced at the virtual Summit for Democracy that the Biden administration will provide new funding to protect reporters targeted because of their work and support independent international journalism. Blinken’s “assurances” that the Biden administration will defend a free press, at the very moment the administration was demanding Assange’s extradition, is a glaring example of the rank hypocrisy and mendacity that makes the Democrats, as Glen Ford used to say, “not the lesser evil, but the more effective evil.”

Assange is charged in the US under 17 counts of the Espionage Act and one count of hacking into a government computer. The charges could see him sentenced to 175 years in prison, even though he is not a US citizen and WikiLeaks is not a US-based publication. If found guilty it will effectively criminalize the investigative work of all journalists and publishers, anywhere in the world and of any nationality, who possess classified documents to shine a light on the inner workings of power. This mortal assault on the press will have been orchestrated, we must not forget, by a Democratic administration. It will set a legal precedent that will delight other totalitarian regimes and autocrats who, emboldened by the United States, will gleefully seize journalists and publishers, no matter where they are located, who publish inconvenient truths.

There is no legal basis to hold Julian in prison. There is no legal basis to try him, a foreign national, under the Espionage Act. The CIA spied on Assange in the Ecuador Embassy through a Spanish company, UC Global, contracted to provide embassy security. This spying included recording the privileged conversations between Assange and his lawyers. This fact alone invalidates any future trial. Assange, who after seven years in a cramped room without sunlight in the embassy, has been held for nearly three years in a high-security prison in London so the state can, as Nils Melzer, the UN Special Rapporteur on Torture, has testified, continue the unrelenting abuse and torture it knows will lead to his psychological and physical disintegration. The persecution of Assange is designed to send a message to anyone who might consider exposing the corruption, dishonesty and depravity that defines the black heart of our global elites.

Dean Yates can tell you what US “assurances” are worth. He was the Reuters bureau chief in Baghdad on the morning of July 12, 2007 when his Iraqi colleagues Namir Noor-Eldeen and Saeed Chmagh were killed, along with nine other men, by US Army Apache gunships. Two children were seriously wounded. The US government spent three years lying to Yates, Reuters and the rest of the world about the killings, although the army had video evidence of the massacre taken by the Apaches during the attack. The video, known as the Collateral Murder video, was leaked in 2010 by Chelsea Manning to Assange. It, for the first time, proved that those killed were not engaged, as the army had repeatedly insisted, in a firefight. It exposed the lies spun by the US that it could not locate the video footage and had never attempted to cover up the killings.

The Spanish courts can tell you what US “assurances” are worth. Spain was given an assurance that David Mendoza Herrarte, if extradited to the US to face trial for drug trafficking charges, could serve his prison sentence in Spain. But for six years the Department of Justice repeatedly refused Spanish transfer requests, only relenting when the Spanish Supreme Court intervened.

The people in Afghanistan can tell you what U.S “assurances” are worth. US military, intelligence and diplomatic officials knew for 18 years that the war in Afghanistan was a quagmire yet publicly stated, over and over, that the military intervention was making steady progress.

The people in Iraq can tell you what US “assurances” are worth. They were invaded and subject to a brutal war based on fabricated evidence about weapons of mass destruction.

The people of Iran can tell you what US “assurances” are worth. The United States, in the 1981 Algiers Accords, promised not to interfere in Iran’s internal affairs and then funded and backed The People’s Mujahedin Organization of Iran (MEK), a terrorist group, based in Iraq and dedicated to overthrowing the Iranian regime.

The thousands of people tortured in US global black sites can tell you what US “assurances” are worth. CIA officers, when questioned about the widespread use of torture by the Senate Intelligence Committee, secretly destroyed videotapes of torture interrogations while insisting there was no “destruction of evidence.”

The numbers of treaties, agreements, deals, promises and “assurances” made by the US around the globe and violated are too numerous to list. Hundreds of treaties signed with Native American tribes, alone, were ignored by the US government.

