Monday, March 21, 2022

The Horrific Scam that Water Billionaires are Running on Poor Countries


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Photograph Source: candi… – CC BY 2.0

Mega corporations like Coca-Cola, Pepsi, and Danone are making around 494 times what they spend by bottling water in Mexico and selling it back to locals who have no choice but to buy it.

In Mexico and other poor countries and regions, companies are taking water from aquifers, springs, rivers, and lakes, and putting it in plastic bottles or turning it into flavored and sugary drinks, then dumping their used and dirty water back into water sources. That, along with other industrial pollution which is disproportionately disposed of into rural, Indigenous, and poorer communities, means locals are not able to drink tap water and end up paying extortionate prices to the European and US corporations.

In exchange for taking Mexico’s water, Mexicans give water bottling corporations US$66 billion a year. Coca Cola, Pepsi, Danone, Nestle, Bimbo, and other bottling and junk food companies extract over 133 billion liters of water, and then dump at least 119 billion liters of contaminated water back into water basins and aquifers.

Inequality in access to water

Mexico is a dry country, and water is limited. But corporations are allowed to take as much water as they like, and there is little left over for small rural farmers and for domestic consumption.

I talked to Nahui, a leader of the United Peoples who are resisting Danone’s water brand, Bonafont’s ongoing robbery of their water in Puebla state. For her safety, she asked that just one name be used. We talked in the backyard of local person’s home. Chickens walked around us and birds chirped loudly in the trees above, but behind us the forty or so pear trees were totally empty of fruit. Bonafont’s extraction of water from the Indigenous Nahua region has caused local wells and water supplies to dry up.

“There is a lot of interest in territories where original peoples live because they are areas where people have habits and customs of looking after life, the rivers, the forests,” Nahui says. That, along with discrimination, makes such regions more attractive to companies, she argued.

The United Peoples brings together over 20 Nahua communities in the region. Early last year they closed down, then took over the local Bonafont bottling plant and converted it into a community center, but Mexican national and local security forces stood by the corporation and kicked them out of the plant last month.

I also spoke to Adriana Flores, a researcher with the Transdisciplinary University Center for Sustainability (CENTRUS) in Mexico City. “Coca Cola, Nestle, and some pharmaceuticals have been awarded access to whole aquifers, to millions of cubic meters of water, and that means when there are droughts, they don’t care. They’ll take the water. There are very unequal terms when accessing water. Those with the financial means are guaranteed water,” she said. Other people meanwhile, go without; 12 million people in Mexico don’t have access to a piped water supply.

Stealing water and polluting waterways is very profitable

The global bottled water market was worth US$230.4 billion in 2020, and the top beneficiaries are all US and European companies. Pepsi Co’s Aquifina brand tops the list, and is followed by Coca-Cola’s Dasani and Glaceau Smartwarter, Nestle’s Perrier, Danone (headquartered in France), Ozarka, and others.

To gain access to locals’ water, these companies use a range of devious methods. In the Nahua region, people in one town recently voted on whether the area would be governed by municipal or Indigenous law. All voting booth workers could be seen with Bonafont bottled water. To the south, in Chiapas, Coca Cola’s aggressive marketing includes using Indigenous people’s homes as distribution points. The company also fought a legal battle in Oaxaca, as the state had prohibited the sale of single-use PET bottles, and in Toluca, it runs its biggest plant in the world. But the area faces extremely high water stress, and the 3 billion liters of water that Coca Cola takes only worsens that.

Meanwhile, corporations deliberately locate in poorer countries so they get away with polluting more. In Guadalajara, where there is a lot of heavy industry, Flores says the water “smells very bad, it tastes like metal … sometimes it makes my eyes burn.” Her team analyzed industries near two catchment areas, and found that milk processing plants, pharmaceuticals and more were dumping their waste directly into water sources, “without any monitoring, no transparency, environmental laws aren’t enforced.”

The Santiago river, also near an industrial zone, was covered in foam a meter and a half high. Activists and scientists blamed Swiss pharmaceutical, Ciba Geigy, now Novartis. There is no requirement in Mexico for companies to declare what contaminants they are discharging into water supplies or soil, and European companies that are banned from using lethal substances such as benzene or bisphenol in their home countries, don’t face that obstacle in Mexico.

But countries like Mexico don’t have lax environmental enforcement because they care less. Poorer nations have been pressured to accept polluting industries under the guise of “developing” their economies. Water exploitation licenses increased in Mexico by 3191% between 1995 and 2019 – a period that corresponds to the NAFTA agreement which completely opened Mexico up to US and Canadian companies and manufacturing, and barred Mexico from using environmental regulations against them.

“Free trade agreements allow companies to basically do whatever they want … Mexico is a fiscal paradise for them,” says Nahui, explaining that Bonafont has been able to steal water from Indigenous communities for decades thanks to “protection from the state.”

The US offshores its pollution, and is also one of the largest exporters of plastic waste, sending its trash to Canada, South Korea, Taiwan, China, Hong Kong, India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Mexico, Thailand, and more – though countries like Canada may also then re-export the waste.

In addition, poorer countries have fewer financial resources to monitor and punish corporate pollution, or to treat contaminated water. In Mexico, only 25 to 57% of wastewater is treated, and over half of the treatment plants are not in working order. Some 80% of water bodies are contaminated with industrial waste.

