It’s possible that I shall make an ass of myself. But in that case one can always get out of it with a little dialectic. I have, of course, so worded my proposition as to be right either way (K.Marx, Letter to F.Engels on the Indian Mutiny)
It’s the centenary of the cinema premiere of the German horror film Nosferatu. Now recognised as a classic of the silent era and one of the first examples of cinematic horror, it used elements of Gothic style to present a dark dreamworld. Ripe with undertones that link it not only to contemporary troubles, it also offers prescient warnings of horrors to come with the rise of Hitler’s Nazi regime.
The film is now considered one of the key films of German expressionism, a film movement from the 1920s that rejected realism in favour of creating imaginary worlds, where stylised and distorted set design expressed psychological states of fear and despair.
Such tortured creation can be linked to external factors, with these films coming out of a Germany still reeling from its defeat in the first World War, plunging the country into a time of turmoil with rising inflation and political unrest. Added to this was the devastation caused by the Spanish flu pandemic of 1918-20, which killed more people than the war.
The film remains a sensation of the horror genre and 100 years since its release, its influence can still be seen within cinema today.
A look at how the seminal vampire film shaped the horror genre
A complicated legacy
At the centre of the film is the vampire, Count Orlok. Orlok is unlike the dashing caped figures of Bela Lugosi in the 1931 Dracula and Christopher Lee in the series of Dracula films made at Britain’s Hammer Studios.
Actor Max Schreck’s Orlok is strikingly inhuman and repulsive. With his bald head, hooked nose, clawed fingers and pointed ears. He is often surrounded by swarms of rats rather than harems of women. This representation has been compared to hateful anti-Semitic images used in Nazi propaganda.
It is unlikely that this was intentional, as many of the writers and actors were Jewish. However, the notion of an invading “threat” coming to take over the land, and comparisons between Jewish people and vampires were narratives that were used to justify state-sanctioned persecution and murder.
However, a narrative that is inherent in the story of Nosferatu and other expressionist films is the threat of authoritarian and aristocratic figures seeking to take control. The films made in this period foreshadowed a future full of death and terror, tyranny and murder.
In his 1947 history of German expressionism, From Caligari to Hitler, the critic Siegfried Kracauer argued that the genre reflects and documents the subconscious of the German people’s fixation with tyranny that would climax in the rise of the Nazi.
In Nosferatu, this plays out in the aristocratic figure of Orlok who exerts his supernatural influence over unsuspecting people, sucking their lifeblood, choosing who dies and who becomes part of his cabal of hateful monsters who enact his will. For Kracauer, the figure of Count Orlock represented the combination of fear and fascination that the spectre of fascism elicited in the German people.
Immortal and influential
While it is not the first vampire film, or even the first adaptation of Stoker’s novel (the now-lost Hungarian film Dracula’s Death was made a year prior), it established many stylistic and narrative tropes of the vampire story still used today. For instance, Nosferatu was the first time a vampire was killed by sunlight, a trope that has now become canon.
It also was the first German expressionist film to shoot on location, instead of entirely on studio sets — like the genre’s first film The Cabinet of Dr Caligari. For Nosferatu, director F. W. Murnau created a Gothic atmosphere in locations such as Orava Castle and the High Tatras mountain range in Slovakia. Such locations allowed audiences to see and sense the history of crumbling ruins, and feel the elemental forces present in dark forests and raging storms.
The making of Nosferatu and its cast and crew have been subject to their own mythologising. The 2000 film Shadow of the Vampire posits that Max Schreck really was a vampire, entering into a Faustian pact with director F. W. Murnau to give his film the ultimate authenticity — in exchange for the blood of the film’s leading lady.
The TV series American Horror Story: Hotel has Murnau himself becoming a vampire while researching Nosferatu in the Carpathian Mountains. Once in Hollywood, Murnau turns an actor into a vampire, the immortality of the vampire likened to the immortality of film stardom.
Nosferatu’s blending of genre tropes and arthouse style even foretells the current rise of “elevated horror”, personified by films such as Get Out, The Babadook and Hereditary. In fact, one of horror’s newest auteurs, Robert Eggers (whose film The Lighthouse owes much to German expressionism), has hinted at a remake of Nosferatu (the second remake after Werner Herzog’s 1979 Nosferatu the Vampyre).
So, after 100 years, our fascination with Count Orlok lives on.
The writer is Senior Lecturer in Film, University of East London Republished from The Conversation
Published in Dawn, ICON, April 3rd, 2022
NOSFERATU 100th Anniversary Trailer
Premiered Feb 22, 2022
Eurekaentertainment
2022 brings the centenary of the most influential horror film of all time, NOSFERATU.
The turning point in the career of legendary director F.W. Murnau (SUNRISE, THE LAST LAUGH), the screen's first, albeit unauthorised adaptation of Bram Stoker's DRACULA (which itself celebrates its 125th Anniversary this year) features Max Schreck's unforgettable performance as the vampire Count Orlok, the most chilling portrayal of cadaverous evil in film history. Although a court order to destroy the film was successfully brought by Stoker's widow, some copies escaped, and subsequently gave the 20th century some of its defining images of supernatural terror and dread. A decades-long search for the best surviving material and a re-recording of the original score by Hans Erdmann now allows us to see the film exactly as it premiered 100 years ago.
A towering masterpiece whose legacy is truly incalculable, NOSFERATU remains as mesmerising - and haunting - as ever.
Nosferatu (Blu-Ray HD Remastered) | 1922
HD remastered blu-ray edition of Nosferatu from 1922.
Nosferatu, eine Symphonie des Grauens (translated as Nosferatu: A Symphony of Horror; or simply Nosferatu) is a 1922 German Expressionist horror film, directed by F. W. Murnau, starring Max Schreck as the vampire Count Orlok.
