Friday, April 15, 2022

PROVOCATUER
Danish far-right party leader burns Holy Quran under police protection in Sweden

Far-right Hard Line party leader burns Muslim holy book in heavily-populated Muslim area

News Service April 15, 2022

File photo


The Danish leader of the far-right Stram Kurs (Hard Line) party burned a copy of the Holy Quran on Thursday in a heavily-populated Muslim area in Sweden, according to media reports.

Rasmus Paludan, accompanied by police, went to an open public space in southern Linkoping and placed the Muslim holy book down and burned it while ignoring protests from onlookers.

About 200 demonstrators gathered in the square to protest.

The group urged police not to allow the racist leader to carry out his action.

After the police ignored the calls, incidents broke out and the group closed the road to traffic, pelting stones at police.

Turkish-born politician Mikail Yuksel, who founded the Party of Different Colors in Sweden, said the Islamophobic provocations of the racist anti-Islamist politician under police protection continue in cities across Sweden.

Yuksel said Paludan particularly chooses neighborhoods that are heavily populated by Muslims and places near mosques for provocations.

"In Sweden, which defends human rights, freedom of religion and conscience with the highest pitch, the Qur'an is burned in the neighborhoods of Muslims under the protection of the police."

He added that police also call for Muslims to exercise common sense as their holy books are being burned right before their eyes.
Qatar sought Conservative MP as chair of the Qatar APPG ahead of World Cup, sources claim

Catherine Neilan
Alun Cairns MP, who was elected chair of the All-Party Parliamentary Group on Qatar in January 2022. Getty


Qatar wanted a Conservative chair of the APPG ahead of the World Cup, sources have claimed.

Former minister Alun Cairns was deemed "preferable" to incumbent Alistair Carmichael, these sources said.

Doha also suggested a new secretariat, and the hedge fund firm Argo Capital Management was then installed, the sources said.

The Qatari foreign ministry said it wanted the chair of the UK all-party parliamentary group (APPG) to be dropped in favour of a Conservative MP, and to replace the long-term secretariat, sources have told Insider.

Both wishes seem to have come true: Tory former minister Alun Cairns was elected as chair earlier this year, with Argo Capital Management, a hedge fund, appointed as secretariat of the group.

The claim has sparked concern from transparency campaigners, who said that this appears to be an example of the loosely-regulated system of parliamentary groupings being "hijacked."

The changes to the APPG come alongside increased efforts by Qatar to burnish its reputation ahead of hosting the 2022 World Cup, which has been marred by accusations of workers' rights abuses, most recently that conditions "amount to forced labour".

MPs have accepted £220,000 worth of trips funded by Qatar since the start of 2021, official records show.


Insider spoke to several sources involved with the APPG, who believed that Qatar had triggered changes in its parliamentary chairman and also its secretariat — the external body that helps manage the group.

The sources spoke to Insider on the basis of anonymity to speak frankly about their concerns.

One person connected with the APPG told Insider that its former chair, the Liberal Democrat MP Alistair Carmichael, stepped aside after the Qatari government suggested it would be "preferable" for it to be chaired by a Tory. Another source said Carmichael had been "eased out".

A third party recommended Alun Cairns, a Conservative MP and former Welsh secretary, to the Qataris, who then put his name to people in Westminster, two sources said.

Carmichael's departure led to the first of two hotly-contested elections. The first, in spring 2021, saw Cairns beaten by another Tory, Sir David Amess, who one attendee said "packed out the meeting" with his supporters.

Amess served as chairman for only a few months before being stabbed to death by an IS fanatic in October 2021 in his constituency.

This prompted another election in January 2022, which Cairns narrowly won. In an unusually-well attended meeting, he beat another Tory, David Mundell, 46 votes to 45, as reported at the time by the Guido Fawkes blog.

One source told Insider: "The embassy was very happy [with Carmichael] but somebody in Doha decided they wanted it done differently. As is often the case when dealing with countries that are not parliamentary democracies they don't understand how things work here."

Another said: "It came from Doha … The end result was that it was made known to Alistair that they wanted a Tory chair, and it had been decided in Doha … David Amess got elected anyhow, which upset their plans because it certainly wasn't David Amess they had in mind."

Asked if Qatar had expressed a desire for Cairns, specifically, to take over, the source said: "Yes."

The source also told Insider that Qatari officials suggested a change to the secretariat — the body which acts as a liaison between parliamentarians, the embassy and Qatar's Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Previously the role had been held by Chris Doyle, director of the Council of Arab-British Understanding, who helped found the APPG 20 years ago.

After Cairns took the reins, the secretariat passed to Argo, an emerging-markets-focused hedge fund, the APPG's registration details show.

One of Argo's directors, Jeremy Bradshaw, is listed as the point of contact for the Qatar APPG. He did not respond to Insider's requests for comment.

Bradshaw, also the point of contact for the Conservative Friends of China, once stood unsuccessfully as the Tory candidate for Regent's Park & Kensington North. He runs the Britain Club, a right-wing political "salon".

Bradshaw is a long-time friend of Nigel Evans, deputy speaker of the House of Commons and honorary president of the Qatar APPG. He is also listed as a patron of the Britain Club.

One Labour MP told Insider Bradshaw had been "hanging around" on a Qatar APPG visit — which took place beforeArgo was listed as the secretariat — but had been evasive about his presence.

"He was at every meeting, and I said to him 'could you just explain your role?' and he said 'why?'," the MP told Insider. "I asked him if he was paid, and he said 'no, no, well maybe, sort of, not really."

Two other sources noted the unexplained involvement of another person in recent weeks.

Dominic Armstrong, president of strategic intelligence firm Herminius, took part in a recent APPG trip to Doha, two sources said.

"For some reason, he seemed to be running some of the activities for the MPs," said one, who suggested Armstrong had put together a "parallel programme" that included at least one lunch with a senior Qatari official, Ali Al Thawadi.

The source added: "Some people amongst the delegation were clearly aware who [Armstrong] was — others were not."

Armstrong, brother of the British TV personality Alexander Armstrong, appeared to be the host of the lunch, welcoming delegates and joining the top table alongside Al Thawadi and others. It was only after it had concluded they realised it was "actually not under the auspices of the British Embassy at Qatar", the second source said. It is not clear how he obtained the delegates' contact details.