The number of water monitoring centers in Mexico has halved over the last few years, Flores says, due to budget reductions. Industry does “what it likes” because authorities are more interested in spending money on pro-business projects such as the so-called Maya Train, she argues.

And bottled water companies only take the pressure off governments to improve the water supply. Nestlé started selling Pure Life in Lahore, Pakistan, in 1998. Local experts say that back then, they could go anywhere and get clean tap water for free, but nowadays everyone is drinking bottled water.

The correlation between countries with highly polluted water and high bottled water consumption

While the resources that go into bottling water would be better used in treating tap water and preventing pollution, that is never the case. Instead, those countries that most consume bottled water do so because they have to, with the exception of many European countries who have faced strong marketing campaigns that portray bottled water as a healthy lifestyle choice. Top consumers of bottled water per capita include Mexico, Thailand, El Salvador, Indonesia, China, Brazil, Romania, Germany, the US, and India, while the countries with the worst water include India, Germany, Indonesia, Brazil, China, Thailand, and Mexico.

Safely managed drinking water is still very much a privilege of wealthier countries. Elsewhere, the lack of access to safe tap water only further exacerbates inequality. Poorer regions are more vulnerable in times of drought or crisis if there is little water availability. Treating illnesses as a result of contaminated water is harder for people in poor regions, and small farmers struggle to survive when water is limited.

“We have a certain amount of water available to us for food, energy, and production, and … the fact that the water bottling companies have quantities of water guaranteed to them, reduces the amount available to other users, to rural and Indigenous communities,” says Flores.

Animals are also affected. The environmental damage caused by bottled water is 1,400 times that of tap water, in terms of species loss.

Charities won’t solve water inequalities

Many charities take an individual approach to the water crisis in poorer regions. But the donations they are campaigning for won’t halt the abuse perpetrated by corporations.

A lot of charities and NGOs also have strong messaging about the damage caused by the plastic bottles. This messaging is accurate and useful, but it focuses on consumer choices and ignores the role of global power and economic inequalities. Some organizations even talk about “collaborating” with industry, though in reality companies like Danone do not engage with or listen to the communities they are affecting.

“We’ve been cut off from the possibility of deciding what happens to the water in the areas we live in. Instead of access to water being a human right, it is expensive and inaccessible,” Nahui says.

Tamara Pearson is a long time journalist based in Latin America, and author of The Butterfly Prison. Her writings can be found at her blog.

Wild Paper Claims Psychopathy May Not Be a Mental Disorder, But Something Else
16 MARCH 2022

For more than half a century, the kinds of antisocial personality traits we think of as psychopathic – such as a lack of remorse, aggression, and disregard for the wellbeing of others – have been associated with mental illness.

The line between broken and useful traits can be hazy in biology, leaving open the possibility that what is now considered a malfunction might once have been promoted by natural selection.

We might find it tricky to think of evolution benefiting antisocial people, but nature has no problem leaving room for the occasional freeloader within otherwise cooperative species like our own. Those alternative traits that make psychopaths so despised could feasibly give them an edge in a world where competition for resources is intense.

A team of Canadian researchers explored this possibility in a study published last year in the journal Evolutionary Psychology, arguing psychopathy lacks certain hallmarks of a disorder, so should be considered more like a function operating as intended.

Their conclusion is based on an analysis of existing research containing validated measures of psychopathy together with details on the person's handedness; however, this correlation echoes outdated science from the early days of criminal psychology.

Historically, links between being left-handed and a 'sinister' personality were all but given. Early models of mental illness and sociability regarded handedness as a convenient sign of an individual's degeneracy.

Science no longer regards left-handed folk as ill-fated criminals, though the question of how handedness might pair with a litany of other physiological and psychological traits remains a common one in research.

Central to it all is the age-old question of nature versus nurture. Genetics does appear to play a role in handedness, if a rather complicated one. Cultural influences may also determine how much a person favors one hand over the other, allowing them to fit into communities that favor the right-handed.

There are also a vast mix of environmental nudges, such as stress or nutrition or exposure to pollution while in the womb, that can push a person's genetic heritage for handedness into one direction or the other.

Since the researchers in this study found no clear evidence that psychopathic subjects were less likely to be right-handed, it might be assumed that their development hasn't necessarily been affected by their environment to any significant extent.

This leaves open the possibility that whatever genes are at work are operating as evolution elected, providing (as the researchers describe it) an 'alternative life history strategy' for those who inherited them.

There are plenty of reasons to hold judgement one way or another on the entire debate. Specific to this study, just 16 studies ultimately informed the conclusion, combining data on just under 2,000 individuals, making it statistically weak.

Sample sizes aside, it's hard to limit variables in studies like these, making it impossible to exclude the possibility of confounding conditions muddying the waters.

Beyond all of this, there is the more philosophical question over what makes differences in our form and function a disease in the first place. Whole books are written (one by the author of this very article) over the changing definitions of health and illness.

Psychopathy can at once be unwanted under one set of circumstances and prized in another, without invoking models of disease. It can be both an alternative strategy to survival, helping in some social contexts before becoming a disorder in another.

Like so many things in biology, disease is a convenient box we try to wrestle a complicated system into.

