Monday, January 31, 2022

We need a broader vision of equity



New York Times logo
Jay Caspian Kang

January 31, 2022

Alberto Miranda

Last Thursday, I wrote about the Harvard affirmative action case and what I see as a broken system of racial preferences at elite colleges. Today, I want to broaden the scope a bit and talk about higher education in general and what life might be like after the Supreme Court ultimately decides the fate of affirmative action.

I try to avoid the prediction game, but it seems unlikely that a conservative majority on the court will judge in Harvard’s favor. The decision will almost certainly be limited to school admissions, but it is likely to open the floodgates for lawsuits that target racial preferences in all other parts of American life. This practice, aimed at achieving racial balance — often to counteract racist policies and systems — will be under direct threat. This sets up a dilemma that a pro-affirmative action student I interviewed in 2019 expressed by saying: “I don’t want to defend Harvard. But it’s the better of two evils.”

He may very well be right. Given the destruction that could come to all programs that resemble affirmative action in any way, perhaps Asian applicants and their families should accept a system that certainly seems to discriminate against them, at least in the case of Harvard admissions, but whose dissolution will also lead to a more inequitable world. This, for years, was my position on the matter. But such magnanimity usually requires a great deal of privilege and comfort — it is the capitulation of people like me who have already reaped all the rewards of prestigious degrees.

It’s nearly impossible to build a collective political vision around such abstract ideas of self-sacrifice. It might work to ask assimilated, progressive Asian Americans to overlook clear instances of discrimination and assume the role of the guilty white liberal. But even if the goal is to create a more communal and less cutthroat vision of education, is it fair to ask working-class families with no cultural capital to send their children to U.C. Santa Cruz instead of Stanford?

I recently watched Debbie Lum’s documentary “Try Harder!” about Lowell High School in San Francisco. Up until 2020 when the San Francisco school board changed Lowell’s admissions policy, it was test-in, much like Stuyvesant and Bronx Science high schools in New York City. Most of the students at Lowell are Asian American, as is the case at those New York schools.

In a scene early in the film, a physics teacher at Lowell addresses a classroom full of kids about their upcoming college applications. He suggests they temper their expectations. “You look at the Ivy League schools and even if you are a student who should be accepted at a school like this, you may not get in anyway,” he says. “And that, in many cases, has to do with a little thing called ethnicity.” He then flashes a slide that reads, “You’re Asian! And these country club schools don’t want their precious campuses turned into U.C. Irvine!” (U.C. Irvine is about 41 percent Asian.)

This is the perceived reality for many Asian American students and their parents. The response to these concerns cannot be the typical gaslighting and denial that’s become normalized in progressive circles. Nor should we ask teenagers to balance their own academic ambitions with some vaguely stated progressive goal of diversity.

I do not believe that there is a culturally or biologically determined reason Asian students have done so well in academic fields. Rather, the push for perfect G.P.A.s and SAT scores comes, in large part, from the realization that if you’re an immigrant with a distinct language barrier, zero connections to the professional workplace and very little understanding about how this country works, the academic grind is the only clear pathway for your child to move up in socioeconomic status. This is true not only for many Asian immigrant families, but also for many first- and second- generation Black and Latino immigrants.

What’s needed in an increasingly multiethnic country, then, is a broader vision of equity that’s less obsessed with racial disparities and representation at elite institutions and far more focused on how people from all backgrounds can invest in higher education as a collective good. Harvard’s comical racial machinations and the wealth of its student body should be more than enough to convince the public that there is no vision of true equity within the gates of the Ivy League.

OK, but what about affirmative action at nonelite colleges?

There’s a common misconception that every college in the United States employs some form of affirmative action. The truth is that a majority of colleges in this country let in most of their applicants and serve a relatively local population that more or less reflects the demographics of the area. For example, only 14.1 percent of undergraduate students at Cal State East Bay are white. By comparison, 78 percent of undergraduates at Chadron State College in Nebraska are white. This doesn’t mean that Chadron State discriminates against minority applicants or that Cal State East Bay has the greatest minority recruitment program of all time. The reality is that both schools aren’t selective — Chadron takes everyone — and their student bodies simply reflect the people who apply.