On its website, Herminius boasts about "operating in some of the most complex environments", with businesses "for whom confidentiality is essential". Armstrong is also the founder of a geopolitical hedge fund called Horatius, and he helped set up the intelligence arm of private security company Aegis with Colonel Tim Spicer in 2002.

Armstrong's name also appears in Department for International Trade records from January to March 2021. He met investment minister Lord Gerry Grimstone alongside representatives of Rolls-Royce, a member of Qatar's ruling family Sheikh Sultan al Thani, and the same Qatari official — Ali Al Thawadi — "to discuss a potential investment opportunity".

In December, the Qatar Investment Authority (QIA), announced plans to invest £85 million in Rolls-Royce SMR Limited, to help develop a new nuclear power business.

This deal was referenced during the Doha lunch, two sources said. Rolls-Royce's chief technology officer and chairman of the SMR division Paul Stein has also addressed the APPG this year.

Armstrong told Insider he was in Doha, but said: "I have nothing to do with parliament, politics or any APPG delegations ... I was indeed in Doha, but entirely on my own business — I didn't join any political meetings, that's not my world."

He added that "the only hosting I did" was a dinner with a former Rolls-Royce executive on Sunday evening, alongside "a retired soldier, someone in London property and an economist".

Armstrong confirmed he had acted as an adviser on the Rolls-Royce deal.

Neither Cairns nor Bradshaw responded to several requests for a comment. No one from Argo, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Doha or the Qatari embassy in London responded to requests for comment.


Steve Goodrich, head of research and investigations at Transparency International UK, told Insider: "While all-party parliamentary groups can play a valuable role in Parliament, they are currently at risk of being hijacked to advance the interests of companies and foreign governments.

"There are perilously few controls on who can administer or support APPGs, leaving them wide open to infiltration and potential influence by those with vested interests. In order to avoid the next big lobbying scandal, there should be much greater openness and accountability over how these groups are run."
Shanghai residents forced from homes clash with police over Covid policy


Scuffles follow complaints of food shortages and over-zealous officials forcing people into quarantine



Police in hazmat suits scuffle with people in Shanghai – video


Agence France-Presse in Shanghai
Fri 15 Apr 2022 

Videos posted on social media have showed residents of Shanghai scuffling with hazmat-suited police who were ordering them to surrender their homes to Covid-19 patients, providing a rare glimpse into rising discontent in the megacity over China’s inflexible virus response.

Shanghai, a city of 25 million and China’s economic engine room, has become the heart of the country’s biggest outbreak since the peak of the first virus wave in Wuhan over two years ago, rattling the country’s adherence to a strict zero-Covid policy.

Residents locked down since early April have complained of food shortages and over-zealous officials forcing them into state quarantine, as authorities rush to construct tens of thousands of beds to house Covid-19 patients with daily infections topping 20,000.

Late on Thursday, videos circulated on social media showing residents outside a compound shouting at ranks of officials holding shields labelled “police”, as the officers tried to break through their line.

In one clip, police appear to make several arrests as the residents accuse them of “hitting people”.

The incident was triggered after authorities ordered 39 households to move from the compound “in order to meet the needs of epidemic prevention and control” and house virus patients in their apartments, according to Zhangjiang Group, the developer of the housing complex.

It has provided a rare window into public anger in China, a country where Communist authorities brook little dissent and censors routinely wipe information relating to protests from the internet as fast as it is uploaded.

In one live-streamed video, a woman can be heard weeping and asking “why are they taking an old person away?” as officials appeared to put someone into a car.

Zhangjiang Group said it had compensated the tenants and moved them into other units in the same compound.

In another video, which was live-streamed, a woman is heard shouting “Zhangjiang Group is trying to turn our compound into a quarantine spot, and allow Covid-positive people to live in our compound.”

The group recognised videos of the compound that had “appeared on the internet” on Thursday and said “the situation had now settled down” after “some tenants obstructed the construction” of a quarantine fence.

China’s censors quickly stepped in to scrub evidence of the clash from Chinese social media sites – as they did with several other videos that have appeared over the last few weeks – with search results for the name of the apartment complex disappearing from the Twitter-like Weibo by Friday morning.

Shanghai residents have vented their anger on social media about food shortages and heavy-handed controls, including the killing of a pet corgi by a health worker and a now-softened policy of separating infected children from their virus-free parents.

Authorities have vowed the city “would not relax in the slightest”, preparing more than 100 new quarantine facilities to receive every person who tests positive – whether or not they show symptoms.


North Sea oil voyage

Contemporary art and the environment


Pieter Vermeulen
15 April 2022

The global trade in fossil-fuels is proving to be far from simple business. In Norway, which almost entirely generates its internal electricity supply from renewable sources, oil has become dirty laundry. But what can turn national embarrassment into real change? Can art as comment apply just the right amount of social pressure?

‘Black, sir?’ The insistent voice of a stewardess wakes me from a shallow sleep. I nod drowsily and glance out of the plane window, as if to make sure this is real: beneath the roaring jet engines stretches an immense blue expanse of gently rippling water, glistening golden in the midday sun. It does not in the least resemble the dramatic, tempestuous colour palette that I normally associate with the North Sea and that many an artist has tried to capture on canvas. But the surface is as effective as it is deceptive: it hides a dark depth from view.

The stewardess hands me a cardboard cup of coffee, black, black as midnight on a moonless night. The lukewarm drink is not that great really, but sometimes bad coffee is better than none. ‘What would the world be without coffee?’, asks an old man sitting next to me, grinning. I take his question too seriously and my mind wanders to the gloomy sight of rundown coffee bars and neglected social lives, to caffeine-free work meetings on Monday mornings, to underproductivity, stagnant global trade flows and waning economies, unmet deadlines, unfinished books, lack of energy and the alternative supply of various kinds of tea.



Monira Al Qadiri, OR-BIT 1-6 (2016-18). 3D printed plastic, automotive paint,

levitation module, Approx. 30 x 30 x 30 cm each. Courtesy of the artist.

Photo: Markus Johansson.

Anyway, I am obviously not travelling for coffee but for oil. Or rather: for art. As we start to descend, the weather has turned grey. A diffuse light spreads across the fjord landscape. In the distance Stavanger comes into view, the fourth largest city in Norway, an immense country with a mere 5.5 million inhabitants. The picturesque town with its colourful facades is also the heart of the oil industry, a multi-billion-dollar business that has transformed the country since the discovery of undersea oil fields in the 1970s.