Psychopathy's more clinical twin, antisocial personality disorder (APD), was officially given a place in the second edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-II) in 1968. Even after a number of revisions, APD remains in the DSM, adjusted over time with criteria that can be observed and checked more objectively.

Whether we'll continue to regard psychopathy as a disorder in the future will depend on a variety of considerations, not least the results of studies like this one.

No matter how we regard disorders like APD, psychopathy can play a role in behaviors that disrupt and destroy the wellbeing of many.

Knowing more about how it works, and how to help those with it, is an answer we could all benefit from. 

This research was published in Evolutionary Psychology.

(Eric O'Connell/The Image Bank/Getty Images)

Ukraine uses an ATGM Skif/Stugna-P made for an Arab customer

KYIV, ($1=29.34 Ukrainian Hryvnia) — It was to be expected, but now it seems certain: the Ukrainian armed forces seem to be using guided missile systems manufactured for export in the defensive battles around Kyiv, learned BulgarianMilitary.com, citing Soldat&Technik.

Ukraine uses an ATGM Skif/Stugna-P made for an Arab customer
Photo credit: Twitter

Images distributed on social networks show the display of a fire control unit of the Skif or Stugna-P [Ukrainian name] guided missile with Arabic characters.

In early 2021 it became known that Qatar wanted to procure the Skif, S&T reported. The guided missiles have since been integrated into a remote-controlled turret belonging to the Turkish arms company Aselsan. The delivery of the order was scheduled for last year. However, it cannot be ruled out that in the present case systems from this order were used.

The guided-missile designed by the state-owned Luch development office based in Kyiv has been in production for a decade. It was introduced to the Ukrainian armed forces in 2011. The weapon system is available with both a 130 mm and a 152 mm guided missile.

Ukraine uses an ATGM Skif/Stugna-P made for an Arab customer
Photo credit: Wikipedia

In addition to a tandem hollow charge, both versions are also available in an explosive fragmentation variant against buildings or field fortifications. The state-owned Ukroboronprom group also supplied the Skif to Algeria, Saudi Arabia, and Myanmar.

Ukraine expects more weapons

As we reported on March 17, Soviet-era anti-aircraft systems will be sent to Ukraine to counter Russian air raids. The information was reported by Jim Sciutto, CNN Anchor & Chief Nat Sec Correspondent.

According to Sciutto’s tweet, the ground-to-air missile systems and anti-aircraft systems are SA-8 [9K33 Osa – a highly mobile, low-altitude, short-range tactical CAM system], SA-10 [S-300 – a long-range SAM system], SA-12 [S-300V – a long-range SAM system] and SA-14 [9K34 Strela-3 – a man-portable air defense missile system or MANPADS]. Sciutto claims that this delivery is with the assistance of the United States and NATO allies.

Ukraine to receive Strela-3 MANPADS, 9K33 Osa, and S-300 SAMs
Photo credit: Wikipedia

Also, US President Joe Biden announced additional aid to Ukraine in the form of direct military supplies worth $ 800 million, bringing the amount given by the United States to Ukraine since the beginning of Biden’s presidency increased to $ 2 billion.

The new aid to Ukraine includes the deployment of 800 Stinger anti-aircraft systems; 2,000 Javelin, 1,000 light anti-armor weapons, and 6,000 AT-4 anti-armor systems; 100 Tactical Unmanned Aerial Systems; 100 grenade launchers, 5,000 rifles, 1,000 pistols, 400 machine guns, and 400 shotguns; over 20 million rounds of small arms ammunition and grenade launcher and mortar rounds; 25,000 sets of body armor; and 25,000 helmets.

ROYAL WATCH

William and Kate to face protests and call for slavery reparations in Jamaica

As the country marks its 60th anniversary, a coalition of Jamaican politicians, business leaders, doctors and musicians have called in an open letter for the British monarchy to pay slavery reparations
The Duke and Duchess of Cambridge’s Caribbean tour faces further protests with Jamaican campaigners accusing the Queen and her predecessors of perpetuating slavery (Chris Jackson/PA)

Prince William and Kate Middleton's Caribbean tour faces further protests with Jamaican campaigners accusing the Queen and her predecessors of perpetuating slavery.

As the country marks its 60th anniversary, a coalition of Jamaican politicians, business leaders, doctors and musicians have called in an open letter for the British monarchy to pay slavery reparations.

“We note with great concern your visit to our country Jamaica, during a period when we are still in the throes of a global pandemic and bracing for the full impact of another global crisis associated with the Russian/Ukraine war,” the letter states, according to a section quoted by The Independent’s race correspondent Nadine White.

“We see no reason to celebrate 70 years of the ascension of your grandmother to the British throne because her leadership, and that of her predecessors, has perpetuated the greatest human rights tragedy in the history of humankind.”

It is believed the group will stage a protest on Tuesday outside the British High Commission in Kingston, with the royals due to arrive that day in Jamaica where they will stay until Thursday when they depart for the Bahamas.

The apparent opposition in Jamaica comes after the tour began in controversial circumstances when opposition from villagers in Belize, who cited a range of issues including objections to the Cambridges’ helicopter landing site, forced a royal trip to a farm on Sunday to be scrapped.

It was replaced with a visit to a chocolate producer before the royals travelled to the cultural centre of the Garifuna community in Hopkins.

The Cambridges were on Monday due to visit stunning ancient Maya ruins deep in the heartland of Belize.