Assange, at tremendous personal cost, warned us. He gave us the truth. The ruling class is crucifying him for this truth. With his crucifixion, the dim lights of our democracy go dark.

This first appeared on Scheerpost.

Chris Hedges is a Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist who was a foreign correspondent for fifteen years for The New York Times, where he served as the Middle East Bureau Chief and Balkan Bureau Chief for the paper. His books include American Fascists: The Christian Right and the War on AmericaDeath of the Liberal Class, and War is a Force That Gives Us Meaning and Days of Destruction, Days of Revolt, a collaboration with comics artist and journalist Joe Sacco.

French Soldiers Lower Flag After Years In Mali's Timbuktu

By Amaury Hauchard and Daphne Benoit
12/13/21 

French troops were preparing to leave the Malian city of Timbuktu on Tuesday, in a symbolic departure more than eight years after Paris first intervened in the conflict-torn Sahel state.

It was there that then French president Francois Hollande formally declared the start of France's military intervention, in February 2013, designed to root out jihadist insurgents.

A few days prior, French legionnaires and Malian troops had liberated Timbuktu, a northern desert city, after an eight-month Islamist occupation.

The French army base at Timbuktu will be handed over to Malian forces 
Photo: AFP / Thomas COEX

"Some people were overcome by emotion, women were crying, young people were shouting, I myself was overwhelmed," said Yehia Tandina, a Timbuktu television journalist, recalling the day.

Mohamed Ibrahim, the former president of the Timbuktu regional council, also described the day as "joyful" and "beautiful".

But now French troops are leaving their base in Timbuktu, raising questions about the future of jihadist activity as militants put down roots in the countryside.

France's military deployment in the Sahel is due to fall to about 3,000 troops by next year Photo: AFP / Thomas COEX

Mathieu, a French sergeant, was part of the original contingent of French soldiers who arrived in Mali, and has returned to the Timbuktu base for the handover ceremony.

"We've come full circle," he said, smiling.

Since 2013, Paris has deployed around 5,100 troops across the Sahel region -- which includes Mali -- helping to support local governments and their poorly equipped forces fight an ever-growing Islamist insurgency.

However, French President Emmanuel Macron announced a major drawdown of French troops in June, after a military takeover in Mali in August 2020 that ousted the elected president Ibrahim Boubacar Keita.

Soldiers fly out of the French army base at Timbuktu on December 5
 Photo: AFP / Thomas COEX


France's military deployment in the Sahel is due to fall to about 3,000 troops by next year.

French forces have already left bases in the northern Malian towns of Kidal and Tessalit.



Westerners cannot travel outside the city without an armed escort
Photo: AFP / Thomas COEX

The French were greeted as liberators when they entered Timbuktu in 2013.

Former president Hollande also described the day French soldiers retook the city as "the best day of his political life".

Sergeant Mathieu said the atmosphere was no longer as jovial, although that locals are not hostile.

The French were greeted as liberators when they entered Timbuktu in 2013 
Photo: AFP / Thomas COEX

A lack of enthusiasm may be linked to continuing conflict across the vast nation of 19 million people.

Jihadists attacks have grown more frequent since 2013, and the conflict has spilled over into neighbouring Burkina Faso and Niger.

Whether France's mission can be described as a military success is a sensitive question.

The defensive walls come down at the French military base in Timbuktu 
Photo: AFP / Thomas COEX

For Master Corporal Julien, who was also in Timbuktu in 2013: "We have to hope that things will get better for civilians".

Outside the city, locals appear to have come to terms with the jihadists, said security officials and Western diplomats.

An acceptance of their legitimacy, at least among locals, may have also decreased violence.

"Where there is coexistence, there will certainly be fewer negative acts," said Tandina, the journalist, noting improved security in the Timbuktu region.

According to the UN, militant attacks on civilians in Timbuktu and the surrounding area are at their lowest since 2015.