The film, shot in 1921 and released in 1922, was an unauthorized adaptation of Bram Stoker's Dracula, with names and other details changed because the studio could not obtain the rights to the novel (for instance, "vampire" became "Nosferatu" and "Count Dracula" became "Count Orlok"). Stoker's heirs sued over the adaptation, and a court ruling ordered that all copies of the film be destroyed. However, a few prints of Nosferatu survived, and the film came to be regarded as an influential masterpiece of cinema. As of 2015, it is Rotten Tomatoes' second best-reviewed horror film of all time.
Klaus Kinski is Count Dracula - Nosferatu (1979)
Nosferatu with Werner Herzog - Hollywood Berlin
Nov 18, 2017
University of California Television (UCTV)
(Visit: http://www.uctv.tv) A legendary director noted for his uncompromising passion, Werner Herzog joins Carsey-Wolf Center Director Patrice Petro for a discussion about his 1979 film “Nosferatu The Vampyre” which he says is a tribute to the classic 1922 film "Nosferatu” by F.W. Murnau. Herzog also discusses his career and the film’s significance as a bridge to the masterworks of interwar cinema. Recorded on 10/12/2017. Series: "Carsey-Wolf Center" [12/2017] [Show ID: 33062]
Nosferatu – Blue Oyster Cult
Happy 100th Anniversary to Nosferatu (1922) this month in Germany!
The film had its Gala premiere on March 4th, 1922 at the Marmorsaal of the Berlin Zoological Garden, and it's theatrical premiere on March 15th, 1922 at Berlin's Primus-Palast!
Music video to celebrate to the everlasting legacy (much like the titular vampire itself) of this cinematic, expressionist masterpiece, set to the song "Nosferatu", Blue Oyster Cult!
Shadow of the Vampire (4/10) Movie CLIP -
I'll Eat Her Later (2000) HD
The Horror Films of F.W. Murnau (Nosferatu, Phantom, The Haunted Castle and Faust)
Why Russia gave up Alaska, America's gateway to the Arctic
THE CONVERSATION William L. Iggiagruk Hensley,
Visiting Distinguished Professor,
University of Alaska Anchorage Sat, April 2, 2022,
One hundred and fifty-five years ago, on March 30, 1867, U.S. Secretary of State William H. Seward and Russian envoy Baron Edouard de Stoeckl signed the Treaty of Cession. With a stroke of a pen, Tsar Alexander II had ceded Alaska, his country’s last remaining foothold in North America, to the United States for US.2 million.
That sum, amounting to just 8 million in today’s dollars, brought to an end Russia’s 125-year odyssey in Alaska and its expansion across the treacherous Bering Sea, which at one point extended the Russian Empire as far south as Fort Ross, California, 90 miles from San Francisco Bay.
Today Alaska is one of the richest U.S. states thanks to its abundance of natural resources, such as petroleum, gold and fish, as well as its vast expanse of pristine wilderness and strategic location as a window on Russia and gateway to the Arctic.
So what prompted Russia to withdraw from its American beachhead? And how did it come to possess it in the first place?
As a descendant of Inupiaq Eskimos, I have been living and studying this history all my life. In a way, there are two histories of how Alaska came to be American – and two perspectives. One concerns how the Russians took “possession” of Alaska and eventually ceded it to the U.S. The other is from the perspective of my people, who have lived in Alaska for thousands of years, and for whom the anniversary of the cession brings mixed emotions, including immense loss but also optimism. Russia looks east
The lust for new lands that brought Russia to Alaska and eventually California began in the 16th century, when the country was a fraction of its current size.
That began to change in 1581, when Russia overran a Siberian territory known as the Khanate of Sibir, which was controlled by a grandson of Genghis Khan. This key victory opened up Siberia, and within 60 years the Russians were at the Pacific.
The Russian advance across Siberia was fueled in part by the lucrative fur trade, a desire to expand the Russian Orthodox Christian faith to the “heathen” populations in the east and the addition of new taxpayers and resources to the empire.
In the early 18th century, Peter the Great – who created Russia’s first Navy – wanted to know how far the Asian landmass extended to the east. The Siberian city of Okhotsk became the staging point for two explorations he ordered. And in 1741, Vitus Bering successfully crossed the strait that bears his name and sighted Mt. Saint Elias, near what is now the village of Yakutat, Alaska.
Although Bering’s second Kamchatka Expedition brought disaster for him personally when adverse weather on the return journey led to a shipwreck on one of the westernmost Aleutian Islands and his eventual death from scurvy in December 1741, it was an incredible success for Russia. The surviving crew fixed the ship, stocked it full of hundreds of the sea otters, foxes and fur seals that were abundant there and returned to Siberia, impressing Russian fur hunters with their valuable cargo. This prompted something akin to the Klondike gold rush 150 years later. Challenges emerge
But maintaining these settlements wasn’t easy. Russians in Alaska – who numbered no more than 800 at their peak – faced the reality of being half a globe away from St. Petersburg, then the capital of the empire, making communications a key problem.
Also, Alaska was too far north to allow for significant agriculture and therefore unfavorable as a place to send large numbers of settlers. So they began exploring lands farther south, at first looking only for people to trade with so they could import the foods that wouldn’t grow in Alaska’s harsh climate. They sent ships to what is now California, established trade relations with the Spaniards there and eventually set up their own settlement at Fort Ross in 1812.
Thirty years later, however, the entity set up to handle Russia’s American explorations failed and sold what remained. Not long after, the Russians began to seriously question whether they could continue their Alaskan colony as well.
For starters, the colony was no longer profitable after the sea otter population was decimated. Then there was the fact that Alaska was difficult to defend and Russia was short on cash due to the costs of the war in Crimea.
