Sunday, March 27, 2022

Why Capital Vol II is so radically misunderstood


By Paul Graham Posted March 25, 2022

In this lecture, Radhika Desai removed the layers of misunderstanding that have plagued Marx’s Capital Volume II thanks to the capitulation of so many Marxists to neoclassical economics. It explains this capitulation and goes on to discuss the following questions:

What is Vol II about? Why is it so fundamentally misinterpreted in Western Marxism?
Why does it matter?

What does Marx really say about the question of demand? Does Vol II endorse Say’s Law, even in its ‘productivist’ form where it’s only a question of proportions?

Rosa Luxemburg’s battle against ‘pure capitalism’ and for an understanding of the intimate relationship between capitalism and imperialism.

You can download her presentation slides here: why-vol-ii-is-so-radically-misunderstood.


A MARXIST LENNINST PERSEPECTIVE

Why Many Progressives Misrepresented and Condemned the Ottawa Trucker Protest

Canada’s “Freedom Convoy” began with protesting rules implemented in January by the Canadian and later the US governments requiring truck drivers to be fully vaccinated to enter their country. It snowballed into a demonstration against dysfunctional coronavirus restrictions. The Ottawa trucker protesters demanded: No Lockdowns, No Mandates, No Vaccine Passports, and if not, that Trudeau resign.

Working people are increasingly angry at the failures of the neoliberal regimes in Canada and the US to meet our needs. Unfortunately, we on the left are not positioned to effectively utilize this sentiment and grow our forces, leaving an open field for leaders with rightwing solutions to fill the vacuum. They played on public resentment to advocate getting the state off our backs rather than our demand that the state prioritize our well-being.

Working class activists should participate and build these protests, bring working class solutions to the problems we confront and lead the people in fighting back. Instead, many on the left condemned the trucker convoy, or sat on the sidelines, seeing themselves as mere critics, not leaders in this class struggle.

Liberal Party Prime Minister Trudeau called the truckers “a few people shouting and waving swastikas,” a “fringe minority” conspiracy theorists “with the tinfoil hats.” They “don’t believe in science.” He threatened, “Do we tolerate these people?”  These elitist anti-working class statements echo Hillary Clinton’s dubbing Trump supporters “deplorables.” The hysteria led by Trudeau and the corporate media even reached the point where a Member of Parliament absurdly declared trucker honking of horns meant Heil Hitler. Trudeau’s Big Business dictated covid policies even denied visas to vaccinated Cubans because they had Cuban, not Big Pharma vaccines.

Anti-trucker “Leftists” Repeat Trudeau’s Smears

Many left criticisms of the truckers follow the rulers’ talking points. For instance, they spread a corporate media cartoon smear, Bryan Palmer’s condemnation of the truckers as a “lumpen” alt-right petty bourgeois protest, as well as anti-war activist Stephen Gowans‘ early attack on the Ottawa occupation as “a far-right movement of racists, evangelicals, union-haters, and conspiracy-minded lunatics, inspired and supported by the likes of Donald Trump, Ted Cruz, and Elon Musk.” Gowans complained the Ottawa police had “done nothing to liberate the city” from what were peaceful protesters.

Rather than refuting the rulers’ smears, many either repeated them or remained silent in face of the onslaught. They, in effect, allied with the imperial state’s attacks on the truckers and their working- class allies. They compounded their error by making only mild objections to the central rightwing feature of the Ottawa occupation: Trudeau using martial law measures to crush peaceful protests – measures which could be used against leftists in the future if we become a social force.

What were some of the distortions so many disseminated in their unwitting role as transmission belts for ruling class propaganda against the truckers?

  1. That the protesters were racists and fascists was repeated over and over. Enough evidence shows this was not a racist protest (and here), It was claimed, with scant evidence, that the protest contained numerous Nazi and Confederate flags. A photo showed a man with a Nazi flag and another one or two with a Confederate flag. One man had the Nazi flag on a long pole underneath a sign on top saying “F*ck Trudeau,” which could mean he was equating Trudeau with Nazis. The person holding a Confederate flag was considered to be a provocateur made to leave the protest. Government agent provocateurs have played a role in other Canadian protests.

Benjamin Dichter, who is Jewish, and key spokesperson for the protest, said “Let’s assume there were guys there who did have a Confederate flag. They believe in the Confederacy of states’ rights in a foreign nation? I don’t care. I’m not here to police people’s ideas.” In a swipe at Trudeau, Dichter added, “I want to hear unacceptable opinions because I want to challenge them.”

Another Freedom Convoy leader was Metis, Tamara Lich. Pat King, a fanatic racist in the Nazi mold, was portrayed as convoy leader, but this was denied by the actual leaders (and here).

  1. That the Right funded the trucker protest became a key charge. Republicans do fund popular protests to further their aims. So do the Democrats, as the women’s marches testify. A protest bringing out masses of people likely involves corporate political party funding. It is a political mistake to condemn or boycott movements, MeToo, Black Lives Matter, anti-vaccine mandate, or climate change protests because they had corporate donors. To condemn a protest funded by Republican corporate donors, but not those funded by Democratic ones, given these donors serve the same ruling class owners of the US, is a double standard. To do so suggests aligning ourselves with the Democratic (or Liberal) Party faction of the ruling class.