In 2014, there were only 352 colleges that publicly stated that they considered race in the admissions process, according to a 2017 study. That’s less than 10 percent of all the two- and four-year colleges in the country. The study also found that most exclusive schools considered the race of the applicant. This makes sense. The only schools that need to make decisions based on race are those schools that need to choose among applicants at all.

So what can we do?

I’ve written in an earlier edition of this newsletter about the role that community colleges could play in ensuring a more equitable and open path toward upward mobility in this country. Public colleges already take thousands of kids a year from the working and middle classes. Expanded and fully normalized pipelines from community colleges to state universities could provide opportunities not only for poor students of color, but also for economically disadvantaged students from all backgrounds.

This system, which would be modeled, in part, after the Canadian public university system, would reduce the stress on high school students to meet the impossible standards of elite colleges. The University of Toronto, which U.S. News and World Report ranked as the top university in Canada last year, has an enrollment of over 74,000 undergraduates, far more than the number of students enrolled at all eight Ivy League schools combined. There are highly competitive, specialized programs at Toronto and other universities in Canada, but they exist within the overall structure of the public university, which means that for the most part, there isn’t a college track for the elites of Canada and one for everyone else. If you care about your grades in high school, chances are you will be able to attend the university in your province. And you will almost certainly not be exclusively surrounded by the wealthy elite.

Last September, House Democrats released a bill that included language curtailing endowment taxes on private colleges, provided they offer “sufficient grants and scholarships” for some students. This move coincided with a banner year for many elite universities that saw their coffers swell during the pandemic. Cornell, Dartmouth and Yale all reported over 40 percent returns on their investments in 2021. This only accelerated a longstanding trend: Between 1990 and 2010, the capital endowments for universities with endowments larger than $1 billion grew roughly 50 percent faster than universities with endowments that totaled less than $100 million.

Rather than offer these universities what amounts to a break on their taxes, the Biden administration should raise them considerably. Lowering tuition for a select number of students who have already gotten into highly selective schools does very little actual good — most of those schools have robust financial aid programs anyway. I believe that the money raised from aggressively taxing endowments should be used to fund community colleges and state university programs instead, so that more students could benefit.

Taxes, alone, will not suddenly create a more communal vision of higher education, nor will they persuade everyone to fight for it. A profound cultural shift is needed that is likely to take decades to see through. The good news is that nobody really seems to like the system we have now in the United States, with its brutal competition, its winner-take-all mentality and its undue focus on a handful of elite schools. Why would we center so much of the conversation on places that most students will never even visit, when we could be building a more robust public system that educates everyone?

Have feedback? Send me a note at kang-newsletter@nytimes.com.

 

In a world of economic precarity, crypto’s pitch sounds like freedom

New York Times logo
Tressie McMillan Cottom

January 31, 2022

Diana Ejaita
Author Headshot

By Tressie McMillan Cottom

While I was preparing this week’s newsletter about the cultural economics of cryptocurrency and blockchain, crypto trading tanked. Suddenly, my concerns about how different groups of people have different levels of exposure to risky financial instruments became even more urgent.

Emily Flitter wrote for The New York Times last week that it is difficult to know if the crypto bubble is bursting or what that would even mean: “Bitcoin dropped nearly 13 percent before rebounding along with stocks. Ethereum’s own coin, Ether, was briefly down 15 percent. Their price declines have dragged down other digital asset prices, too.” Despite the sell-off, the world of cryptocurrency is so haphazard and, well, wild that no single measure can definitively say if assets are overheated or melting down. What is clear in Flitter’s analysis and Karl Russell’s graphics is that a lot of people lost money last week.

For Anil Dash, the C.E.O. of the software development company Glitch, the deep questions about financial technologies have always been urgent. Dash was also one of the inventors of non-fungible tokens (NFTs) way back in 2014 and has grappled with the way that the technology is being used now.