Profits were nationalized into the state-owned company Statoil, currently renamed as Equinor. Although 95% of Norway’s electricity production comes from hydroelectric power stations, major capital flows in through the export of oil and gas to foreign countries. The extraction of oil and gas has raised the economic standard of living in rural Norway to previously unimaginable heights. But this one-sided perception – both internal and external – is a sensitive issue today; the initial euphoria has gradually given way to a certain sense of embarrassment.

Experiences of Oil, an exhibition at the Stavanger Art Museum, is a visual offshoot of a conference held in November last year. On the first evening of my press trip, Anne Szefer-Karlsen, co-curator of the exhibition (together with Helga Nyman), invites me to dinner. We meet in the solid wood interior of one of the white-painted houses in the historic city centre.

Right from the start, I express my reservations about yet another artistic manifestation that takes a critical stance towards all kinds of -isms – from extractionism to petro-capitalism to ecofascism – painting a hostile image that is as all-encompassing as it is elusive. How can an ensemble of sixteen artistic positions, brought together within a museum exhibition format, make any significant difference to the powerful, omnipresent fossil fuel industry? Does art have an essential role to play, or is it just a drop in the ocean?


Shirin Sabahi, Pocket Folklore (2018). Found objects, vitrines.

Dimensions variable. Mouthful (2018). Digital, color, surround sound,

Farsi, Japanese, English with English subtitles. Duration: 35 min 53 sec.

Works courtesy of the artist. Photo: Markus Johansson.

During our conversation, Szefer-Karlsen manages to assuage my scepticism to some extent. As a self-proclaimed geek, they enthusiastically talk about the industry they have been immersed in over the past years. Szefer-Karlsen leads me along all kinds of political intrigues, engineering feats and personal testimonies, and turns the black gold into a prism of colour – like an oil slick on wet asphalt. How wonderful it is to feel the profound love in their words, even if the object of their affection is as complex as it is problematic.

Yet is that not what we would call, to use a catchphrase, staying with the trouble? Szefer-Karlsen smiles affably when I tell them that, as if they were getting an encouraging pat on the back from an intellectual ally. Donna Haraway is her name, the same person who wrote that language could provide us with a way out of the climate catastrophe we are currently experiencing. Let us assume that her words are more than a simple witticism.

Climate talks


As long as there are empty planes in the air en masse, there is little reason for optimism. The unprecedented scale of planetary ecocide requires, more than ever, a radical transition thinking that prioritizes ecology over economics and long-term vision over short-term gain. However, goodwill in political or diplomatic circles is sorely lacking due to the entanglement of economic, geopolitical and military interests. Nor are we to expect great results from the effects of climate mitigation.

A gradual replacement of fossil fuels by renewable energy is unfortunately too optimistic a scenario. The Third Carbon Age predicts a further proliferation of hydrofracking and the economic supremacy of peak oil. Opinions, however, are divided as to when exactly the latter will take place. Specialist literature speaks of twin peaks: some claim that we are already in the midst of it, others estimate it to occur in around 2030.


Exhibition view Experiences of oil at Stavanger Art Museum.

Artworks from left to right: Farah Al Qasimi, Arrival (2015-2021);

Raqs Media Collective, 36 Planes of Emotion (2011);

Kiyoshi Yamamoto, Fantasia, descoberta e aprendizagem (2021).

Photo: Markus Johansson.

Coincidentally or not, during my visit to Stavanger, there was the COP26 UN climate conference in Glasgow, a fiercely mediatized political spectacle that raised great expectations. Yet at the same time, and despite all good intentions, the UK is planning to give the go-ahead for the exploitation of an oil field to the west of the Shetland Islands in the Scottish North Sea: 800 million oil barrels, the equivalent of twenty-five-years’ energy supply. The hypocrisy of policy decisions such as these will make even the most ardent idealist lose heart.

Material language

In the museum, I am greeted by Raqs Media Collective’s artwork, a modular installation consisting of Plexiglas plates engraved with short phrases. The artists were inspired by a tenth-century Sanskrit manual which aimed to help dancers evoke complex emotions through physical expressions. The way in which language – as an unusual suspect – is poetically linked to oil here is of merit to the curators, also noticeable elsewhere in the exhibition. Raqs Media Collective invited the Norwegian author Øyvind Rimbereid to write a series of new poems, a continuation of his lyrical masterpiece Solaris Corrected (2004), composed in a mixture of Stavanger dialect, German, English, Scottish, Frisian and Old Norse.



Apichatpong Weerasethakul and Chai Siris, Dilbar (2013).

Black-and-white HD video projection with sound, looped, suspended glass pane.

Commissioned by Sharjah Art Foundation.

Courtesy of Sharjah Art Foundation Collection and the artists. Photo: Markus Johansson.

A little further on, Farah Al Qasimi’s works catch the eye: a series of evocative photographs entitled Arrival (2015-2019), interiors from the Gulf region in which the figures portrayed have been cut or left out. The series of images is presented against a background of photographic blow-ups printed on vinyl wallpaper. A powerful visual reflection on Al Qasimi’s cultural identity and the historical convergences of the photography and oil industries in the region.

Curatorial tightrope walking

Also notable is the contribution of Iranian Shirin Sabahi. Sabahi made a film about Matter and Mind (1977), a sculptural installation by Japanese artist Noriyuki Haragushi that he first made for Documenta 6 and that has since been on permanent display at Tehran’s renowned museum of contemporary art. He filled a large metal basin to the brim with more than five thousand litres of viscous motor oil, a perfectly reflective surface that anticipated Richard Wilson’s monumental installation 20:50 (1987) – which has long been on view at the Saatchi Gallery, London.

For the making of her film Mouthful (2018), Sabahi visited the artist in Japan, and followed the restoration process in the museum. Three display cases contain the everyday trinkets that visitors threw into the oil reservoir, like money into a wishing well – or was it to test the all-too-perfect surface? Sabahi’s poetic installation deliberately hovers between past and present, viewer and work of art, East and West, chance and necessity, art and life, sculpture and architecture, utopia and heterotopia.


Otobong Nkanga, Wetin You Go Do? Oya Na (2020).

Multi-channel sound installation, loop 20 min, 28 sec.

Courtesy of the artist. Photo: Markus Johansson.