Reports on big right-wing funders of the trucker convoy failed to establish significant dollar contributions. PressProgress gave “a round up of some of the big money donors.” The corporate donors listed contributed merely $67,300 of the $10 million raised. That amounts to less than 1% of the total, showing corporate donors gave very minor support.

GiveSendGo raised another $8.6 million for the protesters. The largest, $215,000 came from an anonymous donor, $90,000 from billionaire Thomas M. Siebel, and $75,000 from another anonymous donor. Even if we assume these three are by big rightwing donors, that amounts to $380,000, 4.4% of the total.

Washington Post article on donors noted, “Only a handful of contributors gave more than $10,000 apiece,” which does not substantiate corporate and billionaire funding of the protests.

It seems these donations do not include seed money for the Freedom Convoy, but they do show it was not “fringe,” but had gained broad support.

The GoFundMe platform raised $10 million dollars for the convoy before being shut down. The reason given was for “violating the platform’s Terms of Service prohibiting the ‘promotion of violence and harassment.’” Yet no protester had been charged with violence. Defenders of civil liberties should have condemned that repression, not approve of it.

  1. That the trucker convoy represented a social fringe is belied simply by some news reports, such as this or this.
  2. Many falsely claimed the Freedom Convoy protesters were anti-vaxxers, pointing out that 90% of Canadian truckers are vaccinated. However, the protesters were united against vaccine mandates, not against vaccines. Benjamin Dichter and Chris Barber, two convoy leaders, said they were not anti-vaxxers but fully vaccinated.
  3. Some asserted the truckers were petty bourgeois owner-operators, therefore not working class, because they owned their instruments of production. Even assuming some of the truckers are in the petty bourgeoisie, that in itself is no reason to condemn a petty bourgeois movement in struggle with the big bourgeoisie.

Aren’t owner-operators among the millions of workers who companies “contract out” to cut labor expenses and increase their profits? Are Uber drivers also middle-class owner operators? Or any worker hired by a business as an “independent contractor”? This new category of atomized workers is a product of the long neoliberal offensive to weaken solidarity among workers.

  1. Many used Trump’s support for the truckers as another reason to condemn it. That makes no more sense than saying if Biden or Trudeau opposes the protest, we should too. This liberal-left fear and loathing of Trump ignores a number of commendable statements he made on issues anti-imperialists advocate for.
  2. Some bolstered their attacks on the truckers by referring to the Teamsters and Canadian Labour Congress. The Canadian Teamsters condemned the trucker convoy as a “despicable display of hate lead by the political Right,” but provided no evidence to back that up. The statement said nothing against the central demands of the protest. The Teamsters represent only 15,000 long haul truck drivers of the 300,000 long haul drivers in Canada.

The Canadian Labour Congress condemned the protest but was also silent on vaccine mandates. “This is not a protest, it is an occupation by an angry mob trying to disguise itself as a peaceful protest.” Of course protesters are angry, otherwise they do not protest. Being angry does not mean you are not peaceful. The CLC adds “This occupation of Ottawa streets…is having a devastating effect on the livelihood of already struggling workers and businesses.” Such statements could be used against the Occupy Movement in 2011, or against Black Lives Matter protests, as Trump did. “Frontline workers, from retail to health workers, have been bullied and harassed.” Yet so was at least one pro-trucker Ottawa store owner bullied and harassed for simply donating to the protest.

True, the Freedom Convoy had no working class demands for government action to ease the hardships workers face. Neither did the CLC or Teamsters, actual workers class organizations with the social and economic weight to have their demands met.

  1. Many followed Trudeau and claimed the convoy organizers were violent and extremists. However, the police reported no physical violence, and none of the protest leaders were arrested for violent acts.

Tamara Lich was charged with ‘counselling for the offense of committing Mischief,” convoy leader Chris Barber for the same charge, plus “counselling to commit the offense of Disobey a Police Order” and “counselling to commit the offense of Obstruct Police.” Pat King was charged with mischief, counselling to commit the offence of mischief, counselling to commit the offence of disobey court order, and counselling to commit the offence of obstruct police.

Many had claimed they were guilty of violence, sedition, and attempting to overthrow a “democratic” government. Here they are, charged with “counseling” mischief (interfering with or destroying someone’s property), telling people to defy a court order or police order. What activists have ever been innocent of these charges?

  1. It was claimed the police had treated the protesters with kid gloves. Maybe. Yet, once the police cracked down, they used horses to trample some protesters. When the 2011 union protesters in Madison Wisconsin seized the Capitol building — not for a day but for weeks — the police were not only letting us enter and exit, but periodically joined the protest (and here). That was no sign that the Madison protests were right-wing, nor did leftists object to their solidarity.

As Caleb Maupin pointed out, liberals and leftists took the Fox News playbook to denounce the Black Lives Matter movement and used the same methods to attack the trucker protest. Those who support Black Lives Matter suddenly were ok with police repression of the Ottawa protests. By favoring government crackdown on peaceful protests, we gave the ruling class rope to hang ourselves with.