This week’s newsletter is the first of a two-part discussion with Dash. We covered a lot of ground. We both admit to naïve hope in digital technology’s power to give marginalized people a fighting chance in a globalized world. Both of us have experienced the ire of internet pile-ons and algorithmic vulnerability that should have beaten that hope out of us. And both of us worry that the platforms and players who are turning blockchain-enabled products into risky shell games will continue to evade regulation.

I start with the question that I ended with last week: What social problems do these blockchain-enabled technologies solve? That question is the hardest and most important to answer.

To understand blockchain-enabled technologies, you have to realize that they are parking lots for venture capitalists. Venture capital companies (VCs) are pulling their enormous piles of cash into these technological blank spaces because, not unlike having dump truck, you have to park that beast somewhere. And the blockchain is alluring to the kinds of people who run venture capital companies.

Ten years ago Dash realized that it was just a matter of time before blockchain became an enormous deal. That was when he attended one of those technology idea-generating conclaves that the industry is fond of. I have attended a couple in my time. The idea is that you get a lot of smart iconoclasts with the right attitude about the potential tech in a room and hack away at a social problem for a few hours. It can be a thrilling experience, if absolutely pretentious and ahistoric. The idea that complex social problems like poverty and failing schools and climate change just need a little technology is seductive, if silly. It was in one of those events where Dash says he knew “blockchain is going to happen. It is just a matter of time.”

But there was no indication that people would be persuaded to use blockchain. That’s because the decentralized ledger that replaces trust with algorithmic documentation in exchanges between two parties is slow and unwieldy. “The one thing about that is to add a line to this database, to this spreadsheet, is two orders of magnitude slower and 10 orders of magnitude more expensive. And who’s going to sign on for that? Why would you do that?” Dash says he asked himself.

The only way a technology that solves a problem that no one knows they have — a “disruptive” technology — becomes culturally powerful is that someone has to subsidize it until it becomes profitable. In the case of blockchain, Dash told me, “it takes pumping in billions of dollars in subsidy to do it. It’s the same as Uber,” and some VCs have invested a lot in making blockchain inevitable. And the amount that VCs have available to throw at investments has ballooned over the past 10 years in a way the average person can’t appreciate. “One check from the real VCs is $20 million, $40 million,” Dash says. “It’s nothing to them. It’s just wealth concentration.”

While I may still be learning some of the intricacies of venture capital and blockchain, I understand wealth inequality just fine. We talk a lot about wealth inequality within the United States but the phenomenon is global. It was bad enough by 2020 but the pandemic has accelerated inequalities, between communities, states and nations. These patterns provide one macro answer to the question of what social problem blockchain solves. Blockchain transforms rising wealth inequality from a problem into an opportunity, for those willing to take the risk of investing.

The pull of any speculative bubble is based in a fact of the world: Somebody somewhere is making a lot of money, and you’re not one of them. A lot of people, like my cousin — a lifelong blue-collar worker with a good pension — believe this. And they are not wrong. That’s one thing my conversation with Dash brought home: There are a lot of people making a lot of money on crypto and NFTs. For those of us who aren’t among the extremely wealthy, the idea that we could join them is a seductive one that has become a cultural phenomenon. And in an atmosphere of economic precarity and wealth inequality, that pull is supercharged. But it is especially powerful among young people. “You talk to anybody under 25, and they’ve been told that crypto is their freedom,” Dash says. It isn’t hard to imagine why.

If you are younger than 45, the internet has been the most powerful institution in your life, hands down. It is more powerful than the government, more intimately experienced than voting, more tangible than a house or a car or a job. You cannot touch the internet but you can feel it. That’s where everything happens, from finding a job to building a social life. When blockchain comes along as schools are closing and then reopening and then kind of closing again, and governments are telling you to Google your closest coronavirus testing site, and your university tells you online orientation is the same as dorm life, and a large number of white-collar people are working from home, and your longest relationships have started on apps and in channels and chat rooms and DMs, blockchain is a reasonable solution to the most basic problems of “What am I supposed to do to survive?”