Still, Westerners cannot travel outside the city without an armed escort.

The central government, which is supported by the UN inside the city, is largely invisible in the countryside.

Most jihadists in the region are affiliated to al-Qaeda. In their propaganda, they boast that they control the territory and have won the hearts of locals.

A Timbuktu resident, who declined to be named, told AFP many people prefer to use the Islamic court system rather than the official one.

One Islamic judge, Houka Houka Ag Alhousseini, remains active in the area despite figuring on a United Nations sanctions list for having worked in a similar capacity during the jihadist occupation of Timbuktu.

Near Timbuktu airport, equipment from the French base ranging from satellite dishes to crates of medicine is piled up and ready to ship to the country's main Sahel military base at Gao in northern Mali.

Tents, among other small items, were due to be left behind.

The remaining French soldiers were milling about the camp with not much to do: the wifi has been disconnected, putting them on the same footing as Timbuktu residents.

Jihadists recently attacked telecommunications infrastructure, causing persistent network problems.

"Of course there are problems" said Ali Ibrahim, a 26-year-old law student, citing a lack of work, among other issues impacting residents' lives.

"But we're here, and we will still be here tomorrow," he said. "So we live with it."


Copyright AFP. All rights reserved.
Humanitarian Intervention Is a Cloak for Military Aggression

Despite the disastrous outcomes in Iraq and Afghanistan, supporters of US-led military intervention still claim war can be a humanitarian project. It can't.

US Navy personnel unloads supplies from a Navy helicopter at the port of Umm Qasr, Iraq, 2003.
 (Bob Houlihan / US Navy / Getty Images)

BYACHIN VANAIK
JACOBIN
12.13.2021

During the late 1990s and the early 2000s, the doctrine of “humanitarian intervention” came to the fore as a justification for US-led military adventures in the Balkans and the Middle East. A number of recent events have revived our memory of those debates, from the ignominious US withdrawal from Afghanistan, just as the twentieth anniversary of the 9/11 attacks was approaching, to the deaths of leading Bush administration officials such as Donald Rumsfeld and Colin Powell.

For many people, the disastrous outcomes in Iraq and Afghanistan will be enough to discredit the idea of humanitarian intervention. But past experience suggests that the justification it offers for military action is too useful to be discarded by the United States and its allies. Such arguments may well be used in support for future wars. We still need to address and refute the case for “humanitarian” warfare on its own terms.

Balancing Rights

It is now generally accepted that all humans possess a basic set of rights, deriving from their status as moral beings who are owed such rights. In this respect, we must now see human rights as a trans-historical and transnational phenomenon, although they are a product of modern history.

Since nation-states are historically contingent phenomena, the rights of nations, such as the right to national self-determination, cannot in principle override such universal rights. We do have an obligation to intervene across national boundaries to promote human rights.

As a normative attitude or set of principles to guide our action, this much is not really in dispute. It allows for all kinds of external initiatives — diplomatic, cultural, humanitarian, etc. — to correct wrongs and to promote justice.

However, the real point of disagreement does not concern the legitimacy or morality of intervention when it assumes such forms. The question is whether we can justify forcible military intervention from outside the country in question to prevent human rights violations.

During the second half of the twentieth century, the greatest single act of global political emancipation was decolonization. This established the formal principle of equality between all nations, and therefore of the right to national self-determination or national sovereignty as the supreme legal principle of the international political order.During the second half of the twentieth century, the greatest single act of global political emancipation was decolonization. This established the formal principle of equality between all nations.

This was and remains a crucial form of protection for the weaker and newly emerging countries in relation to the more powerful ones, in law if not always in practice. The tenets of international law in this respect constitute a major gain for global peace, security, and justice — particularly Article 2 (7) of the UN Charter, which declares national sovereignty to be the supreme legal principle, and which is formally accepted by all UN member states.