Working Class and Right-Wing Programs towards Covid and Health care

Being vaccinated protects you from getting very sick if you have underlying conditions but does not protect you from being infected or infecting others. People know that, so resent government vaccine requirements.

Mandates work when applied by governments that put the protection of citizens over the protection of corporate profits — not the case in the United States or Canada. Targeted lockdowns once covid makes its appearance, constant testing of the population, combined with a wide array of public health measures neither Canada nor the US ever instituted, has enabled China to almost eliminate deaths from Covid.

China contained Covid long before their vaccine was even developed. China provided house to house care for those locked down, constant and widespread testing, as well as relatively free health care for all. As a result, China has had three Covid related deaths since January 2021, while the US has had one million.

Nicaragua, which has a free, universal preventive health care system, has by far the lowest Covid death rate per million inhabitants of all the Americas, yet never instituted any sort of mandate or lockdown, beyond wearing a mask inside public buildings.

Participate in the Ottawa Protests with Working Class Demands

While the demands of the trucker protest had some merit, the Freedom Convoy leaders were ideologically rightwing. Their view of health care as an individual responsibility does not conflict with the neoliberal model. This benefits those with the privileges and financial resources to handle it.

Our working class view sees the state as the protector of public health, since health is a public issue, not simply a “free” individual’s responsibility.

We missed an opportunity to participate in the Ottawa occupation and organize working class solidarity with our message: government should meet the health and economic needs of the people affected by the pandemic; the government protects big business and big pharma super profits during the pandemic while our standard of living suffers; health care is a community issue and should be a human right. It should focus on prevention, with continuous education of the public, and establish clinics in every neighborhood, cultivating regular interaction between the health workers and the community.

If we fail to help lead workers and popular struggles, we leave the field open for middle class or right-wing leaders. Even the sometimes liberal Nation recognized, “the far-right origins of the protest shouldn’t be an excuse for ignoring the fact it is attracting the support of a segment of the population that doesn’t identify with the far right but does feel economically marginalized and hurt by a pandemic now entering its third year… Those who have sympathy for the convoy tend to be poorer, younger, and less educated.”

Some activists did stand for the working class approach to the Ottawa occupation. Dust James, a trucker, encouraged the left to join the protesters and explain to them that all truckers share a common problem with others: small businesses and workers are being crushed by the larger monopolies, big banks are ripping off all of us.

Richard Wolff said leftists made a serious error by not actively participating in and solidarizing with the trucker protest, showing workers how to use their power to achieve their demands. A struggle to push back against mandates that don’t work can ignite actions against other policies that don’t serve people’s interests. Struggles often begin as a fight against a specific injustice, eventually opening the door to struggles on more fundamental issues.

Leila Mechoui and Max Blumenthal applauded actions by working class people to improve their situation and resist impositions by private and public authorities. The truckers protest scared the rulers because they fear losing their control over who determines how society is run. They don’t want workers thinking they should have some say in societal decision-making. They don’t want workers to start thinking “why should we do what the bosses tell us to do if it doesn’t make sense.”

Richard Wolff and Jimmy Dore emphasized we should be and can be everywhere workers are struggling. “The left should not put itself in a situation where the protesters can lump them together with the authorities as enemies of their struggle, which is the case now.” Here, the left isolated themselves from the working class by attacking the movement as a whole.

Why Many Repeated Ruling Class Liberal Smears of the Truckers

Being an anti-war writer like Stephen Gowans does not mean you have close connections with working class struggles at home. Likewise, many working class fighters do not possess an anti-imperialist outlook.  Unfortunately, working class and anti-war fighters often operate in distinct social and political milieus.

Many have made critiques of the convoy and Ottawa occupation, such as a recent webinar by left intellectuals. Yet the problem we face is that the function of a working class leftwing goes beyond evaluating a movement. Our function should be to create a plan of action to participate in and help lead social struggles in a working class direction through demands that benefit the working classes as a whole. We are not there, nor are we making headway in building the army of working class activists needed to carry it out.

At present, far too many critics of the truckers feel in their heart of hearts that our white working class is full of “deplorables.” That illustrates the current disconnect of leftists from the white working class. Too many feel the working class may be the force that will overthrow capitalism and build a just society, but not with the working class we have. This white working class today is too ignorant, bigoted, backwards, bought-off, too white privileged. If it is not kept in check, things could only get worse.

So, where do they turn for a social power to rotate around for building progressive social change? Often it means to the more enlightened intelligentsia, the more progressive politicians. That leads to the Democratic Party or the Canadian versions: pressure them from the left and build support for them in their struggle against Trumpers. This approach became pronounced as fear of Trumpism grew.

This may explain why many on the left repeated Trudeau’s smears and may be why they — who normally support workers — sided with the government against working people when they organized and protested. Such an approach, if not corrected, leads to more police state repression and an increasingly divided working class confused over where to turn to solve their problems.Facebook

Stansfield Smith, Chicago ALBA Solidarity, is a long time Latin America solidarity activist, and presently puts out the AFGJ Venezuela Weekly. He is also the Senior Research Fellow at the Council on Hemispheric Affairs. Read other articles by Stansfield.
In Kenneth Branagh’s Oscar-nominated ‘Belfast,’ displaced people see their own stories

“I just saw that and I thought, ‘Oh, my goodness, this is me when I was a child,’” Aida Silvestri, an Eritrean artist who experienced war in her native country, said.