In their video Dilbar (2013), Apichatpong Weerasethakul and Chai Siris shed light on the daily lives of Bengali workers in the UAE through enchanting black and white images – ghostly manifestations of a repressed reality. Also in Nigerian-Belgian Otobong Nkanga’s work, language is given a prominent place: Wetin You Go Do? Oya Na (2020), a flawless sound installation with voices spread across several channels, voiced by the artist, in a constant improvisation of language, rhythm and intonation. Nkanga draws attention to language as a locus of consensus and dissensus, as an embodied, gendered practice, able to create new worlds.

In my opinion, Experiences of Oil is at its best in that chiastic interplay between language and world that occurs through aísthēsis – the experience. The phenomenon of oil is unravelled in its inherent complexity without making activist claims or assuming too casual an approach. With a loaded theme like this, curatorial tightrope walking is no easy exercise in any case.

Petroleum museum’s ‘success’ story

Monira Al Qadiri presents a series of floating sculptures: 3D plastic prints covered with iridescent paint that imitate the colour palette of oil and water. Her elegant visual language was inspired by the monstrous drill bits used in oil drilling. In a lecture-performance, Al Qadiri imagines how a future civilization might find the drill heads and assume they are some kind of alien technology. The objectophilic seduction of these industrial artefacts is hard to deny. In fact, I recently spotted them in the work of other artists as well: as part of Oliver Ressler’s project Barricading the Ice Sheets at Camera Austria, Graz, and in an installation by Julian Charrière for the Prix Marcel Duchamp at Centre Pompidou.



Exhibition view Experiences of oil at Stavanger Art Museum.

Artworks from left to right: Monira Al Qadiri, OR-BIT 1-6 (2016-18);

Brynhild Grødeland Winther, Drawings on paper. Photo: Markus Johansson.

The curious drill bits are also on display at the Stavanger Petroleum Museum – an integral part of the press programme – where they are presented as heroic attributes in a national saga. The museum mainly focuses on telling and perpetuating a success story – the economic blockbuster entitled Norway’s Oil Fairytale – rather than looking critically at the future. However, the guide does his utmost to emphasize that there is no question of commercial interference, since it is a state-funded museum. Yet with a nationalized fund of 1.4 billion US dollars, there is undoubtedly a lot at stake.

The guide consequently hurries his visitors through the section entitled Future Challenges featuring a portrait of the eighteen-year-old Swedish Greta Thunberg. I look up and read a news ticker with Obama’s popular tweet: ‘We are the first generation to feel the effect of climate change and the last generation who can do something about it.’ The urgency of his words sadly remains hanging in thin air. It was not only I who suffered from a slight sense of disgust after this ideological tour: Lili Reynaud-Dewar (laureate of the Prix Marcel Duchamp 2021) also extensively voiced her disgust on Instagram.
Post-oil without oil?

During a walk, a friend tells me of how he found a large oil painting in the street and brought it home, a generic scene of a sailing boat on the high seas. He shows me a photograph that involuntarily reminds me of the painting that Marcel Broodthaers managed to pick up in the touristy Rue Jacob in Paris and that would later become the central subject in his book-film Un Voyage en Mer du Nord (1973-74).

The American art theorist Rosalind Krauss used Broodthaers’ work to discuss the post-medium condition in which contemporary art seems to have fallen into. This is not all that far removed from the curatorial approach of Experiences of Oil, which ignores the dominance of oil as an economic medium or ecological culprit, and seeks out a well-considered dialogue between various media, with scenographic elements reminiscent of a book. It is precisely between these two poles – book and exhibition – that the whole project is situated.



INFRACTIONS (2019). Video installation, drawing printed on textile.

Duration: 63 minutes. Photo: Markus Johansson.

And yet a post-oil era does not necessarily imply a world without oil. How do we criticize a phenomenon of which we form an inseparable part? In a well-known essay, Irit Rogoff termed this ‘embodied criticality’: ‘living out the very conditions we are trying to analyse and come to terms with’ – words that seem quite appropriate for an exhibition held in the very heart of the oil industry.

The last day of my press trip includes a cruise through the fjords – being a tourist is a guilty pleasure. Together with a few other journalists and a slight hangover, I board the rather modest vessel. Among the passengers, I recognize some of the guests from the hotel where I had been staying: broad-shouldered, pumped-up men and women who have travelled to Stavanger for the IPF World Powerlifting Championship and with whom I shared the dance floor the previous evening. The party mood seems to have subsided. With a white handkerchief and a proper sense of drama, my friend waves us off from the quay.

Our cruise is touristy, as it should be, replete with an Edvard Grieg soundtrack that musically accompanies the most picturesque scenes and dramatic rock formations. As per the programme, we sail past the Preikestolen – a famous Norwegian landmark – and fill a bucket at the impressive Hengjanefossen waterfall, whose spray kitschily brings out the colours of the light spectrum. A dandy photographer from Forbes excitedly tells me how he has already seen five rainbows that day. I laughingly ask him what on earth he is going to do with all that luck while I sip my coffee, which has a slightly fishy taste, or maybe I’m just imagining it.

Success and happiness?

In the taxi to the airport, the radio plays Falling by Julee Cruise while we leave Stavanger behind us. I think back to the Norwegian fairy tale and the simple fishing village that has grown into a rich port city, the city from the popular drama series State of Happiness (Lykkeland). To be honest, I don’t know what to think of this state of happiness.

By nature, I am suspicious of success stories and happiness formulas. To me, they seem too other-worldly. That is why I am trying to compassionately watch over the dubious fate of a Belgian art journalist, who flew in for a few days with money from the embassy to critique an exhibition about oil, and who now, with an indefinable feeling of doubt, is boarding the plane once again and closing his eyes, into the night.

Published 15 April 2022
Original in English
First published by Rekto:verso
Contributed by Rekto:verso © Pieter Vermeulen / Rekto:verso / EurozinePDF/PRINT

War in Ukraine & Rise in Arms Spending Undermine Development Aid to the World’s Poor

Workmen at Dar Es Salaam harbour loading bags of wheat on a truck, in Tanzania. Global food prices have reached “a new all-time high,” the head of the Food and Agriculture Organization Qu Dongyu said, “hitting the poorest the hardest.” 8 April 2022. Credit: FAO/Giuseppe Bizzarri

UNITED NATIONS, Apr 15 2022 (IPS) - The unprecedented flow of arms to Ukraine, and the rising miliary spending by European nations to strengthen their defenses, are threatening to undermine development aid to the world’s poorer nations.