Upholding Sovereignty


We can identify three broad positions on the issue of external military intervention in the name of human rights. The first position comes from those who would defend the existing framework of international law against such interventions.

They argue that it is naïve and wrong to believe that powerful states are motivated to intervene elsewhere for humanitarian reasons, and that the principle of humanitarian intervention by military means will never be applied consistently by the major world powers. Moreover, there is no agreed consensus among states about what the principles that could justify such interventions might be.

From this perspective, the level of order and justice currently provided in the world system by upholding the principle of nonintervention is much better than the disorder and injustice that would result if we were to accept periodic violations of that principle in the name of human rights. We must therefore not extend the two exceptions already provided for in the UN Charter when it comes to the use of force.The right to self-defense can only be invoked against an actual attack or against a threat that must pass a certain ‘threshold of gravity’ — in other words, it must be imminent or inevitable, not merely possible or probable.

These exceptions can be found in Article 2(4) and in Article 51 of Chapter VII. The former concerns the right of a country to self-defense against the official armed forces of another country or countries. The right to self-defense can only be invoked against an actual attack or against a threat that must pass a certain “threshold of gravity” — in other words, it must be imminent or inevitable, not merely possible or probable. The doctrine of “preventive war” deployed by the United States or Israel in support of their use of force is not legitimate.

The second exception requires the authorization of the UN Security Council to militarily rectify a “breach” of international peace as a “last resort” measure. Such authorization will only be forthcoming if is there no veto by one of the Security Council’s five permanent members (the United States, the UK, France, China, and Russia).

This exception would allow the so-called P5, if they agreed with one another, to manipulate the other, non-permanent members into endorsing unjustifiable forms of military action. However, it remains a legal barrier to frequent military intervention with the UN’s sanction. If we made the defense of human rights into the basis for another exception, this would ensure more abuses in its name.

Advocates of Intervention

Supporters of some or all of the US-led military interventions since the end of the Cold War have put forward the second position. They argue that such interventions in the name of human rights are morally justified, even if they are currently in violation of international law. From this standpoint, the promotion of human rights is at least as important as international peace and security, if not more so.

Advocates of this position prefer to cite Articles 1(3), 55 and 56 of the UN Charter on human rights, claiming that these sections are more important than Article 2(4). All three articles, which refer to the promotion and defense of human rights “without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion,” nevertheless present this as a task to be performed within the framework of accepting “national sovereignty” and cooperation among nations. However, the supporters of humanitarian intervention claim that morality must trump legality in particular cases if moral considerations require the use of force to end slaughter.The supporters of humanitarian intervention claim that morality must trump legality in particular cases if moral considerations require the use of force to end slaughter.

They also present the motivations of would-be interveners as a less important factor than the outcome of the action they take. If the intervention ends human rights violations, that is what matters most. Since there are both short-term and long-term outcomes, the first can be cited to justify external military intervention to end a crisis, while the second can be cited to justify regime change and a long-running occupation.

Michael Walzer, one prominent liberal advocate of humanitarian intervention, coined the term “justice in endings.” According to this principle, even if an intervention was unjustified in the first place — for example, the invasion of Iraq, which Walzer initially opposed — the intervening power can still be justified in staying on as an occupier in order to bring about democracy. The judgement of how long the occupation must continue will rest, of course, with the intervener.

The Agency of the Oppressed

There is a third position that should be held by those on the Left, whether they are revolutionary socialists or simply genuine progressives. While this position is closer to the first than the second, it does allow in principle for military intervention in the name of human rights.

Such interventions can only be justified under very specific conditions, which by their nature are extremely rare. This position offers little comfort to those who would advocate support for imperialist actions by the United States or other powers, great or small, in the name of democracy.

This third position bases itself on the normative principle of respecting the freedom of peoples. It is morally and not just legally founded. This perspective recognizes the fact that we live in a world where different peoples are constituted as different nations. It therefore insists that we must respect the right of peoples to overthrow their own tyrants.