Caitriona Balfe stars as "Ma" and Jamie Dornan stars as "Pa" in "Belfast."
Rob Youngson / Focus Features


March 26, 2022,
By Matthew Symington


Warning: This article includes some spoilers.

At the end of Kenneth Branagh’s Oscar-nominated movie “Belfast,” words appear over a lingering shot of the city’s legendary shipyards: “For the ones who stayed. For the ones who left. And for all the ones who were lost.”

The poignant epithet sums up the conflicting emotions that Branagh said he grappled with in making the movie, a nostalgia-filled reflection on his childhood in the working-class north Belfast, Northern Ireland, of the 1960s. It tells the story of his own family, who lived happily alongside their neighbors until sectarian rioting transformed their peaceful street into a scene of menace and despair, eventually forcing them to flee.

In addition to being nominated for seven Oscars, including best picture and best director, “Belfast” has been celebrated by people around the world for exploring the emotional complexities of displacement and what it means to see one’s home, with all its familiarity and warmth, violently disrupted and turned into something unrecognizable.

People who have been displaced by war or political repression told NBC News they recognized chapters of their own lives in the scenes depicted in “Belfast.” These conversations have taken on additional significance as millions of Ukrainians flee their homes in the face of the Russian invasion.

In promoting the movie, Branagh spoke about the sense of dislocation he felt after his family left Belfast for England in 1969. That was the year a 30-year conflict known as “The Troubles” began in Northern Ireland. It pitted mainly Catholic nationalists who wanted to become part of the Republic of Ireland against mainly Protestant unionists who wanted to remain part of the United Kingdom.

The opening scene of the movie lovingly re-creates the city of Branagh’s youth: On a cheerful street of terraced houses, children play together before their mothers call them in for dinner, while men gather and tell oft-repeated jokes. The scene is animated by the music of Belfast native Van Morrison, and one can almost smell the grease of a traditional fried Irish breakfast wafting through kitchen windows.

But 9-year-old Buddy, representing Branagh himself, watches uncomprehendingly as a sectarian riot crashes into this merry image, torching cars, destroying houses and even ripping up the very paving stones people walked on. Branagh said he found the destruction of his street profoundly disorientating.

Jude Hill stars as "Buddy" in "Belfast."
Rob Youngson / Focus Features

Sana Murrani, an architect who escaped Baghdad after the U.S.-led invasion in 2003, knows the feeling well.

She pointed to a U.S. missile attack on the Amiriyah air raid shelter in Baghdad during the first Gulf War that killed hundreds of civilians. The bombing “flipped everything for Iraqis,” Murrani said. Shelters went from being a place of protection to “an aggressive place, a violent place, not a place that you would want to go to.”

Similarly, she said the violent disruption of home can transform it from a space of protection into something far more sinister, as the materials that were used to provide safety instead become deadly weapons.

“We kind of take for granted bricks and mortar to be supporting you, to be protecting you,” said Murrani, who is an associate professor of spatial practice at the University of Plymouth in the U.K. and founder of the Displacement Studies Research Network. “All of those meanings broke down with that.”

Aida Silvestri is an Eritrean artist who moved to the U.K. in the 1990s. She said watching parts of “Belfast” immediately prompted memories of her own childhood during the Eritrean War of Independence.

“I just saw that and I thought, ‘Oh, my goodness, this is me when I was a child,’” she said.

Among the scenes she recognized were those in which Buddy and his family escaped the unrest in their street by going to the cinema. A child’s imagination can provide a powerful sense of relief during conflict.

“I never watched ‘Star Wars’ or ‘Star Trek,’” she said, “but I would imagine that there were shields in each town. There were little bubbles or shields that would protect us, so nobody could come in and only people in the town would have access.”

In the scene where Buddy’s mother and father argue over whether or not they should leave Belfast, Silvestri also recognized the mother’s concern about how their accent would be received in England.

“When Buddy said, ‘If I cross the sea, will they understand me?’ that was another major barrier for me,” she said. “When I first came, everyone was saying ‘innit.’ I was thinking, what on Earth is ‘innit’?”

In “Belfast,” every episode of violence gets progressively closer to Buddy and his family, finally culminating in Buddy himself being roped into a riot and looting. Unsure what he’s meant to do as the mob ransacks a grocery store, Buddy gingerly grabs a box of washing detergent to take home to his mother.

Majid Adin, an Iranian animator and illustrator who left his home country in 2015 after his blogging drew the attention of the regime, laughed as he remembered a very similar experience growing up in Mashhad.

“The economy of Iran was so broken, in the downtown of my city there were big protests and looting,” he said. “The poor people in the country got so angry, they broke into the shops. There were no police. I was a child, about 11 years old, and I got into the shop and wanted to keep something. I came back home with two boxes of shoes, but when I came back home after four hours, my bicycle was stolen.”