Dash calls it a big game of FOMO inflected with the chaos of economic anxiety. “Everybody again has a story,” he says. “This guy got in early on Bitcoin, and he made 50 grand. I mean, even I’ve had FOMO about that. I know a guy — he’s smart, but he’s not that smart — who went all in, and he’s way into nine figures, way in.” To be fair, when you put it that way, buying Bitcoin sounds easier and safer than taking one of my college classes. That is, until the bubble bursts.

Next week, we talk about who is in charge of this whole apparatus. Is anyone watching out for rank-and-file crypto enthusiasts as very wealthy venture capitalists use its promise to park their money?

A lot of you wrote in last week to say that you have been a bit embarrassed about not understanding what cryptocurrency, NFTs and blockchain are exactly. That shame is not for regular people to carry. Speculative financial technologies like these derive a lot of their cultural power from being hard to define. Clear definition is usually a sign that an instrument is well regulated. As we will discuss next week, the ambiguity around what crypto is or how blockchain works or how to buy an NFT is part of what makes them seem “too big to fail.”

If you are feeling better about what these terms mean, you may enjoy this roundup of recent coverage.

  • Coral Murphy Marcos details how Black and other minority influencers are looking at retirement funds and finance planning. Tech has changed the way we work, so it’s only fitting that it also changes the way we earn and save. Minority creators often lack wealth management resources, and several share advice.
  • Mike Isaac and Kellen Browning explain the culture of crypto in an overview of NFTs and video games. Surprisingly, many aren’t buying it.
  • A great primer on politicians’ use of Bitcoin/crypto and how it’s being used in local politics for various policy initiatives.
  • Crypto start-ups as “get rich quick schemes,” a.k.a. scams.
  • And a good follow-up on the GameStock saga.

NFTs Are, Quite Simply, Bullshit
JACOBIN
01.26.2022

NFTs are emblematic of capitalism’s growing retreat from productive activity — and the wealthy’s desire to extend their dominion into the digital ether. They’re worse than useless.


Sometimes a single image or episode capturing triumph, tragedy, or disaster sums up the spirit of a moment better than prose ever could. In pondering the most iconic frames in American history, several obvious candidates come to mind: the flag raising on Iwo Jima; the beaming face of a relaxed John F. Kennedy seconds before he met an assassin’s bullet; Neil Armstrong moved to tears in the cockpit of Apollo 11 following communion with the infinite on the surface of the Moon. Though it may never be elevated to the same illustrious perch, it’s difficult to think of anything quite so evocative or emblematic of our own stupendously stupid time than this week’s sublimely bizarre segment of The Tonight Show Starring Jimmy Fallon featuring Paris Hilton.

True to the genre, most of the conversation between Hilton and Fallon is classic late-night schtick, the kind of mindlessly innocuous banter you idly catch out of one eye while falling asleep or stumble upon after giving up on Netflix for the third time in two hours. Things then quickly take a turn for the weird when Fallon asks about Hilton’s NFT hobby (Hilton, incidentally an early pioneer in the postmodern commodification of the self, is currently ranked at #7 in Forbes’ NFT Top 50), and the two carry out what can only be described as a sort of a scripted infomercial somewhere between low-effort celebrity ad read and probable hostage video.

As vaguely dystopian mad libs go, “Paris Hilton Bored Ape Yacht Club NFT” is already about as emblematically 2022 as it gets. Channeled through Hilton and Fallon’s hilariously strained delivery, however — watch the clip for yourself and you’ll see it’s easy enough to imagine that the host is taking his cues from masked gunmen holding placards just off screen — the whole thing soon passes into an entirely new realm of the bizarre. Here’s a short sample:


FALLON: [Since you were last on the show] Forbes has named you one of the top 50 most influential people in the NFT space, so congrats on that.

HILTON: Thank you, I’m so proud. I love being a part of this community and being a voice and sharing my platform and just getting the word out there. Cause I think it’s just such an incredible thing to be a part of.

FALLON: Yeah, I jumped in.

HILTON: I know, I heard. I’m so happy I taught you what they were.

FALLON: You did, you taught me what’s up and then I bought an ape.