William and Kate will be given a tour of the site and have the chance to take in Caana, or sky palace, which remains the tallest man-made structure in Belize.

The duke visited Belize as a teenager in 2000, when he reportedly learned jungle survival techniques with the Welsh Guards who were receiving training from the British Army Training Support Unit as part of Exercise Native Trail.

William was beginning a gap year before university at the time and while in the jungle, the then 18-year-old duke learned his A level results.

The last engagement of the day will see the couple attend a reception hosted by the Governor General of Belize at the Maya ruins at Cahal Pech, near San Ignacio.

This special reception will be held in celebration of the Queen’s Platinum and William will give a speech.

During their first full day in Belize on Sunday, the couple toured a cocoa farm and danced during a cultural visit to a nearby village.

BRINGS IN SCABS
Chevron pulls union workers from California refinery ahead of strike

By Gary McWilliams and Erwin Seba
© Reuters/Robert Galbraith FILE PHOTO: Chevron Corp's refinery in Richmond, California

(Reuters) - Union workers were removed from a Chevron Corp oil refinery near San Francisco hours ahead of a deadline to begin the first labor strike at the gasoline producing plant in more than 40 years.

More than 500 United Steelworkers members were bussed out of the plant Sunday evening and replaced by non-union staff. No new contract talks are planned, said USW Local 5 First Vice President B.K. White in an interview.


The existing labor contract at the Richmond, California, refinery expired Feb. 1 and efforts since then failed to reach agreement. The union twice voted to reject the company's offers.

"The union’s demands exceeded what the company believes to be reasonable and moved beyond what was agreed to as part of the national pattern bargaining agreement," Chevron spokesperson Tyler Kruzich said.

Chevron, he said, "is committed to continuing to negotiate toward an agreement" and has taken steps to continue normal operations at the facility.

The last strike at the 245,000 barrel-per-day plant, which produces gasoline, jet fuel and diesel fuel, took place in 1980 as part of a nation-wide walkout.

NEGOTIATIONS FAR APART


"We are far apart" in reaching an agreement, said the USW's White. "It’s hard to negotiate when one side sees flesh and bone and other side sees the bottom line," he added.

FORCED OVERTIME

The USW local has asked for a 5% pay increase above that agreed last month by its peers because of the higher cost of living in the San Francisco Bay Area. It also wants the company to add staffing to reduce the 60-70 hours that union members must sometimes work, White said.

The USW and most U.S. refiners last month reached a national agreement that provides a 12% pay raise over four years to the union's about 30,000 members at U.S. oil and chemical companies.

Each local union separately negotiates a contract covering plant-specific issues, and Richmond workers have twice voted down Chevron proposals.

Chevron non-union employees began taking control of refinery operations manned by union workers about 5 p.m. on Sunday, said White.



HIGH FUEL PRICES


California has some of the highest fuel prices in the nation with a gallon of unleaded regular gasoline on Sunday selling for $5.847 and a gallon of diesel for $6.258, according to motorist group AAA.

On Saturday, the union had advised machinists to go to the refinery and remove their personal tools before the contract extension expires.

Union members twice voted to reject Chevron proposals. The last vote, completed on Saturday, was overwhelmingly against what was called the company's last, best and final offer, according to messages posted on-line by USW Local 5.

(Reporting by Gary McWilliams, additional reporting by Erwin Seba; Editing by Diane Craft and Stephen Coates)
Nunavut Legal Aid to intervene at Supreme Court of Canada for first time

IQALUIT, Nunavut — Nunavut Legal Aid is to have a say at the Supreme Court of Canada for the first time in a case that could affect the way Inuit are sentenced.

About 40,000 people, mostly Inuit, live in the territory, which has the highest incarceration rate in the country.

Nunavut Legal Aid is to appear in Ottawa on Wednesday to intervene in R v. Sharma.

The case involves a young Indigenous woman named Cheyenne Sharma and the constitutionality of a law that barred a judge from allowing her to avoid jail by serving a conditional sentence.

Conditional sentences can be served in the community, typically in the form of house arrest.

Sharma pleaded guilty in 2016 to smuggling two kilograms of cocaine into Canada from South America. Evidence at trial showed Sharma was facing financial hardship and was going to be evicted from her home. She was sentenced to 17 months in custody.

In 2018, the Ontario Superior Court rejected Sharma's application for a conditional sentence. The judge based the decision on a 2012 change to the federal Criminal Code that disallows community-based sentences for offences, like drug-trafficking, that carry maximum penalties.

An Ontario Court of Appeal justice, saying it was unconstitutional and that it discriminated against Indigenous offenders, rejected the law. The Crown then appealed to the Supreme Court.

Eva Tache-Green, a Nunavut Legal Aid lawyer leading the intervention, argues that limiting conditional sentences only hurts Inuit offenders across Nunavut.

In her submission to the Supreme Court, Tache-Green notes that Nunavut's legal order is Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit, a social value system often interpreted as 'what Inuit have always known to be true.'"

Tache-Green argues that restricting conditional sentences interferes with that approach, which focuses on rehabilitation instead of punishment, and takes more people out of their home communities.

"Elders consider modern imprisonment to be akin to banishment, which was among the harshest sanctions possible under Inuit law," she wrote in a submission to the court.