We can oppose oppressive regimes from the outside in many different ways and offer material support to those fighting them, including arms supplies. However, that does not mean we would be justified in carrying out an external military intervention to overthrow such regimes.

In brief, we are not entitled to substitute ourselves for the oppressed peoples in question, for to do so would be to deny them their agency — the freedom to fight against their own tyrant. They have a right to claim our support, but we must respect them as the primary agent of their own future. It follows that we would not have supported an external military invasion to overthrow the Shah of Iran, the apartheid regime in South Africa, or British rule over one of its colonies.

Two Qualifications

In normative terms, there are only two qualifications to this principle. Firstly, if one side in a civil war calls for and receives external military help, the other side may be entitled to do the same. This happened, for example, in Angola in 1975.

A left-wing nationalist guerrilla force, the MPLA (Movement for the Liberation of Angola), which had been the leading force in the struggle against Portuguese colonial rule, came to power after decolonization. It faced opposition from a rival force, UNITA (National Union for the Total Independence of Angola), which had support from the United States and the apartheid regime in South Africa.

UNITA invited South African troops to intervene on its behalf in order to overthrow the MPLA government. At the MPLA’s request, the Cuban government sent its own soldiers to support the Angolan government against the South African invasion force, which was decisively defeated. Cuba also sent reinforcements to Angola in 1987–88 to repel a major offensive by the apartheid regime.If we must respect the right of a people to overthrow their own tyrant, this presumes that the people in question can, in the first place, continue to exist.

The second qualification is even more important. If we must respect the right of a people to overthrow their own tyrant, this presumes that the people in question can, in the first place, continue to exist. If their very existence as a people is at stake, then military intervention can be justified, regardless of what the intervener’s motives may be. However, mass expulsion does not qualify as a justification, since a people in exile retain their agency to struggle for justice.

Defining Genocide


Here one must be careful. Advocates of humanitarian intervention have repeatedly invoked the need to prevent “genocide” in support of particular wars. This raises the question of what constitutes genocide.

Unfortunately, the definition provided by the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide is of no help to us: “acts committed with the intent to destroy in whole or in part a national, ethnical, racial or religious group.” But how “substantial” must the part of the population killed or threatened be to determine that mass atrocities have become a case of genocide?

If the very existence of a people is the criterion, then clearly the killing must be of a scale that is significant in proportion to the overall population. Of course, there is a grey area here. In the face of an ongoing massacre, when should one call for intervention?

There is no foolproof standard for making such a judgement call. However, this emphasis on proportionality would at least rule out a host of interventions that were rationalized in the name of preventing genocide yet were in fact unjustified, and which served to advance the economic or geopolitical interests of the invading force.

In 1999, for example, a US-led NATO coalition, backed by much of the Western media, claimed that the regime of Slobodan Milošević was carrying out a genocide against Kosovar Albanians. At that point, however, Serbian-Yugoslav forces had killed an estimated 1,500 to 2,100 people in the region, which could not be said to constitute genocide.

In the same period, the Turkish state, which remained a member of NATO in good standing, was responsible for violence of equivalent scale against its Kurdish population. There was no talk in Western capitals of air strikes to prevent “genocide,” or even a freeze on arms sales to Turkey.

East Timor, Rwanda, Cambodia


In the last half century, there have been just three occasions when the scale of a massacre meant that we could say the entire existence of a people was at stake. Tellingly, in none of these cases was there any question of the United States and its allies launching a humanitarian intervention. Indeed, those states refused to make much more limited steps to halt the violence.

From 1975 onward, East Timor was occupied by Indonesian forces and the just struggle of its people for national liberation faced murderous repression, which killed one-third of the total population (more than three hundred thousand people out of a total of around eight hundred thousand). The US government had given Suharto’s Indonesian regime an explicit go-ahead for the invasion and continued to support it to the hilt, as did Britain and Australia. There was no intervention to save the East Timorese, who finally won their independence only after the fall of Suharto in 1998.