HILTON: I got an ape too, because I saw you on the show with Beeple and he said you got on MoonPay so I went and I copied you and did the same thing.

There’s plenty more in this vein, the two showing off their respective ape JPEGs before Hilton announces an Oprah-style giveaway for the blockchain era and gifts everyone in the audience with her latest NFT, declaring the moment “iconic” as the show cuts to break.
Non-Fungible Bullshit

Beginning at some point in 2021, the Non-Fungible Token — the latest cryptocurrency-adjacent fad to sweep the nation — was suddenly everywhere. As if by way of some unknowable alchemic process, it seemed, people were somehow turning a profit by trading thoroughly unremarkable clip art images while others were inexplicably shelling out big to claim their title deeds.NFTS are the latest symptom of a decadent and increasingly post-democratic consensus resting on little more than predatory rent-seeking and boundless commodification.

Celebrities and social media influencers also couldn’t seem to shut up about them. From Serena Williams and Logan Paul to Matt Damon and William Shatner, the NFT craze quickly transcended generations and swept up an eclectic cavalcade of the rich and famous in its wake. (Jimmy Fallon, incidentally, spent more than $200,000 on the Bored Ape NFT that now graces his Twitter profile.) Beeple, name-dropped by Paris Hilton in her Fallon segment, fetched more than $3.5 million in an NFT auction. Ape NFTs have been “stolen” in digital heists. One B-list reality star has even gotten in the action by monetizing her own farts (these NFTs, incidentally, come with the tagline: “Be part of history with the first ever generative Fart Jar NFT collection — Imagine the smell!”)

If you’re not already immersed in this glorified Pokémon card ponzi scheme, it’s all a little perplexing, and you may be wondering what any of it actually means. In essence, an NFT gives you exclusive ownership over a digital object of some kind (images, songs, tweets, and virtually anything else can be turned into an NFT).


On its face, buying one can be a bit like buying an original artwork, though with digital usage rights and stored on a blockchain. You can’t, in other words, actually hold it in your hands like a poster or painting. The NFT market being a kind of property rights Wild West, some have been converted into tokens without their author’s knowledge or consent. Still more incredibly, the original media object almost always remains totally accessible to anyone online — essentially rendering the whole premise of exclusivity moot (except in the abstract sense of “bragging rights”).

In a word, NFTs are bullshit. And, like most forms of bullshit in America — think WeWork, the Fyre Festival, or any number of other venture capital-hatched disruption rackets — they’ve come packaged in a phony populist language of community and an even phonier rhetoric of innovation.

Like cryptocurrency, it’s hard to make a case for their actual use value and, like the very dumbest Silicon Valley startups and multilevel marketing scams, they’re best understood as speculative investments in which a privileged few can wring money from something of no redeeming social benefit. The majority, in fact, are about as useful as trash. As Vulture’s Rebecca Alter put it, most NFTs “are about as valuable as a QR code on a Coke bottle cap that sends you to a dead link to an mp3 download.”

Value in any recognizable sense, suffice it to say, is not really the point.
Decadence and Boundless Commodification

The NFT boom, fittingly enough, has coincided quite directly with a period of particularly grotesque collective hardship and surging inequality. As both a threat to public health and an historic economic disruption, the COVID era has been an extraordinarily difficult time for many working and middle-class Americans, but a veritable land of milk and honey for its corporate overlords and lumpen bourgeoisie.Like most forms of bullshit in America, NFTs have come packaged in a phony populist language of community and an even phonier rhetoric of innovation.

Events of recent years have arguably represented the best occasion in decades to reimagine the fundamentals of American society and transform the economy into something other than a handful of hedge funds and tech monopolies sitting on top of each other inside a trench coat. Instead, the country’s bipartisan ruling class opted to greet mass death with a dollop of inadequate and temporary social protections while its criminally undertaxed ultrarich were left to seek out novel ways of profiting from their own money and new totems of their elite status.