Americans eager for a deal
So clearly the Russians were ready to sell, but what motivated the Americans to want to buy?
In the 1840s, the United States had expanded its interests to Oregon, annexed Texas, fought a war with Mexico and acquired California. Afterward, Secretary of State Seward wrote in March 1848:
“Our population is destined to roll resistless waves to the ice barriers of the north, and to encounter oriental civilization on the shores of the Pacific.”
Almost 20 years after expressing his thoughts about expansion into the Arctic, Seward accomplished his goal.
In Alaska, the Americans foresaw a potential for gold, fur and fisheries, as well as more trade with China and Japan. The Americans worried that England might try to establish a presence in the territory, and the acquisition of Alaska – it was believed – would help the U.S. become a Pacific power. And overall the government was in an expansionist mode backed by the then-popular idea of “manifest destiny.”
So a deal with incalculable geopolitical consequences was struck, and the Americans seemed to get quite a bargain for their .2 million.
Just in terms of wealth, the U.S. gained about 370 million acres of mostly pristine wilderness – almost a third the size of the European Union – including 220 million acres of what are now federal parks and wildlife refuges. Hundreds of billions of dollars in whale oil, fur, copper, gold, timber, fish, platinum, zinc, lead and petroleum have been produced in Alaska over the years – allowing the state to do without a sales or income tax and give every resident an annual stipend. Alaska still likely has billions of barrels of oil reserves.
The state is also a key part of the United States defense system, with military bases located in Anchorage and Fairbanks, and it is the country’s only connection to the Arctic, which ensures it has a seat at the table as melting glaciers allow the exploration of the region’s significant resources.
When Bering finally located Alaska in 1741, Alaska was home to about 100,000 people, including Inuit, Athabascan, Yupik, Unangan and Tlingit. There were 17,000 alone on the Aleutian Islands.
Despite the relatively small number of Russians who at any one time lived at one of their settlements – mostly on the Aleutians Islands, Kodiak, Kenai Peninsula and Sitka – they ruled over the native populations in their areas with an iron hand, taking children of the leaders as hostages, destroying kayaks and other hunting equipment to control the men and showing extreme force when necessary.
The Russians brought with them weaponry such as firearms, swords, cannons and gunpowder, which helped them secure a foothold in Alaska along the southern coast. They used firepower, spies and secured forts to maintain security, and selected Christianized local leaders to carry out their wishes. However, they also met resistance, such as from the Tlingits, who were capable warriors, ensuring their hold on territory was tenuous.
By the time of the cession, only 50,000 indigenous people were estimated to be left, as well as 483 Russians and 1,421 Creoles (descendants of Russian men and indigenous women).
On the Aleutian Islands alone, the Russians enslaved or killed thousands of Aleuts. Their population plummeted to 1,500 in the first 50 years of Russian occupation due to a combination of warfare, disease and enslavement.
When the Americans took over, the United States was still engaged in its Indian Wars, so they looked at Alaska and its indigenous inhabitants as potential adversaries. Alaska was made a military district by Gen. Ulysses S. Grant with Gen. Jefferson C. Davis selected as the new commander.
For their part, Alaska Natives claimed that they still had title to the territory as its original inhabitants and having not lost the land in war or ceded it to any country – including the U.S., which technically didn’t buy it from the Russians but bought the right to negotiate with the indigenous populations. Still, Natives were denied U.S. citizenship until 1924, when the Indian Citizenship Act was passed.
During that time, Alaska Natives had no rights as citizens and could not vote, own property or file for mining claims. The Bureau of Indian Affairs, in conjunction with missionary societies, in the 1860s began a campaign to eradicate indigenous languages, religion, art, music, dance, ceremonies and lifestyles.
It was only in 1936 that the Indian Reorganization Act authorized tribal governments to form, and only nine years later overt discrimination was outlawed by Alaska’s Anti-Discrimination Act of 1945. The law banned signs such as “No Natives Need Apply” and “No Dogs or Natives Allowed,” which were common at the time. Statehood and a disclaimer
Eventually, however, the situation improved markedly for Natives.
Alaska finally became a state in 1959, when President Dwight D. Eisenhower signed the Alaska Statehood Act, allotting it 104 million acres of the territory. And in an unprecedented nod to the rights of Alaska’s indigenous populations, the act contained a clause emphasizing that citizens of the new state were declining any right to land subject to Native title – which by itself was a very thorny topic because they claimed the entire territory.
A result of this clause was that in 1971 President Richard Nixon ceded 44 million acres of federal land, along with
Looking for a new gardening challenge? Turning your yard into an insect-friendly oasis could mean less work and more nature to enjoy.
Brian Lovett, Postdoctoral Researcher in Mycology, West Virginia University
As winter phases into spring across the U.S., gardeners are laying in supplies and making plans. Meanwhile, as the weather warms, common garden insects such as bees, beetles and butterflies will emerge from underground burrows or nests within or on plants.
Most gardeners know how beneficial insects can be for their plots. Flies pollinate flowers. Predatory bugs, such as the spined shoulder bug, eat pest insects that otherwise would tuck into garden plants.
Some gardeners choose native plants to attract and support helpful insects. Often, however, those native plants are surrounded by vast expanses of lawn.
The vast majority of insect species find blades of grass as unappetizing as we do. Yet, lawns sprawl out across many public and private spaces. NASA estimated in 2005 that lawns covered at least 50,000 square miles (128,000 square kilometers) of the U.S. – about the size of the entire state of Mississippi.
A well-manicured lawn is a sure sign that humanity has imposed its will on nature. Lawns provide an accessible and familiar landscape, but they come at a cost for our six-legged neighbors. Grasses grown as turf provide very few places for insects to safely tuck themselves away, because homeowners and groundskeepers cut them short – before they send up flowering spikes – and apply fertilizers and pesticides to keep them green.