Madeleine Redfern, chairwoman of Nunavut's Legal Services Board, said it's important that Indigenous peoples' right to a conditional sentence be preserved.

"We've operated in that system for decades where conditional sentences were part of the option. That (federal) legislation simply took that option away," she said.

Redfern said Nunavut, the youngest of Canada's three territories, still has a chance to shape how justice is carried out.

"Nunavut and Inuit have still yet an opportunity to continue to shape how justice is done in our territory, which should include restorative justice."

She conceded that not every offender should be given a conditional sentence, but suggested giving judges discretion will give Inuit a better chance of rehabilitation.

"These are real people. These are real lives. Often they are complicated and complex sets of circumstances that have led to an incident."

Nunavut's 25 communities are fly-in only, so Nunavummiut sentenced to custody are often taken hundreds, if not thousands, of kilometres from their homes.

“Separating Inuit offenders from their home communities weakens their prospects for rehabilitation,” Tache-Green wrote in her submission.

She also argues the territory’s high prison rate shows how legislation that restricts conditional sentences can be harmful and has resulted in more Nunavummiut being sent to jail for longer periods of time.

“Limits to the conditional sentence regime perpetuate the systemic disadvantages faced by Inuit offenders in Nunavut."

Before the Criminal Code change, 357 Nunavummiut were sentenced to custody each year. That number has risen to 476 annually since then.

"Those numbers are only partly explained by population growth: Nunavut’s population has grown by nearly 14 per cent since 2012, while the average number of custodial sentences has increased by 33 per cent," Tache-Green wrote.

Other interveners in the case include the Ontario Native Women's Association, the Elizabeth Fry Society and the Assembly of Manitoba Chiefs.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published March 21, 2022.

___

This story was produced with the financial assistance of the Facebook and Canadian Press News Fellowship

Emma Tranter, The Canadian Press
CANADA
A mother's fight for facts about her daughter's death could rewrite the Access to Information Act

Catharine Tunney 22 hrs ago

A bereaved mother's long battle to learn more about her daughter's death has led the federal information commissioner to recommend changes to Canada's access to information legislation on "compassionate grounds."

Liette Savoie's 17-year-old daughter Francesca died in a car crash in Bas-Caraquet, N.B. in the fall of 2007. The other driver pleaded guilty to impaired driving causing death.

Savoie has been on a quest ever since to learn more about what happened that night — a quest driven in part by rumours on the Acadian Peninsula about a high-speed chase and a second vehicle.

In 2012, according to a recent Federal Court decision, Savoie requested all the information the RCMP had on the crash involving her daughter, including accident reports, files and any recordings. The Access to Information Act gives Canadians and institutions the right to access government records — with some exemptions.

The RCMP responded by saying that only a small portion of their files would be released. The RCMP cited the portion of the Access to Information Act that shields from disclosure information obtained in the course of a police investigation less than 20 years old.

Savoie complained to the information commissioner, whose office investigates claims regarding the Access to Information Act.

According to the Federal Court documents, the information commissioner's office pressed the RCMP to explain why it didn't use its discretion to release the files. The RCMP argued that the personal information of the deceased is protected by law for 20 years after death and the public interest in disclosure "did not outweigh the invasion of privacy that would result from the disclosure."

"The commission nevertheless requested that the RCMP review the file again in order to determine whether there could be a larger interest weighing in favour of divulging the information so as to enable a parent to understand the circumstances of the death of a close relative," wrote Federal Court Justice Vanessa Rochester in her decision.

"In other words, members of the public in similar situations would naturally wish to obtain the information in order to turn the page."

Again, the RCMP argued that, according to the terms of the Access to Information Act and the Privacy Act, the remaining files shouldn't be disclosed.

The information commissioner eventually concluded the RCMP's reasoning was justified, prompting Savoie to take her battle to the Federal Court.
Ottawa reviewing recommendations

Last week, Justice Rochester released her decision siding with the RCMP.

"Although I have great sympathy for Ms. Savoie's loss, and her grief and frustration at not being able to access the information that she seeks … the act does provide for a number of exceptions to disclosure," she wrote.

Rochester also wrote that there's nothing in the files to suggest the RCMP is hiding information from Savoie.

Despite her loss before the Federal Court, Savoie's battle could still lead to legislative changes. In her decision, Information Commissioner Caroline Maynard said Savoie's case "had shone a light on shortcomings" in the act.

© Robert Short/CBC The Access to Information Act gives Canadians and institutions the right to access government records — with a long list of exemptions.

A spokesperson for Maynard said she has since sent a proposal to the federal government to modify the act to give the head of an institution — like the RCMP — discretionary power to disclose personal information about a deceased person to a spouse or parent for compassionate reasons, as long as the disclosure is not an unreasonable invasion of the deceased's privacy.

A spokesperson for the Treasury Board, the federal department which oversees the the Access to Information Act, said it and the Department of Justice are reviewing the commissioner's suggestion.

Savoie called the Federal Court decision disappointing, but said the proposed changes could ease her pain.

"As a mother, I'll defend the memory and respect of my daughter," she said in French.

In concluding her ruling, Rochester said that if the information commissioner's recommended amendments don't materialize, "the eventual expiration of the twenty-year moratorium offers some hope."

ROSSINI William Tell overture | Nicolas BALDEYROU and friends !