Nothing has been more symbolic of this trajectory than NFTs, the latest symptom of a decadent and increasingly post-democratic consensus resting on little more than predatory rent-seeking and boundless commodification. As the New Republic’s Jacob Silverman put it last year:

NFTs reflect a view of the world in which anything can be monetized, even if its value is entirely specious. Having exhausted traditional investments like property and stocks — as well as boutique services like concierge doctors or privileged access to the COVID-19 vaccine — the country’s idle elites are now seeking to expand their financial footprint to cover, well, anything to which they wish to lay claim. . . . It’s the financialization of everything, with practically anything eligible to be tokenized, chopped up into tranches, converted into securities that intrepid day traders could buy and sell.

In effect, a political economy that has eschewed even the thinnest notions of social contract or public good in its elevation of the market — along with a manufacturing base that once actually built things — is laying the groundwork for a new and more expansive kind of post-materialist commodification.

In this latest incarnation of our second gilded age, speculative bubbles based in the digital ether will help affix an ersatz version of innovation and progress to a top-heavy economy structurally incapable of delivering the real kinds. As digital commodities, NFTs thus signal the ongoing descent of capitalism into pure simulacrum and the growing remove of its greatest beneficiaries from anything even resembling productive activity.

As a civilizational metaphor on the other hand, they’re perhaps the perfect symbol of a political order so dismally unjust and a regressive culture so thoroughly exhausted that even the rich people brandishing them on late-night TV struggle to do so with any conviction.


ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Luke Savage is a staff writer at Jacobin.


People walk by a Bored Ape Yacht Club NFT billboard in Times Square in New York City. (Noam Galai / Getty Images)
Australia will spend record $35M to protect native koalas

By Adam Schrader

Orana, a 14-year-old koala, cuddles her 8-month-old female joey at the San Diego Zoo in January 2010. The Australian government said Saturday it would spend about $35 million to protect native koalas and boost recovery efforts. 
File Photo by Ken Bohn/UPI | License Photo

Jan. 29 (UPI) -- The Australian government said Saturday it plans to spend about $35 million to protect native koalas and boost recovery efforts.

Prime Minister Scott Morrison said in a statement the money would be used to restore habitats, and support training in treatment and care for "one of the most special species in the world."

"Koalas are one of Australia's most loved and best-recognized icons, both here at home and across the world," Morrison said. "We are committed to protecting them for generations to come."

With the $35 million fund, the Morrison government will have spent a total of $52 million on protecting koalas since 2019

Koalas are listed as a vulnerable species, one step before endangered status on the Red List -- a catalog of species at risk of extinction maintained by the International Union for the Conservation of Nature.

The koala population, estimated to sit between 100,000 and 500,000 globally, is decreasing, according to the IUCN. However, research from the Australian Koala Foundation shows that the species should be listed as "critically endangered" with as few as 43,000 left in the wild.

"Koalas are in serious decline suffering from the effects of habitat destruction, domestic dog attacks, bushfires and road accidents," the AKF website reads.

The koala population has also suffered from the sexually transmitted disease chlamydia, which can cause infertility and blindness in the marsupial.

Sussan Ley, minister for the environment, said in the press release that genetic research is being done to understand how unique DNA variants can provide resistance to diseases such as chlamydia.

"More than 3,200 vets and veterinary nurses have received specialist bushfire trauma training, with new programs to be funded as we continue to work with major zoos to support research and treatment," Ley said. "Our $200 million bushfire response has provided a catalyst for science-based, long-term initiatives to help native species and highlights the particular importance of protecting our most iconic animals, and the Koala is clearly one of those."
ANOTHER OLD WHITE MAN
Italy’s president, 80, is recruited to stay on for 2nd term
By FRANCES D'EMILIO
January 29, 2022

1 of 10
 Italian President Sergio Mattarella speaks during a meeting with Secretary of State Antony Blinken at Quirinale Palace in Rome, Monday, June 28, 2021. Mattarella has been elected to a second seven-year term as the country’s head of state, ending days of political impasse as party leaders struggled to pick his successor. Earlier on Saturday, lawmakers entreated Mattarella, 80, who had said he didn’t want a second mandate, to change his mind and agree to reelection by lawmakers in Parliament and regional delegates. (AP Photo/Andrew Harnik, Pool, File)


ROME (AP) — Italian President Sergio Mattarella was pulled away from his impending retirement and reelected Saturday to a second seven-year term as the country’s head of state, ending days of political impasse by party leaders that risked eroding the nation’s credibility.