A second example was Rwanda in 1994, when the Hutu-supremacist regime massacred a majority of the Tutsi people. Before the massacres, Tutsis were about 14 percent of Rwanda’s 7 million population, with the Hutu majority constituting 85 percent. It is estimated that at least four hundred thousand Tutsis were killed — probably considerably more than that. Once again, neither the United States nor any European power had any interest in intervening to prevent this slaughter. Rwanda, unlike the Balkans, had no strategic-political value for the West.

The head of the UN peacekeeping force, Canadian officer Roméo Dallaire, desperately called for reinforcements, insisting that an additional five thousand UN troops could put a stop to the ongoing massacres. But his plea fell on deaf ears: when France eventually sent a military force to Rwanda, it was in an attempt to prop up the genocidal regime, which was now facing defeat on the battlefield at the hands of the Tutsi-led Rwandan Patriotic Front.We must not allow US empire-builders and their supporters to use the idea of humanitarian intervention in order to cloak themselves in the garb of moral rectitude and integrity.

Finally, there is the Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia at the end of 1978, which put an end to the execrable Pol Pot regime that had killed at least a fifth of the Cambodian population. The Vietnamese leaders did not claim to be intervening for humanitarian reasons: they presented the invasion as an act of self-defense after repeated acts of military aggression by the Khmer Rouge, which had the support of China.

Whatever the motives behind the Vietnamese action, it produced an outcome devoutly to be wished for. For political and strategic reasons, both the Chinese and the US governments bitterly opposed the ouster of the Khmer Rouge. They continued to support the remnants of Pol Pot’s army, both politically and militarily, from their positions in Thailand.

Notoriously, the United States even voted at the United Nations to recognize Pol Pot’s ambassador as the legitimate representative of the Cambodian people. The Reagan administration channeled weapons to the Khmer Rouge throughout the 1980s, aiming to punish Vietnam for its victory in 1975.

By the standard embodied in this third position, all of the US military interventions since the 1990s were unjustified. Ideally, there could be a genuinely impartial international force that was not beholden to any major power, capable of intervening to maintain international peace and security.

Many people have hoped that such a force be established under the auspices of the UN.

But we should not confuse wishes for reality. We are very far from seeing a force like that materialize, and even if it did, the conditions under which it could intervene militarily would have to remain strict. In the meantime, we must not allow US empire-builders and their supporters to use the idea of humanitarian intervention in order to cloak themselves in the garb of moral rectitude and integrity.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Achin Vanaik is a writer and social activist, a former professor at the University of Delhi and Delhi-based Fellow of the Transnational Institute, Amsterdam. He is the author of The Painful Transition: Bourgeois Democracy in India and The Rise of Hindu Authoritarianism.

IRELAND 
HSE hackers were in health service's computer system for eight weeks before cyber attack

The detonation of the ransomware attack took place on May 14th



Image: Shutterstock

Updated Fri Dec 10, 2021

A NEW REPORT into the HSE cyber attack in May shows that the hackers were in the health service’s computer systems for eight weeks before they initiated the attack.

The report, which was launched this afternoon, gives details on how the HSE were unprepared for a cyber attack, due to the weakness of their IT system and a lack of cybersecurity detection and monitoring.

The cyber attack has cost the HSE approximately €100 million, with half of the cost being incurred in 2021, while the remaining half will be a recurring fee in 2022.

The attack itself saw massive disruption across the country, with usual healthcare operations being curtailed due to IT outages.

Covid-19 measures like testing and contact tracing were hit, with daily case numbers and deaths due to the virus being inaccessible in the immediate aftermath.

Contingency plans were put in place by the health service reverting back to a paper-based system due to the inaccessibility of digital healthcare records.

Organisations like An Garda Síochána, the National Cyber Security Centre, Interpol and the Defence Forces were brought in to assist the HSE in dealing with the attack.