Yoke Ling, Executive Director of Third World Network told IPS the escalating military spending will definitely have a direct impact on a range of spending that the North has committed to developing countries — from official development assistance (ODA) to climate finance, “that is a legal obligation under the climate treaties”.

Even before the Russian-Ukraine war, she pointed out, the North has been reducing development financing. “So, we expect the regression to worsen,” she added.

A UN report, titled 2022 Financing for Sustainable Development Report: Bridging the Finance Divide released April 12, says record growth of Official Development Assistance, increased to its highest level ever in 2020, rising to $161.2 billion.

“Yet, 13 countries cut ODA, and the sum remains insufficient for the vast needs of developing countries”.

The UN also fears “the fallout from the crisis in Ukraine, with increased spending on refugees in Europe, may mean cuts to the aid provided to the poorest countries”.

In the face of a global crisis, near-time actions and additional international support are needed to prevent debt crises and address the high cost of borrowing, the report warns.

“However, the vast majority of developing countries will need active and urgent support to get back on track to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals” (SDGs).

The report estimates that in the poorest countries a 20 per cent increase in spending will be required for key sectors.

A New York Times report on March 29, said across Europe and Britain, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine is reshaping spending priorities and forcing governments to prepare for threats thought to have been long buried — from a flood of European refugees to the possible use of chemical, biological and even nuclear weapons by a Russian leader who may feel backed into a corner.

“The result is a sudden reshuffling of budgets as military spending, essentials like agriculture and energy, and humanitarian assistance are shoved to the front of the line, with other pressing needs like education and social services likely to be downgraded,” said the Times.

Frederic Mousseau, Policy Director at the Oakland Institute, told IPS “whereas combination of droughts and conflicts result in massive human suffering and hunger in a number of countries, UN humanitarian appeals for these acute crises are chronically underfunded.”

Last year, he pointed out, only 45% of the UN appeal for Yemen and the Horn of Africa was funded, only 29% for Syria. With such shortfalls amidst the war on Ukraine, it is critical that all donor countries ensure their solidarity and support is focused on all victims.

Increase in military budgets in Europe will automatically result in more sales for the major Western arm exporters, i.e. USA, France and Germany.

The industrial military complex yields increased economic returns for these countries, and fuels conflicts across the world. In 2021, the second largest humanitarian aid requirement was for Yemen, whereas Saudi Arabia, waging war on this country, is the first importer of weapons from Western countries.

It is to be seen, he said, how actual aid budgets will be affected by the war in Ukraine.

“But regardless of what happens in Europe, a major issue that undermines our ability to promote peace and stability in the world -and reduce the need for international assistance, is the US military budget that continues to increase under the Biden administration to reach an all-time record of $813 billion this year”.

This is more spending than the next eleven countries combined, Mousseau pointed out.

“The USA is not just the highest military budget in the world, it is also the largest arm exporter and coincidently the largest aid donor. US international aid, however, represents just 4% of the US military spending. Priorities have to change drastically to meet the humanitarian and environmental challenges of the world’, he declared.

Vitalice Meja, Executive Director, Reality of Aid Africa, told IPS: “We support the humanitarian efforts going towards the Ukrainian people and remain in solidarity with them. We, however, believe that donors must still meet their other obligations on other global wars of poverty, and climate crisis on humanity.”

It is important especially for Africa that ODA remains focused on catalyzing development and tackle the ravaging climate change crisis and the rising inequalities, she said.

“Donors must allocate additional resources towards Ukraine and not simply by militarizing aid or shifting budget items and priorities from other global development challenges in response the War in Ukraine”.

It is key that donors, at the same time without shifting resources, should focus on building and strengthening Africa’s resilience in these times of harsh climate change and mass crop failure.

“They must secure sustainable climate finance and development resources to address the rising cases of inequality, extreme hunger and poverty in this part of the work.”

This is our war and it remains important and relevant. It must be aggressively be fought and won as well, Meja declared.

Jennifer del Rosario-Malonzo, Executive Director, IBON International, told IPS: “We stand in solidarity with the peoples of Ukraine who are bearing the losses from the war. People’s rights and needs—in Ukraine, in Asia, and the rest of the global South—should be a priority over military spending”.

If some developed countries are lavish with their arms spending and military budgets today, while their “humanitarian” response involves cutting from other aid programs, are they saying that security interests come before long-term, public needs? She asked.

Outside the Ukraine war, developed countries have already broken their promise of providing USD100 billion of climate finance by 2020.

Sacrificing development aid budgets and climate finance will deepen poverty, inequalities, adverse climate impacts, and exclusion felt in the global South. Lack of ambition here risks reinforcing the economic and political grievances at the root of armed conflicts in Asia and elsewhere.

Solidarity and justice today call for ambition. We challenge developed countries to fulfill their existing aid commitments (minimum of 0.7% of GNI as ODA), together with providing new funding for people’s needs in Ukraine. We call for new and additional grants-based climate finance to indemnify the most affected peoples and communities suffering from losses and damages due to climate change.

Meanwhile, the UN report on Financing for Sustainable Development also points out that while rich countries were able to support their pandemic recovery with record sums borrowed at ultra-low interest rates, the poorest countries spent billions servicing debt, preventing them from investing in sustainable development.

“The pandemic shock plunged 77 million more people into extreme poverty in 2021, and by the end of the year many economies remained below pre-2019 levels”.

The report estimates that in 1 in 5 developing countries’ GDP per capita would not return to 2019 levels by the end of 2023, even before absorbing the impacts of the Ukraine war.

“As we are coming up to the halfway point of financing the world’s Sustainable Development Goals, the findings are alarming,” UN Deputy Secretary-General Amina Mohammed said.

“There is no excuse for inaction at this defining moment of collective responsibility, to ensure hundreds of millions of people are lifted out of hunger and poverty. We must invest in access for decent and green jobs, social protection, healthcare and education leaving no one behind,“ she warned.

IPS UN Bureau Report


 OPINION

Stop the War: Act for Justice, Climate & Peace


A family evacuated from Irpin, Kyiv region, Ukraine. Credit: UNICEF/Julia Kochetova

LONDON / JOHANNESBURG, Apr 15 2022 (IPS) - Russia’s war in Ukraine has left many communities facing catastrophe. In a world already wracked by multiple crises such as searing inequality and escalating climate change, this conflict is tearing through communities.