Both Adin and Murrani echoed the sense of dislocation that Branagh has spoken of in being forced to leave one’s home.

For Murrani, that took the form of guilt at having escaped the violence of her home city.

“I felt guilty that I am managing to sleep without worrying about my safety,” she said. “I used to absolutely hate being able to see nice things.”

Reflecting on Branagh’s loving depiction of Belfast, Adin said it reflects a sentiment common among displaced people.

“You’ve lost something: your home, your roots,” he said. “All the time in your mind, you think, I can never come back to my country, my land. Maybe until the end of my life, I can never see that home, that house, that atmosphere.”
3 Years Later, Some Zimbabweans Still Tormented by Rapes After Cyclone Idai

Women from Chimanimani discuss lessons provided by the international charity Voluntary Service Overseas about their legal rights under Zimbabwe's constitution, on March 18, 2022. 
(Columbus Mavhunga/VOA)

Columbus Mavhunga

Three years after Cyclone Idai devastated parts of Zimbabwe, officials and aid groups are still counseling victims of gang rapes they say were committed by soldiers deployed to help trapped citizens.

In Chimanimani, about 400 kilometers from Harare, a group of women recently attended a meeting organized by the international charity Voluntary Service Overseas to learn about their legal rights under Zimbabwe's constitution.

A 17-year-old girl who attended told VOA she was gang raped by six soldiers and still feels the pain of the attack.

"The Cyclone destroyed our house," she said. "So we were moved to temporary shelters – tents. I was then raped by soldiers. After that they give me some food. I did not report [to police]. It was during the night and they were six. My mother had visited and that's the time they came."

Rudo Maputire, a worker from Zimbabwe’s ministry of health, said the government was told about many cases of women being raped after Cyclone Idai.

"After Cyclone Idai there were so many rape cases in the area, we helped those that came out to talk about it," Maputire said. "But others kept quiet and there was nothing we could do about it as village health workers. But we sent others to the hospital and asked them to report to the police. But our situation is very hard because the police camp is very far, the hospital is very far away, yet there is HIV and AIDS. We also had a case of a 14-year-old boy who was sodomized. He reported to us late after the person had left the area. It's difficult because we are very far from services."

No one has been prosecuted for the alleged rapes. When some victims said they had been raped by soldiers, a group of soldiers were lined up for identification. However, the victims could not identify the suspects.

Tugwell Chadyiwanembwa, a volunteer mentor with Voluntary Service Overseas, said many of the post-cyclone rape victims are still tormented by their experience.

"The effects of Cyclone Idai are still on going, especially the emotional bit," he said. "Women are still traumatized, women are still in a state of shock. We are continuously working with these women, to provide mental health services. During Cyclone Idai, young girls, particularly young women were vulnerable to sexual abuse, sexual exploitation, where they were involved in activities in selling sex."

Some of the women said they thought they had recovered from the trauma they went through after Cyclone Idai -- but say it comes back every time they see army trucks.
WHO: Global Center for Traditional Medicine Agreement With India



The WHO signed an agreement to establish the WHO Global Centre for Traditional Medicine in India. Mar. 25, 2022.
 | Photo: Twitter/@ErVikas52370727

Intended to maximize the potential of traditional medicines through modern science and technology, the WHO established the Global Centre for Traditional Medicine in India.

On Friday, the World Health Organization (WHO) have signed an agreement to set up the WHO Global Centre for Traditional Medicine with the Indian government. With a contribution of 250 million dollars, the global knowledge center has as main objective to improve the potential of traditional medicine from across the world through modern science and technology to improve the health of people and the planet.

RELATED:
WHO: COVID-19 Cases on the Rise as Countries Ease Restrictions

It is estimated that about 80 percent of the earth's population uses traditional medicine, and it is recorded that 170 of the 194 member states of the WHO use traditional medicine. The governments of such countries have requested the WHO to support the creation of a center to provide reliable evidence and data on traditional medicine practices and products.

Dr. Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, WHO Director-General, said that "for many millions of people around the world, traditional medicine is the first port of call to treat many diseases. Ensuring all people have access to safe and effective treatment is essential for WHO's mission. This new center will help harness the power of science to strengthen the evidence base for traditional medicine. I'm grateful to the Government of India for its support, and we look forward to making it a success."

The Prime Minister of India, (Mr), Narendra Modi, said that "it is heartening to learn about the signing of the Host Country Agreement for the establishment of Global Centre for Traditional Medicine (GCTM). The agreement between the Ministry of Ayush and World Health Organization (WHO) to establish the WHO-GCTM at Jamnagar, Gujarat, is a commendable initiative." He added that "through various initiatives, our government has been tireless in its endeavor to make preventive and curative healthcare, affordable and accessible to all. May the global center at Jamnagar help provide the best healthcare solutions to the world."



Traditional medicine is described as the total sum of the knowledge, skills, and practices indigenous and different cultures have used over time to maintain health and prevent, diagnose and treat physical and mental illness. the traditional medicine practices include acupuncture, ayurvedic medicine, herbal mixtures, and modern medicines.