The attackers first sent a malicious email to a single workstation on 16 March, with the email then being opened on 18 March. A malicious Microsoft Office Excel file was downloaded, which allowed the hackers into the HSE’s IT system.

The hackers remained within the HSE IT system for eight weeks, gaining additional levels of access to the system and individual user accounts, before detonating the attack on 14 May.

While the HSE’s antivirus software did detect malicious activity on the workstation on March 31, it was set to monitor mode so was unable to block the activity.

On 13 May, one day before the attack, the HSE’s cybersecurity provider emailed the Security Operation’s team that there had been unhandled threats since 7 May on at least 16 systems. The Security Operations team then had the Server team restart the servers.

The following day the attack was carried out.

The ransomware attack was only detected at the point the attack was carried out, and the IT system was switched off to prevent further damage. Hackers used the Conti ransomware to disrupt the HSE in the attack.

The report identified that the legacy IT system used by the HSE was not resilient enough to cope with a cyber attack, with the system evolving over time and not taking into account resilience to cyber attacks.

Speaking on the RTÉ’s News at One, HSE CEO Paul Reid said that the design of the health service’s network is not strategic but that it came about through the amalgamation of health boards, hospital groups and Community Healthcare Organisastions (CHOs) into the current health service.

“If you look at our network, it’s certainly built over the history of the health service. From health boards to hospital groups, CHO’s and then the HSE establishment itself,” said Reid.

“It’s not a strategic design of a network and you certainly wouldn’t start in this way.

“It’s very fragmented, very siloed, solutions being delivered at each hospital or community area and many, many aspects of our legacy network in place.”


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The report identifies the staff of the HSE as being resilient, working quickly to ensure that continuity of services were provided despite the attack.

In a statement on the publication of the report, HSE chairman Ciarán Devane said that the impact of the attack is still being felt by the health service.

“We commissioned this urgent review following the criminal attack on our IT systems which caused enormous disruption to health and social services in Ireland, and whose impact is still being felt every day,” said Devane.

“It is clear that our IT systems and cybersecurity preparedness need major transformation.”

According to Reid, the health service has initiated a number of actions to mitigate future cyber attacks, including new security controls and monitoring.

“We have initiated a range of immediate actions and we will now develop an implementation plan and business case for the investment to strengthen our resilience and responsiveness in this area,” said Reid.

These immediate actions include a 24-hour monitoring service for HSE IT systems, which is being carried out by an external provider as well as more multi-factor authentication for users.

Recommendations

Following the report, issued by PwC, the HSE have accepted a number of recommendations to improve their cybersecurity measure and to stop further attacks on the health service.

Among them are plans for the development of a new “significant” investment plan and the transformation of legacy IT to have cybersecurity built into the infrastructure.

New roles are also set to be created, with both a Chief Technology and Transformation Officer and a Chief Information Security Officer set to be appointed.

Additional cybersecurity crisis management plans are also being recommended by the report, to ensure that responses to further cyber attacks are managed properly.

There will also be more testing of the HSE’s cybersecurity defences through the use of ‘ethical hackers’, with simulated attacks being carried out on health service IT systems.

“The HSE has accepted the report’s findings and recommendations, and it contains many learnings for us and potentially other organisations. We are in the process of putting in place appropriate and sustainable structures and enhanced security measures,” said Devane.

According to the report, the investment needed to carry out the recommendations will need to be “very significant” on an immediate and sustained basis. However, there was no estimated cost included within the report.

The HSE has estimated that their IT operating budget for 2022 will increase to €140 million, up from €82 million in 2021. They also expect the capital budget to rise to €130 million, up from €120 million in 2021, which included €25 million for Covid-19 capital spending.

Reid said that the learnings taken from the HSE with the cyber attack would help other government agencies and bodies around the risks posed by cyber criminals and cyber attacks.