Entomologists have a recomendation: Dig up some fraction of your lawn and convert it into a meadow by replacing grass with native wildflowers. Wildflowers provide pollen and nectar that feed and attract a variety of insects like ants, native bees and butterflies. Just as you may have a favorite local restaurant, insects that live around you have a taste for the flowers that are native to their areas.
This bold choice will not just benefit insects. Healthier insects support local birds, and meadows require fewer chemical inputs and less mowing than lawns. The amount of attention lawns demand from us, even if we outsource the work to a landscaping company, is a sign of their precarity.
A meadow is a wilder, more resilient option. Resilient ecosystems are better able to respond to and recover from disturbances.
Entomologist Ryan Gott, integrated pest management and quality control specialist at Maitri Genetics in Pittsburgh, describes lawns and meadows as two opposite ends of a resiliency spectrum. “As far as basic ecological functions go, a lawn does not have many. A lawn mainly extracts nutrition and water, usually receiving outside inputs of fertilizer and irrigation to stay alive, and returns very little to the system,” he told me.
Native flowers, by definition, will grow well in your climate, although some areas will have more choices than others and growing seasons vary. Native plants also provide a palette of colors and variety that lawns sorely lack. By planting them as a meadow, with many different flowers emerging throughout the growing season, you can provide for a diverse assortment of local insects. And mowing and fertilizing less will leave you more time to appreciate wildlife of all sizes.
There are many different types of meadows, and every wildflower species has different preferences for soil type and conditions. Meadows thrive in full sunlight, which is also where lawns typically do well.
Making insects feel at home
Not every yard can support a meadow, but there are other ways to be a better, more considerate neighbor to insects. If you have a shady yard, consider modeling your garden after natural landscapes like woodlands that are shady and support insects.
What’s important in landscaping with insects in mind, or “entoscaping,” is considering insects early and often when you visit the garden store. With a few pots or window boxes, even a balcony can be converted into a cozy insect oasis.
Another easy project is using scrap wood and packing materials to create simple “hotels” for bees or ladybugs, making sure to carefully sanitize them between seasons. Easiest of all, provide water for insects to drink – they’re adorable to watch as they sip. Replace standing water at least weekly to prevent mosquitoes from developing.
A refuge in every yard
Many resources across the U.S. offer advice on converting your lawn or making your yard more insect-friendly.
The Xerces Society for Insect Conservation publishes a guide to establishing meadows to sustain insects. Local university extension offices post tips on growing meadows with specific instructions and resources for their areas. Gardening stores often have experience and carry selections of local plants.
You may find established communities of enthusiasts for local plants and seeds, or your journey could be the start of such a group. Part of the fun of gardening is learning what plants need to be healthy, and a new endeavor like entoscaping will provide fresh challenges.
In my view, humans all too often see ourselves as separate from nature, which leads us to relegate biodiversity to designated parks. In fact, however, we are an important part of the natural world, and we need insects just as much as they need us. As ecologist Douglas Tallamy argues in his book, “Nature’s Best Hope,” the best way to protect biodiversity is for people to plant native plants and promote conservation in every yard. This article is republished from The Conversation, a nonprofit news site dedicated to sharing ideas from academic experts. It was written by: Brian Lovett, West Virginia University.
In MENA, women activists are the biggest victims of Pegasus spyware
In-depth: Female activists in the MENA have been some of the most affected by the use of Pegasus spyware, which threatens their personal and professional reputations. Now, they are demanding accountability.
Hala al-Ahed was alarmed when she got a message from Apple. The telecom giant was notifying her that she may have been hacked using the Pegasus software, the Israeli spyware that gives its user complete access to a phone and its contents.
Worried, al-Ahed sent in her phone to be tested by Frontline Defenders, an NGO that specialises in protecting activists. Digital forensics confirmed her fears: An unspecified government had paid upwards of a million dollars to spy on her using Pegasus.
Al-Ahed is on the frontlines of the fight for human rights in Jordan and works closely with other activists who have come under pressure from the authorities. In a country where sharing certain content over WhatsApp can land you in prison, the privacy of activists is paramount.
"Al-Ahed and other female human rights activists and journalists in the region face unique pressures that their male colleagues do not"
“It’s very disturbing. Everyone who works in the public sphere expects there will be a price for their activities. However, this is an incredibly high price. When someone compromises your privacy, they compromise the privacy of everyone you deal with,” al-Ahed told The New Arab.
Whoever had commissioned the hack on al-Ahed’s phone now had access to every conversation, contact, file and picture on her device – all without her knowledge.
However, the risk from the hack extended far beyond her professional career. Al-Ahed and other female human rights activists and journalists in the region face unique pressures that their male colleagues do not.
“Everyone says they have nothing to hide, but there are a lot of things that I share with my friends that I don’t want to share with others. Especially because we are in a conservative society and the reputation of women is very important,” she said.
An intrusion into her device meant that anything from her private life could be laid out for the world at the whim of whichever government targeted her.
As a female human rights and societal activist, using this information to start a rumour – however untrue – could be hugely detrimental to her professional and personal life. Women on the frontlines
Despite barriers to female participation in public life in many countries in the Middle East, female activists are leading the fights for freedom and against human rights abuses.
Whether becoming an icon for their revolutionary poetry during Sudan’s protests, or delivering a literal blow to Lebanon’s security forces during the October 2019 demonstrations, women have frequently become revolutionary symbols in the region.
"For women human rights activists however, this means the privacy of the entire network they operate in could potentially have been compromised"
This has meant that they have often borne the highest price for their activism. With the advent of surveillance and spyware like Pegasus where victims can be hacked without even clicking on a link, female human rights defenders face dangers even in their private lives.