Even though, nowadays, national health systems and strategies across the globe do not fully integrate the millions of workers in traditional medicine areas, accredited courses, health facilities, and health expenditures.

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British Museum to remove Sackler name from walls but keeps some ties to family



Tourists visit the Temple of Dendur in the former Sackler Wing at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York City on March 7. The Sackler family said in a statement in December that it had reached an agreement with The Met to remove the family name from its galleries. 
File Photo by John Angelillo/UPI | License Photo


March 25 (UPI) -- The British Museum on Friday announced it would remove the name of the Sackler family from the walls of its galleries but would keep some ties to the family, which has often been accused of playing a significant role in the opioid epidemic.

The decision comes as cultural institutions move to sever ties with the family and their company Purdue Pharma, which pleaded guilty to criminal charges for misleading the public about the addiction risk of the drug OxyContin.

The British Museum said in a statement that it the decision was a mutual agreement between the institution and the trustees of the Raymond and Beverly Sackler Foundation. The museum did not give a definitive date for the removal of the signage, saying it would be done "carefully over a period of time."

"The British Museum is grateful for the Foundation's past support, and the Trustees appreciate their co-operation in coming to this agreement," George Osborne, the chair of the museum, said in the statement.

RELATEDPurdue Pharma agrees to new settlement with states to resolve opioid lawsuits

However, the British Museum said that the Sacklers would remain on the benefactor's board and included in the Great Court donor list. The family has contributed to the museum for more than 30 years, having made donations between the 1990s and 2013.

"The British Museum has always recognized the important relationships we have with each of our benefactors, including the historic gifts provided by the Foundation in the past and we have no plans to change this," the museum said.


The Louvre Museum became the first major cultural institution to remove the Sackler name from its galleries in 2019 after art photographer Nan Goldin, who has been outspoken about having been addicted to OxyContin, protested outside the Paris museum, The Guardian reported at the time.

RELATED Native American tribes reach $590M settlement with U.S. opioid distributors

The British National Portrait Gallery said that same year it would decline a $1.3 million donation from the family after Goldin said she would turn down a major exhibit highlighting her career if the museum accepted the donation.

The Tate also said that year it would stop accepting donations from the Sacklers but did not remove the family's name from its two museums in London until earlier this year.

The Serpentine Galleries in January removed the Sackler name from its Serpentine Sackler Gallery in London after rebranding it as Serpentine North, The Art Newspaper reported. The museum had faced criticism for not severing ties with the Sacklers sooner.

In the United States, the Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum in New York said in 2019 it would stop accepting donations from the Sacklers after the museum was targeted by protesters who littered paper designed to look like prescriptions for OxyContin.

Meanwhile, the Sackler family said in a statement in December that it had reached an agreement with the Metropolitan Museum of Art to remove the family name from its galleries.
RICH YOUNG WHITE GUYS SPORT
Boarding on an active volcano: Nicaragua's tourism boon


A tourist slides down the slopes of the Cerro Negro volcano, one of the youngest in Central America (167 years old) and one of the most active in the country, in Leon, Nicaragua 

Sat, 26 March 2022, 

It took Ana Muller half an hour to trek to the peak of the Cerro Negro volcano, a small effort given the reward on offer at Nicaragua's top tourist attraction: volcano boarding.

The active Cerro Negro is just 728 meters (2,400 feet) high, but sliding down its ash-covered slopes on a board is a 40-second thrill that allows participants to say they have surfed a volcano.

"It is a unique experience," said Muller, a German tourist who enjoyed the "adrenaline."

"You can only do it in a few places in the world.

"There are many volcanoes here in Central America, but only volcano boarding here in Nicaragua, in Leon."

Although active, Cerro Negro does not spit out smoke -- its last major eruption was in 1999.

"Little scary, but fun. High, very high, but it's once in a lifetime," said American tourist Eduardo Shandro.

"It was really good, you go really fast. You lose control a little bit, but you get a hang of it after a little bit, and it's a really cool experience," added his compatriot Adolfo Adofen.

"I never thought I would do this in my life, to go down a volcano, but it was amazing."

The best part for Portuguese tourist Carina Mora was "being in contact with the earth. I think it's the best human experience you can have to feel the warmth of the earth."

The hike up the volcano "is a little bit tiring... but then when you come back down it's perfect. You want to go again and again."

- 'Only place in the world' -


Hundreds of adrenaline junkie tourists converge on Cerro Negro, a boon for tourism in a country that has been hammered by a political crisis sparked in 2018 with the brutal repression of street protesters and exacerbated by the coronavirus pandemic.

The pioneers of volcano boarding in Nicaragua first tackled the Cerro Negro slopes in 2006.

One of them, Lesther Centeno, is now head of the Bigfoot tour company.

Like all tourism in Nicaragua, volcano boarding was hit by the political crisis and pandemic.

"It took a long time to get the activity going again. For about eight months, we had almost nothing, but now people are starting to come back to the country and obviously they always come looking for this," said Centeno.

"It's the only place in the world where you can go boarding on an active volcano!"

In Leon, the closest big town to the volcano, there are at least 12 tour operators offering boarding experiences on Cerro Negro for around $30.