Millions of people are directly affected. They face fragile circumstances, with immeasurable sadness caused by the death of loved ones, loss of livelihoods, displacement, destruction of homes, interruption of education, and more.

The conflict has also placed huge new burdens on the multilateral system, putting a further break on progress towards the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals that has already been set back by the negative impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic.

Civil society representatives from both Ukraine and Russia have expressed their deep concerns about the needless suffering caused by the war. In Ukraine, they are responding to the situation in vital ways, from documenting war crimes and gathering information about missing persons to urging international institutions to live up to their responsibilities on peace and accountability.

In Russia, civil society has exposed media restrictions that have helped create a disinformation nightmare while protesting against the injustice of war.

The impacts of this conflict are being felt far beyond the war zones. Disruptions in international commerce are feeding inflation and food insecurity around the world disproportionately impacting the impoverished and excluded.

In this scenario, civil society groups across all continents have come together to support a five-point call for action issued by the Action for Sustainable Development coalition.

The message to the international community is simple:

    1. Stop the war

We call for an immediate end to the war in Ukraine, a ceasefire and a withdrawal of Russian forces, and the phased removal of all sanctions according to an agreed timeline. The devastation of many cities and the killing of innocent civilians and civilian infrastructure cannot be justified.

Furthermore, it is unacceptable and insufficient that so far only a handful of men – and visibly no women – appear to have been involved in the peace negotiations.

We call for the peace negotiations to include civil society and representatives of those who are directly affected, especially from Ukraine and Russia, and particularly women.

    2. Respect international human rights

We stand in solidarity with the people of Ukraine. The rights of civilians must be respected. After more than a month of conflict, the humanitarian impacts are leading to massive displacement of people, loss of lives and livelihoods. We are very concerned that this grave violation of international law will have an extremely adverse impact on security and democracy in Europe and the world.

We also call for human rights to be respected in Russia. Many Russian people have stood up to condemn violence and their voices must be heard. Peaceful protest must be recognised as a legitimate form of expression.

We call for human rights to be fully respected in Ukraine and Russia, including international humanitarian rights and civic freedoms.

    3. Stop militarism and aggression around the world

The rise in militarism and conflict is not limited to Russia. It is part of a growing catalogue of armed conflict. Violence in all its forms – authoritarianism, corruption and indiscriminate repression – affects the lives of millions of people around the globe and violates the human rights of people young and old in countries including: Afghanistan, Brazil, Central African Republic, Colombia, El Salvador, Ethiopia, Guatemala, Myanmar, Nicaragua, Palestine, South Sudan, Syria and Yemen, to name just a few.

These conflicts often affect communities already living with fragile infrastructure and the devastating impacts of climate change. All conflicts must be treated with the same level of concern. The lives of everyone affected by conflict are of equal value.

We call for the same level of support to end conflicts and ensure financial support for displaced peoples and refugees from all conflicts.

    4. Shift military funds to a just and sustainable future

The war in Ukraine has already had a devastating impact on the world economy, especially on global south countries. There are likely to be major disruptions and significant increases in the costs of energy and production, and increased food costs. At the same time budgets are being redirected towards military spending.

The militarism of Russia is fuelled by fossil fuels and it is therefore critical to halt investment in fossil fuels and shift immediately to renewable forms of energy. It is crucially important that we reduce oil and gas consumption and rapidly scale up investments in renewables in order to combat the climate crisis, and that we do so immediately.

We call for a specific commitment at the UN to reduce spending on military conflicts and to reinvest this spending on social protection and clean energy.

    5. Establish a global peace fund

We call on member states to remember the founding vision of the UN and its Security Council, to deliver on the main reason it was created: to avoid any kind of war and the suffering of humankind.

The 2030 Agenda sets out a path towards a peaceful, just, sustainable and prosperous world. much more ambitious steps and actions must be undertaken to ensure that its targets and goals are met.

We call on member states to establish a global peace fund to strengthen the role of international mediators and peacekeepers. The UN must act!

The international community cannot be a bystander in Ukraine or any other conflict. We all have a responsibility to defend universal human rights and humanitarian principles by acting against cruelty and injustice wherever it may be.

Link to full statement here:
https://action4sd.org/2022/04/04/statement-of-solidarity-with-civilian-populations-and-a-call-for-a-negotiated-end-to-the-war-in-ukraine/

Oli Henman is the Global Coordinator the Action for Sustainable Development coalition in London. Lysa John is the Secretary General of the global civil society alliance, CIVICUS in Johannesburg.

IPS UN Bureau

Religious whipping marks Good Friday in the Philippines



Some devotees in the mainly Catholic Philippines go to extreme lengths to atone for sins or seek divine intervention - Copyright AFP Ted ALJIBE


Ron LOPEZ
By AFP
Published April 15, 2022


Catholic zealots in the Philippines whipped their backs bloody and raw on Good Friday, as the fervently religious country marked Easter with gruesome displays of faith.

Scores of men — their faces covered — walked barefoot as they flogged themselves with bamboo whips under a blazing sun near the capital Manila, while others carried wooden crosses as they were beaten, in a ritual frowned upon by the Church.

Roy Balatbat, his skin still bearing fresh wounds from a public flailing on Thursday, walked for about a kilometre, striking himself and stopping to prostrate in prayer on the hot ground.

“It’s punishing but if you have a wish, you will endure the pain,” Balatbat, 49, told AFP in Hagonoy municipality, Bulacan province.

“I have been doing this for 30 years since I was a young man. My devotion is that I will only stop when I can’t do it anymore.”

While most devotees in the mainly Catholic nation spend Good Friday at church or with family, others go to these extreme lengths to atone for sins or seek divine intervention.

Before the grisly flogging begins, the men’s bare backs are deliberately punctured to make them bleed.

Veterans of the gory spectacle display scars of previous whippings, while others endure the punishing act for the first time.

“I inflict the wound to the penitents, if there’s not much blood coming out, they’ll ask for another one so their sins would be forgiven,” Reynaldo Tolentino, 51, explained.

“They won’t feel the pain when they’re doing the penitence as long as they are sincere in doing it.”

Good Friday is also usually marked by crucifixion reenactments in a city north of Manila, but the event was cancelled for the third year in a row due to Covid-19.

About a dozen Catholics regularly have themselves nailed to wooden crosses as penance for their sins. The event attracts thousands of tourists.