“For some women, it’s already a battle in their families and communities to take up these roles in public life. They are already fighting against patriarchal norms so that they can do their work,” Lama Fakih, the director of Human Rights Watch in the Middle East and North Africa who was also targeted by Pegasus, told The New Arab.
“This data that is collected is used to undermine their reputations, make them appear not credible, and make it that much harder for them to continue doing their work,” Fakih said.
“When photos of [a woman] or details of her personal life are revealed, this can undermine her in ways that men are just not as susceptible to” she added. Rumours or leaked photos, oftentimes manipulated through software like Photoshop, can do irreparable harm to any woman. This is true in most countries, but especially more conservative ones like Jordan or Syria where women frequently bear the burden of upholding the family’s “honor.”
In July, a woman was murdered in Syria by her relative after a photo of her without a headscarf started circulating Telegram, a messaging app similar to WhatsApp.
For women human rights activists however, this means the privacy of the entire network they operate in could potentially have been compromised. Women advocates oftentimes handle issues their male colleagues do not, such as assisting survivors of gender-based or sexual violence.
Handling these issues requires the utmost sensitivity to ensure the privacy of survivors. Survivors also need to know that they can count on human rights advocates and the organizations they represent to protect them when they come forward.
If survivors of human rights abuses think that the information they share with human rights organisations could be monitored, this could make them reluctant to seek help or speak up.
“My first thought when I found out I was targeted was ‘How does this impact the people I am advocating for in my network?’ To think that this activism has been used to undermine their rights is really enraging,” Fakih said.
“[Survivors of] sexual violence, domestic violence and … migrant domestic workers – These individuals trust us to keep their identities safe but they want to speak out so these abuses against them stop. This is very chilling for victims and us as advocates,” she added.
Besides negatively affecting victims of human rights abuses, spyware can also produce a chilling effect among other female activists.
“This is kind of a double whammy for us, because we are working in politics in a conservative society and as for our personal privacy which should be protected,” Dima Tahboub, a former MP in Jordan and the spokesperson for the Muslim Brotherhood affiliated-Islamic Front, said to The New Arab about her experience being targeted by Pegasus.
“This is discouraging for women who want to work in politics … having your personal privacy threatened is a big thing,” Tahboub added.
"Despite a global outcry and US sanctions placed on the NSO Group – the Israeli company which produced the spyware – little has been done to achieve accountability or place limits on the burgeoning surveillance industry"
A surveillance industry, with no oversight
In August, a consortium of journalists revealed that Pegasus was potentially used to target 50,000 people around the world by governments such as India, Saudi Arabia and China.
Despite a global outcry and US sanctions placed on the NSO Group – the Israeli company which produced the spyware – little has been done to achieve accountability or place limits on the burgeoning surveillance industry.
Meanwhile, many victims of the Pegasus hacks still have no idea who or why their personal devices were hacked.
In Jordan, when al-Ahed demanded an investigation into how her and other Jordanians were targeted by Pegasus, she was met by silence. The Jordanian government has yet to take any formal action to investigate Pegasus used against its own citizens.
Jordan was reportedly in talks to purchase Pegasus in April 2021, but it is unknown if it ever actually bought the software.
Al-Ahed said that she is planning on filing a suit against the NSO group in an international court if nothing is done to achieve accountability in Jordan.
The NSO Group denies that it ever targeted human rights activists such as Lama Fakih. Instead it claimed that “any call to suspend these life-saving technologies … until a [regulatory] structure exists is naïve and would only benefit the terrorists, paedophiles and hardened criminals who will evade surveillance and apprehension.”
Activists say that contrary to the NSO Group’s claims, the surveillance technology is often used against activists by repressive regimes. To combat this, there have been increasing demands for regulating the surveillance industry.
“We are calling for trade and surveillance technology to be suspended until a rights-respecting framework can be established. Like other industries, such as the arms industry, it requires regulation,” Fakih said.
“People are starting to appreciate how nefarious these technologies are. These technologies are incredibly powerful and governments can without any oversight can target anybody’s phone,” she added. William Christou is The New Arab's Levantine correspondent, covering the politics of the Levant and the Mediterranean. Follow him on Twitter: @will_christou
With inquisition-like tactics, Libya is jailing progressive youths on charges of 'atheism'
In-depth: Progressive activists in Libya have been detained by security forces on accusations of promoting atheism and forced to sign 'confessions', triggering fears of a return to Gaddafi's repressive era.
The authorities in post-Gaddafi Libya often make a lot of promises about a new era for democracy and freedom. Instead, human rights groups and activists are warning the country is steadily returning to 'total tyranny' with a sustained security crackdown on independent journalism, and now, even expressions of secular thinking.
The New Arab has learned that seven activists - aged between 19 and 29 - have been detained in Tripoli as Libyan security forces and authorities use accusations of atheism to jail journalists and muzzle civil society.
Five of the detainees have been accused by Libya's public prosecution of belonging to the Tanweer Movement, a civil society group best-known for organising book fairs and calling for liberal social reforms.
The charges against the accused of 'promoting atheism' and 'abandoning religion' have alarmed human rights groups who believe that Tripoli authorities are working with the security forces to crush dissent in Libya - Libya warlord Khalifa Haftar and the rival eastern authority have faced similar accusations.
"It is a shameful display, the public prosecution should be investigating the internal security agency for their crimes, not to mention the rampant crimes and abuses committed by militias and armed groups across Libya," Hussein Baoumi, Amnesty International's Libya researcher told The New Arab. Security forces
At least one of the activists was detained for alleged 'blasphemous' conversations on social media app Clubhouse, while another was snatched as he attempted to fly out of Libya.