Dear friends, I hope you’re well and all spent a very nice summer despite of the strange conditions ! It has been a long I didn’t post anything but I wanted to record a longer piece as usual, and I have to say that took quite a lot of time 😅😊 Then I decided to arrange the whole Rossini Guillaume Tell overture in my personal wind band version ❤️✨ This real symphonic poem ahead of its time starts with an incredible cello quintet describing a sunrise over the Swiss Alps, supported by basses and some timpani rolls announcing the storm coming. And I felt that this introduction would particularly fit for a bass clarinet ensemble and a contrabass. The second movement of William Tell’s overture, the storm, is a highly dramatic moment depicting the episode in the 4th act when William is weathering a storm on a ship on his way to jail, taking the rudder and running aground on the beach. The third movement is the famous « Ranz des vaches » that Rossini chose to be played by the English horn and the flute. A Ranz des Vaches or Kuhreihen is a simple melody traditionally played on the horn by the Swiss Alpine herdsmen as they drove their cattle to or from the pasture. The Kuhreihen was linked to the Swiss nostalgia and Homesickness (also known as mal du Suisse "Swiss illness" or Schweizerheimweh "Swiss homesickness"). In my personal version, we’ll have lovely sheeps instead of cows, hope you won’t mind 🙏😊 Suddenly, the peaceful pastoral scene is interrupted by a fast-paced, high-intensity galop, which was a popular style of ballroom dance at the time. Titled “The March of the Swiss Soldiers”, it points toward the majestic final scenes of the opera, where the Swiss Armed Forces free their homeland from Austrian rule.

I would like to thank again and again all my friends who joined me for this video : Anne-Sophie Neves piccolo Magali Mosnier flute Hélène Devilleneuve Oboe Julien Hardy French bassoon David Guerrier Trumpet Antoine Ganaye Trombone Stay safe, have a very nice Sunday ❤️
 

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THE ORIGINAL SPIKE JONES


The Ukrainian Jew who saved Yiddish music from oblivion

By ANDREW SILOW-CARROLL / JTA 
© (photo credit: REUTERS/STRINGER) Local residents walk near residential buildings which were damaged during Ukraine-Russia conflict in the besieged southern port city of Mariupol, Ukraine March 18, 2022.

Late last year, months before a Russian missile landed near the Babyn Yar memorial outside of Kyiv, Ukraine, the site’s foundation announced plans for a new museum to honor the 33,771 Jews slaughtered there by the Nazis in September 1941.

Natan Sharansky, chair of the memorial’s supervisory board, described Babyn Yar as a “symbol of attempts to destroy the memory of the Holocaust,” and that the new institution would be called the Museum of the History of Oblivion.

“The History of Oblivion” would make an appropriate alternative title for “Song Searcher,” a new documentary about Moyshe Beregovsky, the Jewish folklorist and ethnomusicologist who traveled his native Ukraine in the 1930s and ’40s collecting Yiddish folk music and klezmer songs. Before World War II, Beregovsky shlepped primitive recording equipment on his visits to then still vital shtetls throughout the region. During and after the war, he found and interviewed residents and survivors of ghettos in Chernivtsi and Vinnytsia.

The voices that he captured are heard on 1,017 scratchy wax cylinders that for a long time many feared were lost. The film details how they and other materials were recovered and made their way to the Vernadsky National Library of Ukraine. They are a treasure trove for scholars and musicians who want to preserve and resurrect a culture that was nearly wiped out.

“Nobody else did any projects like this, of collecting that much music and writing that much about it,” Mark Slobin, an American ethnomusicologist, says in the film. Slobin’s collections of Beregovsky’s work were key to the klezmer revival of the past 40 years.” “Nobody did a project like that in Poland when the culture was alive. Nobody did it in these other places where the Jews lived. So it stands as a monument not just to where he worked in Ukraine, but for the whole population of Eastern European Jewish culture
© Provided by The Jerusalem Post
 Moyshe Beregovsky is seen with various documents and sheet music collected in his vast archive of Yiddish folk and klezmer songs.
 (credit: COURTESY JEWISH MUSIC FORUM)

Various klezmer musicians are seen in the film, playing the songs that Beregovsky collected. Many of the songs reflect the misery of the Jewish experience under the Soviets, the Nazis and the Soviets again. Even a so-called “humorous” song – sung here by Psoy Korolenko, a puckish Yiddish singer from Russia – is a revenge fantasy about confronting Hitler after the war.

(Korolenko and Toronto Yiddish scholar Anna Shternshis, who is featured prominently in the film, will discuss Yiddish music and humor during World War II in a virtual Jewish Music Forum event on Monday night. “Song Searcher” is doing the Jewish festival circuit and will start virtual screenings next week.)

The film never loses sight, however, of the incalculable human toll of the Holocaust in Ukraine. Survivors who were children during the war tell of the horrors of the forced marches, the suffering in the ghettos and the grim fate of the Jews in Transnistria, who were spared the concentration camps but were starved and shot to death by German and Romanian occupiers.

There are also rare color photographs of the slaughter at Babyn Yar, one of many moments when the pictures and stories of trapped civilians and desperate refugees blur with this morning’s headlines out of Ukraine.