Earlier on Saturday, lawmakers entreated Mattarella, 80, who had said repeatedly he didn’t want a second mandate, to change his mind after lawmakers in Parliament and regional delegates voted fruitlessly for days, trying to reach a consensus on other possible candidates.

Mattarella won in the eighth round of voting when he clinched the minimum of 505 votes needed from the eligible 1,009 Grand Electors. Applause broke out in Parliament, prompting the Chamber of Deputies president to interrupt his reading of the ballots. The count then resumed, with Mattarella going on to win 759 votes.

In a brief, televised statement from the Quirinal presidential palace, Mattarella told the nation he couldn’t let his personal desires prevail over a “sense of responsibility” during the ”grave health, economic and social emergency” Italy was enduring in the COVID-19 pandemic. He added his commitment “to interpret the expectations and hopes of our fellow citizens.”

Mattarella’s first term ends on Thursday. Ahead of the presidential election this week, Mattarella had even rented an apartment in Rome to prepare for his move from the presidential palace.

But after a seventh round of balloting in six days in Parliament failed to yield any consensus on a presidential candidate, party whips and regional governors visited Mattarella at the presidential palace Saturday to reenlist him.

Rai state TV said Premier Mario Draghi, the former European Central Bank chief who is leading a pandemic unity government, telephoned party leaders to encourage the lobbying. Draghi had previously indicted he would be willing to move into the president’s role, but some party leaders featured that would prompt an early election and more political instability for Italy.

Draghi hailed Mattarella’s re-election as “splendid news for Italians.”

“I am grateful to the president for his choice in accommodating the very strong will of Parliament to re-elect him to a second mandate,” the premier said.

“You don’t change a winning team,″ former Premier Matteo Renzi told reporters ahead of the final vote..

Former Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi, who heads the center-right Forza Italia party he founded and who a week earlier dropped his own bid to be president, said that unity “today can only be found around” the figure of Mattarella.

The head of the populist 5-Star Movement, Parliament’s largest force, former Premier Giuseppe Conte, also praised Mattarella as “the guarantor of everybody, impartial, authoritative.″

Conte’s praise for Mattarella was all the more remarkable considering how, when Conte was trying to form Italy’s first populist-led government in 2018, Mattarella vetoed his pick of a euro-skeptic economist for the post of finance minister, an appointment likely to have shaken financial markets’ faith in Italy.

Also lobbying for Mattarella was right-wing League party leader Matteo Salvini, whose candidates failed to take off in the early rounds. In 2019, Salvini suffered the humiliation of seeing Mattarella turn to Conte to form a government, this time without the League, after Salvini yanked his support in a failed bid to grab the premiership for himself.

But analysts noted the possible fallout from the spectacle of the nation’s top political leaders squabbling for days.

“There is a tangible risk that within the ruling majority infighting will become more pronounced in the months ahead as the fruitless and chaotic efforts to replace Mattarella have left deep scars on the parties and their leaders,” said Wolfango Piccoli of Teneo, a consulting and advisory firm.

Going into the election, Conte and some other leaders said a woman should finally become Italy’s head of state. But those efforts quickly fizzled. Among the disappointed woman’s advocates in Italy was Linda Laura Sabbadini, a statistician for the government’s statistics bureau who pioneered using data on gender to understand women’s progress in Italy.

“Politics cut a terrible figure in these days,″ Sabbadini said on state TV.


Italy’s presidency is a largely ceremonial role but the president can send legislation back to Parliament for changes and tap party leaders to try to form a government if a coalition fails.

During the pandemic, Mattarella staunchly backed the nation’s vaccination campaign — one of the more successful ones in Europe — as critical to Italy’s economic recovery.