“We do not encourage acts of self flagellations and crucifixions,” said Father Jerome Secillano, executive secretary of the Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines’ public affairs committee.

“The suffering and crucifixion of Christ is already enough to save humanity,” he told AFP, adding devotees should instead “confess their sins”.

The Philippines has lifted most Covid-19 restrictions after a sharp fall in infections and rising vaccination rates.

But the health department warned Thursday of a possible surge in cases as Filipinos dropped their guard and mingled more freely.


Sudan Doctors - 83 Eye Injuries, 14 Cases of Eye Loss Since Coup

14 APRIL 2022

Khartoum — The Central Committee of Sudanese Doctors (CCSD) announced 83 cases of eye injury, including 14 cases of eye removal and permanent vison loss since the October 25 military coup.

The CCSD attributed most of these injuries to the coup force's use of tear gas cannisters against protestors, as the leading cause of eye injuries.

In their report, the CCSD stated, "the eye injuries we observed consisted in complete destruction of the eyeball". The report went on to say that this led "to all eye chambers being affected by the injury", increasing the chances of permanent vison loss.

Since the October 25 military coup, the current death toll stands at 94 following the death of the protestor, Al Tayeb Abdelwahab (19), on the 6 April anniversary protests.

AS SILICON VALLEY TRIES TO ENLIST, THE PENTAGON STRANGLES INNOVATION

STEVE BLANK
APRIL 15, 2022
COMMENTARY


Looking at a satellite image of Ukraine online, I realized it was from Capella Space — one of our Hacking for Defense student teams who now have seven satellites in orbit. Hacking for Defense is a university course I and others created to connect students interested in learning lean innovation methods to solve the toughest national-security challenges.

They’re not the only startup in this fight. An entire wave of new startups and scaleups are providing satellite imagery and analysis, satellite communications, and unmanned aerial vehicles supporting Ukraine’s struggle.

For decades, satellites that took detailed pictures of Earth were only available to governments and the high-resolution images were classified. Today, commercial companies have their own satellites providing unclassified imagery. The government buys and distributes commercial images from startups to supplement their own and shares them with Ukraine as part of a broader intelligence-sharing arrangement that the head of Defense Intelligence Agency described as “revolutionary.”

At the onset of the war in Ukraine, Russia launched a cyber attack on Viasat’s KA-SAT satellite, which supplies internet across Europe, including to Ukraine. In response to a (tweeted) request from Ukraine’s vice prime minister, Elon Musk’s Starlink satellite company shipped thousands of its satellite dishes and got Ukraine back on the internet. Other startups are providing portable cell towers — both “backpackable” and fixed. When these connect via satellite link, they can provide phone service and Wi-Fi.

Drone technology was initially only available to national governments and militaries. In Ukraine, drones from startups are being used as automated delivery vehicles for resupply, and for tactical reconnaissance to discover where threats are.

Equipment from large military contractors and other countries are also part of the effort. However, the equipment listed above is available commercially at dramatically cheaper prices than what’s offered by the large existing defense contractors, and developed and delivered in a fraction of the time.

While we should celebrate the organizations that have created and fielded these systems, they illustrate much larger issues in the Department of Defense.

America’s national security is inexorably intertwined with commercial technology, such as drones, AI, machine learning, autonomy, biotech, cyber, quantum, high-performance computing, and commercial access to space.

Most of these companies were founded or funded by the Defense Department’s orphan-child — the Defense Innovation Unit. Established in Silicon Valley in 2015 by then-Secretary of Defense Ash Carter, the organization has offices in Austin, Boston, Chicago, and Washington, D.C. This is the one defense organization with the staffing and mandate to go head-to-head with any startup or scaleup. The Defense Innovation Unit is America’s most promising effort to bridge the divide between pressing national security requirements and the commercial technology needed to address them with speed and urgency. This capability is exactly what the Department of Defense needs. It accelerates the connection of commercial technology to the military. Just as importantly, the Defense Innovation Unit helps the department learn to innovate at the same speed as tech-driven companies.

China views combining its military-civilian sectors as a national effort to develop a “world-class” military and become a world leader in science and technology. A key part of Beijing’s strategy includes developing and acquiring advanced dual-use technology.

Given that the Defense Innovation Unit is the Department of Defense’s most successful organization in developing and acquiring advanced dual-use technology, one would expect the department to scale the Defense Innovation Unit. The threats are too imminent and stakes too high not to. So what happened?

Congress cut the budget by 20 percent.

Why? The defense ecosystem is at a turning point. Defense innovation threatens entrenched interests. Given that the Pentagon budget is essentially fixed, creating new vendors and new national champions of the next generation of defense technologies becomes a zero-sum game.

The traditional suppliers of defense tools, technologies, and weapons — the prime contractors and federal labs — are no longer the leaders in next-generation technologies such as drones, AI, machine learning, autonomy, biotech, cyber, quantum, high-performance computing, and commercial access to space. They know this and know that weapons that can be built at a fraction of the cost and upgraded via software will destroy their existing business models.

Venture capital and startups have spent 50 years institutionalizing the rapid delivery of disruptive innovation. In the United States, private investors spend $300 billion a year to fund new ventures that can move with the speed and urgency that the Department of Defense now requires. The Pentagon’s relationship with startups and commercial companies, already an arms-length one, is hindered by a profound lack of understanding about how the commercial innovation ecosystem works and its failure of imagination about what it could do.

The department has world-class people and organization for a world that no longer exists.

A radical reinvention of America’s civil-military innovation relationship is necessary if it wants to keep abreast of its adversaries. This would use Department of Defense funding, private capital, dual-use startups, existing prime contractors and federal labs in a new configuration along the following lines.

Create a new defense ecosystem encompassing startups and mid-sized companies at the bleeding edge, prime contractors as integrators of advanced technology, federally funded research-and-development centers refocused on areas not covered by commercial tech (nuclear and hypersonics come to mind). Make it permanent by creating innovation doctrine and policy.

Create new national champions in dual-use commercial tech areas such as AI, machine learning, quantum, space, drones, autonomy, biotech, underwater vehicles, shipyards, etc., that are not the traditional vendors. Do this by picking winners. Don’t give out door prizes. Contracts should be larger than $100 million so high-quality venture-funded companies will play.