Border guards at Tripoli Airport, where the incident took place, have been linked to the Internal Security Agency (ISA) headed by former militia commander Lofti al-Harari.
The agency has been accused of a harrowing campaign of repression against activists, often on spurious charges of 'promoting atheism' or 'insulting Islam', which could potentially carry the death penalty.
Libya's political authorities appear unwilling to rein in the security forces, which is largely made up of members of Harari's previous armed group. Critics say these men lack the training or background to work in a credible security service.
Abdul Hamid Dbeibeh, the prime minister of Libya's provisional government and one of two rival prime ministers currently claiming the post, on Friday publicly condemned atheism and urged the country to do more to stamp it out in an apparent show of support for the detentions.
"After Harari took over the security agency you began to see more abuses committed against activists and videotaped confessions. The Internal Security Apparatus now de-facto operates under Harari, which is nominally under the supervision of the prime minister," said Amnesty's Baoumi.
"We see the ISA using religion and Libyan 'morals' to silence any criticism or free expression in the country. We are very concerned about the effect this is having on others, both inside and outside Libya, who want to exercise the right to freedom of expression."
In a statement posted on social media and later taken down, the ISA denied claims raised by Amnesty International about the mistreatment of the accused. The New Arab has approached the Libyan embassy for comment but was unable to get a response. "Chillingly, some of the detained activists have been dragged in front of cameras and forced to 'confess' to 'promoting atheism, blasphemy, and feminist ideas'" Filmed confessions
Chillingly, some of the detained activists have been dragged in front of cameras and forced to 'confess' to 'promoting atheism, blasphemy, and feminist ideas'.
The videos were posted on ISA-affiliated social media pages, a tactic regularly employed by the agency against alleged atheists, along with common criminals.
Muammar Gaddafi's thuggish security forces had regularly broadcast 'confessions' from activists during the 2011 revolution about being in the pay of foreign agencies or other deviancies. Such claims were widely rejected by human rights groups, who saw the confessions as extracted under torture.
Hanan Salah, senior Libya researcher at Human Rights Watch, said the recent public humiliations and arbitrary detentions have largely muzzled activism and independent journalism in all parts of Libya.
"It is very hard to believe that anyone would go in front of a camera and out themselves in this way. My assumption is that the vast majority, if not all of them, are under duress," Salah said.
"This is a very problematic tactic because there are obviously no due process rights when doing this and I think it is very worrying that the Libyan government is not trying to end this completely."
The silence of the Libyan government on these cases has been a concern for human rights groups who say it allows Tripoli to distance itself from the ISA's repressive methods and absolve itself of responsibility for the men's fate.
It also highlights the huge power armed groups - some now part of security agencies - wield in the east and west of the country.
"There is an interdependency between these armed groups and the authorities, who rely on armed groups for their survival," said Salah.
"There's a very violent landscape across Libya with armed groups that have different agendas and ideologies taking over areas that the state used to provide. They're the ones who provide - quote, unquote - law and order and run the security agencies."
"Both the eastern and western authorities are guilty of retaining or enacting draconian legislation - some legacies of the Gaddafi era - that can and have been used to target perceived opponents" Draconian laws
Both the eastern and western authorities are guilty of retaining or enacting draconian legislation - some legacies of the Gaddafi era - that can and have been used to target perceived opponents.
The former Government of National Accord (GNA) in Tripoli introduced a law in 2019 widely perceived as restricting civil society's ability to operate and hindering access to international NGOs and donors.
"If civil society groups were to 100 percent comply with the law, then they would basically not be able to speak at a webinar organised by an international organisation without getting preapproval from authorities," said Salah.
"Any form of activism - really grassroots and basic issues that are far away from any talk of secularism - could already make you a target if you oppose what these armed groups stand for. I think it's very worrying that journalists and activists are being arrested on loose allegations invoking insult to religion."
The OHCHR has also voiced concern about the detention of the seven men and said that the allegations of atheism will have a 'chilling effect' on human rights defenders, civil society, and humanitarian workers in Libya.
This includes the Tanweer (Enlightenment) Movement. Formed in 2013 amid the optimistic spirit of the Arab Spring, the group has rejected recent claims by Libyan authorities that it operated secretly or promoted atheism.
It also insists that its activities are visible on official social media pages and it has always acted according to Libyan law by registering with the Civil Society Commission and given official approval to operate.
"The Tanweer Movement knows full well these restrictions and baseless accusations… are nothing more than a fierce war led by political parties," said the movement in a statement.
"The Libyan government with its security services is trying to create and fabricate any issue… [to] gain popular support in front of their opponents. What is happening is nothing but a political rivalry par excellent."
"Even these modest demands have resulted in harassment and intimidation against its members culminating in the assassination of the group's founder, Intisar al-Hasari, in 2015" Tanweer Movement
Its activists had attracted some controversy for campaigns for women's and LGBTQ rights and calls for liberal reforms such as abolishing Article 424 of the Libyan law code, which allows charges against rapists to be dropped if the accused marries the victim.
Even these modest demands have resulted in harassment and intimidation against its members culminating in the assassination of the group's founder, Intisar al-Hasari, in 2015.
In February 2022, after accusations of supporting 'atheism' and 'infidel feminism', Tanweer closed for a third time due to the threats posed to its members in Tripoli and abroad. The group strongly denies claims of atheism and immorality.
"Our goal was to encourage critical thinking in society and promote individual freedoms," Ahmed Elbukhari, a former member of the group who now lives in Europe due to the dangers at home, told The New Arab.
"We were subject to harassment and threats over the years and our movement was frozen due to the persecution of its members."
Elbukhari said former Tanweer activists, both inside Libya and abroad, fear for their safety and their futures.