Twelve communities living close to the volcano, making up half a million people, live directly or indirectly off tourism, said Matilde Hernandez, the volcano park ranger.

Local resident Jose Gonzalez carries tourists' boards up the volcano.

"That is our salary. If we don't carry the board up, we don't earn any money," he said.

Depending on how busy it is, he can earn up to $20 a day.



Tourists prepare to slide down the slopes of the Cerro Negro volcano in Nicaragua 



Tourists climb the Cerro Negro volcano, one of the youngest in Central America (167 years old) and one of the most active in the country, to later surf down its slopes near Leon, Nicaragua



Lester Centeno of tour company Bigfoot, poses for a picture after climbing the Cerro Negro volcano near Leon, Nicaragua 



A tourist descends on the slopes of the Cerro Negro volcano near Leon, Nicaragua 



A tourist slides down the slopes of the Cerro Negro volcano, one of the youngest in Central America (167 years old) and one of the most active in the country, in Leon, Nicaragua

 (AFP/OSWALDO RIVAS)





MARTIAL LAW & BITCOIN
El Salvador's Bukele Seeks Emergency Powers Over Spike In Gang Killings


By AFP News
03/27/22 AT 12:47 AM

El Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele on Saturday urged lawmakers to declare a state of emergency after authorities arrested dozens of gang members over a recent wave of bloodshed.

Gang violence has soared in El Salvador in recent days, with more than 20 killings registered since Friday night, government human rights lawyer Ricardo Martinez reported, while other public security sources said up to 30 homicides may have taken place.

Police and the military on Saturday arrested several leaders of the Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13) gang over the deaths.

In response Bukele asked Congress -- controlled by his ruling party -- to meet to declare a state of emergency, under which certain freedoms are curtailed.


The Salvadoran constitution says that a state of emergency can be put into place "in cases of war, invasion of territory, rebellion, sedition, catastrophe, epidemic or other general calamity, or serious disturbances of public order."

"Since yesterday we have had a new spike in homicides, something that we had worked so hard to reduce," Bukele said in a statement posted on Twitter by Congress president Ernesto Castro.

Gang violence has soared in El Salvador in recent days, 
with more than 20 killings registered since Friday night 
Photo: AFP / MARVIN RECINOS

"While we fight criminals in the streets, we must try to figure out what is happening and who is financing this."

Castro said the country "must let the agents and soldiers do their job and must defend them from the accusations of those who protect the gang members."

Bukele asked the prosecutor's office "to be effective with all the cases" of gang members that it processes, warning he would keep an eye on "judges who favor criminals."

Last November El Salvador suffered another spike in homicides that claimed the lives of some 45 people in three days.


The Mara Salvatrucha and Barrio-18 gangs, among others, have some 70,000 members in El Salvador, according to authorities, and operate through homicides, extortion, and drug trafficking.

The country registered 1,140 murders in 2021 -- an average of 18 deaths per 100,000 inhabitants -- less than the 1,341 registered the previous year and the lowest figure since the end of the civil war in 1992, according to official data.
Myanmar army says will 'annihilate' coup opponents on anniversary of crackdown

Myanmar's Chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing attends a ceremony to mark the country's 77th Armed Forces Day on March 27, 2022. PHOTO: AFP

NAYPYIDAW (AFP) - Myanmar's junta will "annihilate" coup opponents, army chief Min Aung Hlaing said Sunday (March 27) as the military staged a show of force on the anniversary of its bloodiest crackdown so far on democracy protests.

The Southeast Asian country has been in chaos since a putsch in February 2021, with more than 1,700 people killed in crackdowns on dissent, according to a local monitoring group.

Anti-coup People's Defence Force fighters clash regularly with junta troops, while fighting has also flared in border areas with more established ethnic rebel groups.

Presiding over the annual parade that showcased tanks, truck-mounted missiles, artillery and troops on horseback, General Min Aung Hlaing told some 8,000 assembled security personnel that the army would not let up.

The military will "no longer negotiate... and annihilate until the end" groups fighting to overturn its rule, he said ahead of the Armed Forces Day procession in army-built capital Naypyidaw.

Jets flew overhead trailing the yellow, red and green of the national flag, while state media showed women lining the streets leading to the parade ground to give flowers and place garlands on the marching soldiers.

Meanwhile, anti-coup protesters called on social media for a national "power strike" demonstration on Sunday evening.

- Armed Forces Day commemorates the start of local resistance to the Japanese occupation during World War II, and usually features a military parade attended by foreign officers and diplomats.

Last year, as new junta chief Min Aung Hlaing inspected the parade, troops brutalised those protesting the coup that had ousted Ms Aung San Suu Kyi's government.

The violence was the bloodiest day so far in the military's crackdown on democracy rallies and left 163 protesters dead, according to a local monitoring group, and sparked widespread international condemnation.

The junta has become increasingly isolated, with Cambodian strongman Hun Sen the only foreign leader to visit since the putsch.

The vice defence minister of Russia - a major arms supplier and ally - had been due to attend this year's parade but was unable to because of his "country's affairs", junta spokesman Zaw Min Tun said.