But the history, like today’s headlines, is head-swirling as you try to keep track of the shifting occupations and the various degrees of villainy. The Soviets are celebrated as the liberators of Auschwitz, but almost immediately turn on the Jews. Their targets included Beregovsky, who by this time had founded or led a slew of important and perfectly legal academic institutions in Russia and Ukraine: a Cabinet for Research on Jewish Literature, Language, and Folklore; the Archives for Jewish Folk Music; the Cabinet for Music Ethnography and Audio Recording at the Kyiv Conservatory. He had even received his Ph.D. from the Moscow Conservatory, with a dissertation on Jewish instrumental folk music.

By 1949, such Jewish ethnic activities were considered “cosmopolitan” by the Soviets, and Beregovsky was shipped off to Siberia, where he joined other slave laborers in building a railroad. Already a grandfather, he found some solace in leading the prison camp’s choir, and the film includes snippets of letters he wrote home to his wife Sara in Kyiv, asking her to send – what else – sheet music.

Beregovsky was able to return to Kyiv after the death of Stalin, where, before cancer would kill him in 1961, he was able to arrange his private archive.

What was preserved? What was lost? And what might still be lost as the current war grinds on? Much of the film was shot in Ukraine in 2019 and 2020, with the camera lingering on Kyiv’s pastel-colored academic buildings, the lazy Dnipro River and the waving wheat in the country’s breadbasket. You recall this is a “pre-war” Ukraine, and then realize you are thinking back about three and half weeks.

Jews have a complicated history with Ukraine. (How complicated? The filmmakers acknowledge the “generous support” of Roman Abramovich, the Russian Jewish oligarch who is being hit with a slew of international sanctions thanks to his close ties with Vladimir Putin.) Perhaps one and a half million Jews were killed there. They were the victims of the Nazis, but also of the Germans’ local collaborators. Once home to the second-largest Jewish population in Europe, and still a place where over 40,000 Jews live, the country can also be seen as a vast Jewish graveyard. And yet its Jewish culture was as central to the country’s identity and self-understanding as it was to the Jews, as scholars in the film explain.

As I write this, Ukrainian culture as a whole is literally under fire. A museum was razed in Ivankiv. Kharkiv’s Central Square is a war zone. Lviv is bracing for the worst by packing sandbags around public sculptures and hiding museum collections.

“The heritage war for identity means that the target is not only territory or some military or civil objects,” Ihor Poshyvalio, the director of the Maidan Museum in Kyiv, told PBS NewsHour Thursday. “The target is our historical memory, our cultural traditions, our national and individual identity, our memory and identity as a nation.”

The historical memory of the Jews was only saved from oblivion by the survivors, and by a dogged little man who was rewarded for his troubles with a prison term. “Song Searcher” ends on a note that is neither hopeful nor despairing – or maybe it is both: Igor Polesitsky, a violist and klezmer from Florence, sits near the graves of his slain Jewish relatives in Kalinindorf, once a Jewish agricultural colony in southern Ukraine.


“Look around here, there’s nothing Jewish remaining,” he says, after playing a requiem preserved by Beregovsky. “The one thing that truly remains is what was saved by Moyshe Beregovsky. So his archive is what brings us here, and we become a link with the spirit of people who are no longer with us.” The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of JTA or its parent company, 70 Faces Media.

 
A Klezmer Karnival – Philip Sparke
Hal Leonard Europe Concert Band
Klezmer music originated in the ‘shtetl’ (villages) and the ghettos of Eastern Europe, where itinerant Jewish troubadours, known as ‘klezmorim’, had performed at celebrations, particularly weddings, since the early Middle Ages. Since the 16th century, lyrics had been added to klezmer music, due to the ‘badkhn’ (the master of ceremony at weddings), to the ‘Purimshpil’ (the play of Esther at Purim) and to traditions of the Yiddish theatre, but the term gradually became synonymous with instrumental music, particularly featuring the violin and clarinet. In recent years it has again become very popular and in A Klezmer Karnival Philip Sparke has used three contrasting traditional tunes to form a suite that will bring a true karnival atmosphere to any concert.
AMP 124-010

 
Goodbye Odessa - Yiddish Song
Olga Mieleszczuk

Vocal: Olga Avigail Mieleszczuk, violin: Daniel Hoffman, clarinet: Ittai Binnun, accordion: Ofer Malchin, contrabass: Yehonatan Levi
record and sound: Ittai Binnun / Lars Sergel, mastering: Marek Walaszek
Oh Odessa, goodbye Odessa,
I will miss you so much,
I will never forget you,
Farewell my friends,
Let's shout together:
Odessa Mama, I love you so much!
This Yiddish-Ukrainian song "Proshchai Odessa" was sung by Pesakh Burstein. I've combined it with a Ukrayinish Kek-Vok (Ukrainian Cakewalk) collected by Yale Strom.

A SPECIAL TREAT LED ZEPPLIN'S IMMIGRANT SONG
338Canada: A tale of two premiers
Philippe J. Fournier 13 hrs ago

When Jason Kenney lead his brand new United Conservative Party to a decisive majority victory in April 2019, some observers (yours truly included) wondered whether Alberta had just entered a new era of political dynasty. It wasn’t a far-fetched scenario: Even by earning more votes in absolute numbers in 2019 than in 2015, Rachel Notley’s NDP went for a majority at the Alberta legislature to the opposition benches with only 24 seats (almost entirely from urban Alberta). With the benefit of hindsight, it now appears obvious that the NDP simply did not stand a chance of winning the 2019 election against a single, united conservative opponent.