"Many activists are now on the run and afraid. I do not think that they will recover because of this prosecution. Freedom in Libya, and Tripoli in particular, has been reduced to almost zero," he said.
"We feel we have been abandoned, and we ask the international community to stand with us in our battle [for freedom] because it is not only our battle but one for the whole free world."
Kacem El Ghazzali, Moroccan-Swiss secular activist and Humanists International’s MENA Advocacy & Casework Consultant, told The New Arab that the detention of the activists is turning the clock back to before the Arab Spring when there was virtually no room for criticism of authorities in Libya.
"The recent arrest campaign in Libya represents an attack on the very last space of freedom, and thereby the country's ascent into an atmosphere of total tyranny," El Ghazzali added.
"Libyan authorities should address the security and economic problems afflicting the country, rather than using peaceful young secular and feminist activists as scapegoats to cover up political failures." Paul McLoughlin is a senior news editor at The New Arab. Follow him on Twitter: @PaullMcLoughlin
'Hysterical, dangerous & counterproductive': Israel reacts to Amnesty's 'apartheid' label
In-depth: After Amnesty International's historic report that found Israel was committing the crime of apartheid against Palestinians, Tel Aviv has launched a targeted campaign to delegitimise the organisation based on claims of anti-Semitism.
Amnesty International, among the world's leading human rights groups, has been the target of online advertising smearing the group, efforts to remove its tax-free status and public condemnation regarding the document, which aligns with Palestinian civil society's long-held stance.
In the report, Amnesty crucially determined that apartheid exists not just in occupied Palestine, but also within Israel and for Palestinian refugees abroad.
This sets Amnesty apart from Human Rights Watch (HRW) and Israeli rights NGO B'Tselem, neither of which considered the experiences of refugees abroad in separate 2021 reports, though B'Tselem concluded apartheid exists inside Israel.
"Israeli authorities seek both to slam Amnesty's report as anti-Semitic and let it fade away by avoiding mentioning it too often"
Agnes Callamard, the Secretary General of Amnesty International, speaks about the human rights group's report calling Israel an "apartheid" state that treats Palestinians as "an inferior racial group" on February 1, 2022. [Getty]
The day before Amnesty's apartheid report was released, an Israeli foreign ministry statement asked for it to be withdrawn, alleging it uses "extremist language and distortion of historical context… designed to demonise Israel and pour fuel onto the fire of anti-Semitism".
Agnès Callamard, Secretary General of Amnesty, responded by telling AFP "a criti[que] of the practice of the State of Israel is absolutely not a form of anti-Semitism."
She said her organisation had "offered to talk to [Foreign Minister Yair Lapid] about the report… in October", adding that he had not responded to this.
"It is far too late for him now to just call on us not to publish the report," she maintained.
Since then, Amnesty has still not received any engagement from the Israeli authorities, according to Kristyan Benedict, a campaign manager for Amnesty International UK.
Israeli officials have also largely refrained from condemning the rights group in English-language media, despite a mild intervention from United Arab List leader Mansour Abbas, who said he "would not call" what's happening inside Israel "apartheid". The Palestinian politician has previously been criticised over other remarks on Israel.
While the Israeli authorities have stuck to a familiar strategy in traditional media, they have innovated with online advertising, launching a smear campaign.
"While the Israeli authorities have stuck to a familiar strategy in traditional media, they have innovated with online advertising, launching a smear campaign"
At least three variations of a Google ad appeared for some users searching for terms containing "Amnesty". All ad versions seen by The New Arab claim Amnesty's apartheid report "quotes lies spread by terrorist organizations", with two calling it "anti-Semitic".
They also all link to an Israeli foreign ministry mini-site alleging the report seeks to "eliminate the State of Israel – or deny its right to exist – as the nation state of the Jewish people".
The webpage contains videos and links to several articles that either support Israel or criticise Amnesty.
"I think the Israeli authorities' response pre-launch, during and after has been hysterical, dangerous and counterproductive," said Benedict. He highlighted that 13 of Israel's top human rights groups strongly criticised the Israeli state's reaction to his organisation's report.
Advertisements appearing on Google alleging that Amnesty International
is "biased and anti-Semitic".
"There is an awareness of the cynical nature of the Israeli authorities with regards to trying to hide [Israel's] crime of apartheid… by using the allegation of anti-Semitism, or supporting terrorism or other outlandish claims – against a range of rights organisations," Benedict continued.
Benedict added that the NGO considers Israel's conduct through the apartheid convention, the Rome Statute – which is the foundational document of the International Criminal Court – and other international law.
"If [the Israeli authorities] want to say that international law is inherently anti-Semitic, then they can say that," he said.
Marc Owen Jones, an assistant professor in Middle East studies at Hamad Bin Khalifa University in Qatar and author of Digital Authoritarianism in the Middle East, wasn't shocked the Israeli foreign ministry alleged Amnesty's criticism was anti-Semitic. However, he said he was "a little surprised" the ad "actually suggested that Amnesty wanted the destruction of Israel".
"I thought that was quite extreme language," he added.
As far as Jones is aware, he hasn't before seen the Israel state use a Google advertising campaign against a human rights group like the one it employed on Amnesty. Jones criticised the ad appearing on the search giant's platform.
"I think that's pretty… appalling how a company should receive money from a government to spread its propaganda, especially when that propaganda involves trying to gloss over gross human rights violations and potential crimes against humanity… no company should allow a government to use their platform to spread propaganda that comes at the expense of people's lives and livelihoods."
Google told The New Arab it had "reviewed these ads carefully and found they do not breach our ads policies".
Jones added that he feels the ad having been permitted on Google shows Big Tech firms are motivated by profit, stressing that he believes it also "highlights an element of political bias".