Pope Francis in a congratulatory telegram said Saturday that Mattarella was showing a “spirit of generosity” in pandemic times marked by “widespread discomfort and uncertainty.”

A Palermo native, Sergio Mattarella began his career in Parliament in 1983. He was active in the Catholic social movement faction of the Christian Democrats, then the dominant post-war party in Italy. Mattarella had served as a judge on the nation’s constitutional court from 2011 until his first election as head of state on Jan. 31, 2015.

Mattarella’s brother, Piersanti Mattarella, was assassinated by the Sicilian Mafia in 1980 while serving as that island’s governor.
‘Football country’ Canada closing in on World Cup berth
AFP January 31, 2022


Los Angeles (AFP) – Canada coach John Herdman has warned his team against complacency after they moved to the brink of a first World Cup appearance since 1986 with an emotional victory over the United States.

The Canadians have surged into a four-point lead at the top of the CONCACAF qualifying competition, leaving them near-certainties to grab one of the three automatic World Cup berths available to teams from Central America, North America and the Caribbean.


Three more points on the road against El Salvador on Wednesday could well leave them needing only a point from their final three fixtures in March to clinch a place at this year’s finals in Qatar.

Amid the euphoria of Sunday’s 2-0 win over the United States, which has left the Americans’ own World Cup hopes delicately balanced, Herdman was quick to emphasise that nothing would be taken for granted until qualification was mathematically certain.

“We’re not qualified yet,” the 46-year-old Englishman said.


“The first thing we said when we brought the boys off the field was ‘It’s not done yet, it starts again tomorrow’. We’re not there yet. We need some more points.

“I won’t let these boys off the hook. So let’s not get too far ahead of ourselves.”


It would take a monumental collapse, and a freakish combination of results, to deny the Canadians now though.

On Sunday, goals from Cyle Larin and Sam Adekugbe earned Canada a clinical 2-0 win that embodied the strengths of Herdman’s tight-knit, tactically well-drilled team, who were happy to cede possession for long periods and wait for openings on the counter-attack.

Herdman was also delighted by the raucous reception that greeted both team buses outside Tim Hortons Field before kick-off where thousands of Canadian fans had gathered.

Clouds of red smoke from flares drifted through the air while a profanity-laced chant of “We burned the White House to the ground” to the tune of “She’ll be coming round the mountain” could also be heard.

– ‘Wild mosh pit’ –

That was music to the ears of Herdman, a Geordie and staunch Newcastle United supporter.

“I’ve seen nothing like it,” Herdman said afterwards. “It’s everything I’ve dreamed of. I’m a hardcore Newcastle fan, a football fan at heart.

“And I used to turn up to St. James Park and used to love that walk-in, sometimes that was my favourite part of the game – the atmosphere.”

Herdman, who took over the Canadian men’s team in 2018 after a successful stint in charge of the women’s team, said Sunday’s crowd scenes marked the “first time I felt I was living in a football country”.

“The flares were going off, it was like Liverpool arriving for a Champions League game,” he said. “It was that wild in that mosh pit. The bus couldn’t even get through.”

Herdman says Canada’s success has ignited support across the country’s diverse population, which in turn has energised his squad.

“This is what we’ve dreamed of – to get people excited,” Herdman said.

“You know — the Canadian people who’ve always had to wear an Italian shirt or a Serbian shirt or a Greek shirt.

“They can put them down and pull on a Canadian jersey now and be proud of us as a football country. And when the boys feel it they’re absolutely buzzing.”

Herdman said qualification for the World Cup had been pinpointed as the goal of the squad at the “very first team meeting” when he took over four years ago.

But Herdman maintains qualification will have a seismic long-term impact for football in Canada, where ice hockey remains by far the most popular sport.

“We knew if we qualified we could change into a football country for ever,” Herdman said. “And that’s what’s driven us every day.

“It’s what the players hear from me every meeting. It’s bigger than us. It’s way bigger than us.

“We all want to get to Qatar, that’s one thing, and there are personal agendas to do that which is normal.

“But I genuinely believe these men know they’ve got an opportunity there to leave a proper football legacy for this country moving forward.”