In February a UN expert on Myanmar said Russia - along with other major ally China - was continuing to supply the military with weapons, including fighter jets and armoured vehicles.

The United States and Britain on Friday announced new sanctions against Myanmar's army.

Military personnel participates in a parade on Armed Forces Day
 in Naypyitaw, Myanmar, March 27, 2021. PHOTO: REUTERS

The new measures came days after Washington said it has concluded that the country's military committed genocide against the mostly Muslim Rohingya minority.

Since the putsch more than 1,700 people have been killed in a military crackdown on dissent, according to a local monitoring group.


Activists Mobilise Over Hungary Election Fraud Fears
WHILE CNN/MSNBC ARE ON THE BORDER
VIDEO 01:26 Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán Calls For Global Anti-Migrant Alliance

By Peter MURPHY
03/27/22 

As Hungary's April 3 general election looms, civil society activists are gearing up to combat what they say are dirty tricks which have been normalised under nationalist Prime Minister Viktor Orban.

Firebrand Orban has been at the helm for 12 years and is seeking a fourth straight term at Sunday's poll, for which an unprecedented 20,000 volunteer poll observers are being mobilised.

The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) will also have a full-scale monitoring mission, only the second time it has ever done this for an election in a European Union country.

In a preliminary report published this week the OSCE mission voiced concerns about several aspects of the election, including bias in the public media and the potential for postal vote abuses.

It also said many of the concerns it identified at the 2018 vote had not been addressed.

Hungarian businessman Peter Muller helped set up the 20K group to combat electoral fraud 

In response, the government cited the pro-Orban Centre for Fundamental Rights think-tank which called the OSCE report "baseless" and an attempt "to provide a convenient excuse for the Hungarian Left, should they lose at the polls".

The last general election in 2018 was "the dirtiest of the last 30 years, since the end of communism," Zsofia Banuta, co-head of the Unhack Democracy election watchdog, told AFP in Budapest.

After interviewing 170 poll workers her group concluded that the 2018 election was marred by "major malpractice" such as transporting voters from neighbouring countries, bribery and intimidation, tampering with postal votes, missing ballots and election software malfunctions.

Banuta, 40, laments the fact that Supreme Court rulings, including against the practice of busing in voters from abroad to support Orban's Fidesz party, had "no consequences".

In contrast to Western European countries, "over the last 30 years cheating at Hungarian elections has become gradually normalised, that mindset should be changed", she said.

IT expert Hungarian Imre Kovacs says volunteers have received a mobile phone app to log suspected fraud 

Opinion polls indicate Sunday's vote will be the tightest since 2006, as Orban, 58, faces a united six-party opposition coalition for the first time.

Although analysts expect a close result, Orban is still favourite to win an election following a campaign dominated by the February 24 Russian invasion of neighbouring Ukraine.

Orban has adopted a safety-first neutral stance in the conflict, sparking accusations by the opposition that he is Russian President Vladimir Putin's closest ally in the EU and NATO.

Hungarian University professor Laszlo Mero says it will be a 'small sacrifice' to travel far to monitor voting in a village 

Other parts of his "conservative revolution" have drawn the ire of European Union institutions, for example a new anti-LGBT law and the neutering of the judiciary.

In another development in a years-long tug of war with EU institutions, the European Court of Justice in February rejected a challenge by Hungary -- and Poland -- to a mechanism allowing Brussels to slash funding to member states that flout democratic standards.

According to the opposition, Orban's promising reelection prospects are in part due to his control of the media landscape and a redesign of election rules that favours Fidesz.

Unhack Democracy says electoral practices introduced under Orban are vulnerable to abuse and could be crucial in such a tight contest.

Banuta points to a law passed last November that allows voters to easily change the address where they are registered to vote.

"This opens the door to ballot tourism not only across Hungary's borders with Ukraine, Serbia and Romania but also domestically," she told AFP.

Unhack Democracy has designed an online course for poll workers to spot abuses but Banuta cautions that officials need to "not be afraid to report abuses".

She says in the group's investigations of recent local elections they found poll workers were on occasion intimidated out of filing complaints or were vulnerable to pressure from local Fidesz-linked officials.

Another group called "20K" appointed by the opposition has recruited and trained around 20,000 volunteers to monitor the country's approximately 10,000 polling stations.

"For the first time ever there will be two trained poll observers delegated by the opposition in each station, even in the most distant village," said Peter Muller, a 45-year-old businessman, who helped set up 20K.

All volunteers have completed an online training course and have received a mobile phone app to log suspected incidences of fraud, said Muller's colleague Imre Kovacs, an IT expert.

"Last time around 13 percent of stations had no delegate representing the opposition, and another 13 percent had only one. Most suspected abuses in 2018 occurred in electoral districts where there was no opposition observer," Kovacs told AFP.

One volunteer, Laszlo Mero, told AFP that travelling 250 kilometres from Budapest to monitor polling in a village for one day "is a small sacrifice" for his country.

"In the last 12 years the rules in Hungary got blurred, and that needs to change," said Mero, a 72-year-old university professor.

Photo: AFP / ATTILA KISBENEDEK