© Used with permission of / © St. Joseph Communications.
 Legault chairs a premiers news conference as premiers John Horgan, Kenney, and Scott Moe appear onscreen, on March 4, 2021 in Montreal (Ryan Remiorz/CP)

Mere months later, Andrew Scheer’s CPC won a stunning 69 per cent of the vote in Alberta in the 2019 federal election. It therefore appeared like an obvious understatement to say that Alberta conservatives had fully regained control of the political landscape of the province, and perhaps this new right-of-centre creature lead by Jason Kenney could potentially dominate the province for years to come.

In Quebec, François Legault’s Coalition Avenir Québec (CAQ) had, just six months prior, broken a half-century cycle in Quebec politics by winning a majority at the National Assembly, inflicting both the Quebec Liberals and Parti Québécois the worst defeats in their history. Legault, himself a former prominent PQ MNA, lead his party to victory by taking the middle road between two foes still deeply committed to fighting “La question nationale”, which, polls have indicted, many Quebecers feel is yesterday’s battle.

Legault’s victory in 2018 culminated a decade of high political volatility in Quebec. Three straight provincial elections featuring the same three parties had resulted in three different winners (PQ in 2012, Liberals in 2014, and CAQ in 2018). On the federal front, Quebec voters had overwhelmingly supported Gilles Duceppe’s Bloc Québécois in the 2008 federal election, only to turn massively towards Jack Layton’s NDP in 2011, and then elected 40 MPs from Justin Trudeau’s Liberals in 2015.

Yet, with only six months before Quebec voters go to the polls (the Quebec general election is scheduled for Oct. 3, 2022), Legault’s position is, according to recent polling, more comfortable than any sitting Quebec premier since Robert Bourassa in 1989.

To wit: The latest 338Canada projection in Quebec gives the CAQ the edge in 97 of the province’s 125 electoral districts, a total well above the 63-seat threshold for a majority at the National Assembly. Unless the CAQ performs a nosedive of historic proportion in the coming months, Legault should handily win a second straight majority this fall.



© Provided by Maclean's

The CAQ domination is such that most storylines about the Quebec election revolve around which party shall occupy the opposition benches, and which could even be virtually wiped off the Quebec map. The Quebec Liberals still rely on many safe Montreal seats where most non-francophone voters live and have historically been reliable Liberal supporters, but even this support may be dwindling. The latest Léger poll has the Liberals in fifth place among francophone voters, and measures a softening of non-francophone support for the Liberals.

The same Léger poll had Quebec Liberal leader Dominique Anglade as the favourite candidate for premier by 9 per cent of respondents—including a measly 4 per cent among francophone voters. Whatever Anglade is selling, most Quebecers aren’t buying, even several traditionally reliable Liberal voters. This only adds to Legault’s apparent aura of invincibility.

The contrast with Jason Kenney and the UCP could hardly be starker. Not only has the Alberta premier accumulated a long string of poor approval numbers since the pandemic reached our shores in the spring of 2020, the UCP has trailed the NDP in voting intentions in virtually all publicly released polls since December 2020 (a private poll from Janet Brown Opinion Research leaked by the UCP last week showed a modest rebound for the UCP). Moreover, the latest round of premier approvals by the Angus Reid Institute has Kenney at 30 per cent approval among Alberta voters, second last of the list of Premiers in Canada (only Manitoba’s new Premier Heather Stefanson fared worse than Kenney).

Using the available data, the 338Canada Alberta model measures the NDP and UCP in a dead heat in the seat projection: 44 seats for the NDP and 43 for the UCP, both numbers bearing wide confidence intervals. If an election was held this week, the projection would have been the very definition of a toss up between the main parties:



© Provided by Maclean's

Former Wildrose leader Brian Jean’s comfortable victory in the Fort McMurray-Lac La Biche by-election last week only muddies the water further for Kenney. While Jean’s by-election win was not a surprise, his clearly stated objective of unseating Kenney at the UCP convention in Red Deer next months adds to the unfolding drama. Party organizers expect more than 10,000 UCP members to show up and vote on Kenney’s leadership, so not only do we wonder whether Kenney could beat Notley in a general election rematch, but it looks far from certain whether Kenney will manage to dodge this friendly fire and get to lead his party.

Contrast this with the Marie-Victorin by-election taking place in Quebec on April 11, where neophyte CAQ candidate Shirley Dorismond, a former nurse and union leader, has had to backtrack on several comments critical of Legault’s CAQ that she made before running for the CAQ. Dorismond had been especially outspoken on systemic racism, which the CAQ does not recognize exists in Quebec. As union leader, she butted heads with the CAQ government on union negotiation on several occasions. Despite all this, Dorismond was all smiles when she was introduced by Legault last month and promised “to be part of the solution.”

We are witnessing a fascinating tale of two Premiers: While Legault was elected in a period of political chaos and tumult in Quebec, he has so far succeeded in calming the storm, and even convinced former foes to kiss his ring. Meanwhile, Kenney’s UCP victory in 2019 had the air of a return to conservative hegemony in Alberta, but is now forced to welcome a new MLA in his caucus who won his seat largely by publicly saying he will work to boot the premier out of office.