"I doubt the Myanmar regime would've been able to take out an advert criticising a report that was documenting abuses against its population," the academic said.
"In addition to digital advertising, Israeli authorities have made an effort against Amnesty in the offline world. There has been a move towards axing the tax-exempt status of the NGO's section in Israel"
A Google spokesperson told The New Arab, "We are committed to provide a safe and positive experience for all our users and do not allow ads or destinations that display misrepresentations, such as clickbait, shocking content or dangerous or derogatory content.”
In addition to digital advertising, Israeli authorities have made an effort against Amnesty in the offline world. There has been a move towards axing the tax-exempt status of the NGO's section in Israel, Israel Hayom reported in early February.
The outlet said the justice minister signed off on rules which would enable this, but a spokesperson for Amnesty's Tel Aviv branch on 13 March said no measures had yet been taken.
He added that the constitution committee would consider sanctions against Amnesty Israel, including concerning its tax exemption.
According to Benedict, Amnesty has had many issues with Israeli officials over the years, including concerning its Israeli wing's tax status.
The Israeli foreign ministry pointed The New Arab to its press release from the day before Amnesty's report was published.
The ministry also highlighted comments allegedly made by Paul O'Brien, the executive director of Amnesty's US branch. He was quoted by Jewish Insider as saying Israel "shouldn't exist as a Jewish state", and that "Amnesty takes no political views on any question, including the right of the State of Israel to survive."
The foreign ministry contended that O'Brien had shown "the true face of the organisation, calling for the elimination of the nation state of the Jewish people".
O'Brien tweeted that his comments "were taken out of context". He said he hadn't "questioned the right of Israel to exist" and argued he "has been misreported".
He added that his comments related to Amnesty's issues with Israel's nation-state law, which affords only Jews the right to self-determine within Israel.
"Despite Israel’s targeted campaigns and efforts to delegitimise organisations criticising its human rights abuses, it is becoming increasingly difficult to deny Israel’s crime of apartheid"
O'Brien said his "exact words" were: "No I don’t believe that Israel should be preserved as a state in which one race is legally entitled to oppress another.
"But yes I understand that the Jewish people have a legitimate concern about their existence being threatened and that needs to be part of the conversation."
The Amnesty leader added that he "repeatedly" expressed his organisation's backing for both Jewish and Palestinian self-determination at the event. He said he explained "[s]everal times" that his organisation "has no political view on the legitimacy or existence of any state".
On 14 March, Jewish Insider published what it said was an audio recording of O'Brien's speaking engagement, along with a transcript of selected parts of this. The New Arab could not immediately verify the authenticity of the recording or transcript.
Just last week, the Special Rapporteur on human rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territories Michael Lynk submitted a report to the UN Human Rights Council reaching the same conclusion as Amnesty.
Despite Israel’s targeted campaigns and efforts to delegitimise organisations criticising its human rights abuses, it is becoming increasingly difficult to deny Israel’s crime of apartheid. Nick McAlpin is a staff journalist at The New Arab. Follow him on Twitter: @NickGMcAlpin
On the first day of Ramadan, Israeli forces kill three Palestinians in occupied West Bank
The bloodshed came as Palestinians marked the start of the holy Muslim month of Ramadan, which has previously seen intensified attacks against Palestinians in the occupied West Bank. Israeli forces open fire on Palestinian protesters on Friday [Getty]
A special unit of the Israeli army opened fire on a car with the three men inside near the town of Arraba, south of the northern West Bank city of Jenin, Palestinian news agency Wafa reported.
The three men were identified as Khalil Tawalbeh, from Jenin, Saeb Abahreh, from al-Yamoun town, near Jenin, and Saif Abu Libdeh, from Tulkarm, according to Wafa.
After the shooting, a large unit raided and sealed off the area, preventing ambulances from entering, Wafa said, adding that Israeli forces took away the bodies after refusing to hand them over to the Palestinian Red Crescent.
Israeli forces also took away the car, which was riddled with bullet holes, according to witnesses.
Israeli forces alleged that the three were members of the Islamic Jihad group, adding that they opened fire in an operation to arrest them.
The Islamic Jihad confirmed the three deaths.
"We mourn the death of our three hero fighters," the armed wing of the Islamist movement said.
Gaza Strip’s Hamas issued a warning to the Israelis.
"The enemy's policy of assassination in the West Bank and occupied Jerusalem will not provide it with so-called security," Hamas said.
The bloodshed came as Palestinians marked the start of the holy Muslim month of Ramadan, which has previously seen intensified attacks against Palestinians in the occupied West Bank.
Last year during Ramadan, Israeli forces attacked Palestinian worshippers in the al-Aqsa mosque in east Jerusalem, which led to 11 days of devastating conflict between Israel and Hamas.
On Friday, Israeli forces shot dead a 29-year-old Palestinian during protests in the West Bank city of Hebron, the Palestinian health ministry said.
Ahmad al-Atrash was taking part in a protest against Israeli settlements and had previously served six years in an Israeli prison before he was killed by Israeli forces fire.
The Israeli army said that during a "riot" in Hebron, "a suspect hurled a Molotov cocktail" at soldiers, who "responded with live fire".
The Palestinian Red Crescent said 70 people were wounded in Friday's clashes with the Israeli army in the Nablus area of the northern West Bank.
Rights groups have repeatedly slammed Israeli forces for showing "appalling disregard for human life" by using "reckless and unlawful lethal force" against Palestinians.
Amnesty International has repeatedly urged an end to the "worrying rise in unlawful killings by Israeli forces, fostered by a culture of impunity".
The West Bank, which has been occupied by Israeli forces since the 1967 Six-Day war, is home to nearly 500,000 Jewish settlers, living in communities deemed illegal under international law.