Integrate and create incentives for the venture-capital and private-equity ecosystem to invest at scale. Ask them what it would take to invest at scale — one example might be to create massive tax holidays and incentives — to get investment dollars in technology areas of national interest.

Recruit and develop leaders across the Defense Department prepared to meet contemporary threats and reorganize around this new innovation ecosystem. The threats, speed of change, and technologies the United States faces in this century will require radically different mindsets and approaches than those it faced in the 20th century. Today’s Department of Defense leaders of consequential organizations must think and act differently than their predecessors, even their predecessors from only a decade ago. Leaders at every level now need to understand the commercial ecosystem and how to move with the speed and urgency that China is setting.

Buy where you can; build where you must. Congress mandated that the Department of Defense should use commercial off-the-shelf technology wherever possible, but the department fails to do this. (See this industry letter to the Department of Defense for more details.)

Acquire at speed. Today, the average Department of Defense major acquisition program takes anywhere from nine to 26 years to get a weapon in the hands of a warfighter. The department needs a requirements, budgeting, and acquisition process that operates at commercial speed (18 months or less), which is 10 times faster than its current procurement cycles. Instead of writing requirements, the department should rapidly assess solutions and engage warfighters in assessing and prototyping commercial solutions.

Coordinate with allies. Expand the National Security Innovation Base to an Allied Security Innovation Base. Source commercial technology from allies.

Change is hard — especially on the people and organizations inside the Department of Defense who’ve spent years operating with one mindset only to be asked to pivot to a new one. But America’s adversaries have exploited the boundaries and borders between its defense and commercial and economic interests. Current approaches — both in the past and under the current administration — to innovation across the government are piecemeal, incremental, increasingly less relevant, and insufficient. It’s a politically impossible problem for the Defense Department to solve alone. Changes at this scale will require congressional action: hard to imagine in the polarized political environment. But not impossible.

These are not problems of technology. It takes imagination, vision, and the willingness to confront the status quo. So far, all are currently lacking. But if more can be found, we may see more successes like those seen in Ukraine.


Steve Blank is an adjunct professor at Stanford and a founding member at Stanford’s Gordian Knot Center for National Security Innovation. Steve consults for the national security establishment on innovation methods, processes, policies, and doctrine. Steve’s latest class at Stanford, Technology, Innovation, and Great Power Competition, is providing crucial insight on how technology will shape all the elements of national power.

Image: Starlink satellite launch
Who was the Exodus Pharaoh?

Some believe that the absence of the Pharaoh’s name demonstrates that the story we read over Passover is not historical in any way—that it’s just an old campfire tale from Canaan.


(April 15, 2022 / JNS) It almost seems like a joke. The author of Exodus 5:2 has Pharaoh tell Moses: “Who is this Yahweh that I should obey him and let Israel go?” But by now, more people have wondered: Who is this pharaoh? The Torah doesn’t bother to say. It’s as if the biblical author wanted future generations to scratch their heads. As if we’re meant to remember God’s name and not some transient earthly king’s.

Some believe that the absence of the Pharaoh’s name demonstrates that the story we read over Passover is not historical in any way—that it’s just an old campfire tale from Canaan. Egyptian records, the skeptics point out, don’t mention any Hebrew escape. But, then again, it would be surprising if they did. “The ancient Egyptians didn’t record defeats; they had a different conception of history than we do,” notes Egyptologist Bob Brier. Smitten foes, not successful slave revolts, made the hieroglyphic headlines.

And despite the missing name, other details in the biblical narrative suggest the author was immersed in Egyptian culture. Take Exodus 8:32, when “Pharaoh hardened his heart and would not let the people go.” That verse is likely an allusion to the Egyptian theological notion that the heart is made heavy with evil deeds. Ancient papyri and tomb walls depict afterlife scenes wherein the deceased’s heart is weighed against the feather of Ma’at (order and justice). Cleverly, the Exodus author is making use of this Egyptian mythology of sin in order to represent the Pharaoh’s twisted inner life.

Or look at the verse from Exodus 2:3, when Moses’s mother “got a papyrus basket for him and coated it with tar and pitch; and she placed the child in it and put it among the reeds along the bank of the Nile.” All the italicized words in this single verse in the Hebrew Bible are of Egyptian etymology, according to Egyptologist James Hoffmeier. He further points out that several Israelites of the Exodus generation had Egyptian names: Miriam, Merari, Phineas, Putiel. Moses, too, is Egyptian, meaning “is born,” a fitting appellation for a baby saved from a riverbank.

Some Hebrews even had names derived from Egyptian deities. Assir, for example, is from Osiris. Ahira integrates the name of the sun god Re. And Hur, Hori and Harnepher come from the sky god Horus—a deity that was one of the most revered divinities in the Nile Delta region, where Hebrew slaves were said to have built Egyptian storehouses made of mudbricks with straw. And that, incidentally, is another provocative historical detail: Bricks with straw were not made in Canaan. Those were common in the very area where the Exodus storyteller places the Hebrews.

Other archaeological evidence further attests to the presence of a Levantine slave force in ancient Egypt. The famous scene from the Tomb of Rekhmire, circa 1450 BCE, depicts Semitic and black slaves making and hauling bricks at Karnak. Then there is the Papyrus Brooklyn (17th century BCE) that, according to archaeologist Titus Kennedy, lists domestic servants with feminine Hebrew names such as Ashera (Asher), Menahema (Menahem), ‘Aqoba (Yaqob), as well as Shiphrah, Haya-wr (Chaya) and even Hy’b’rw, which may be an Egyptian rendition of “Hebrew.”

Now, if the above linguistic and archeological evidence lends some historical credence to the Exodus drama, when might it have happened? Hard to say. Scholars are bitterly divided into two or three broad camps. All of them (as far as this layman can tell) examine the same biblical and extra-biblical evidence, but each camp deduces radically different dating schemes because of their differing epistemological and mathematical presuppositions about the Bible narrative.

One prominent camp locates the Hebrew emancipation in the 15th century BCE, which would mean the Exodus Pharaoh is either Thutmose III (1479-1425) or Amenhotep II (1427-1400). Another influential camp of scholars—and the Disney Corporation—tell us it happened later in the 13th century BCE, thus making Ramses II (1279-1213) the royal villain. Both camps, interestingly, have Bible-believing religious members in their scholarly ranks. But none so far seems to have conclusively revealed the pharaoh’s name.

The Exodus author has therefore left us with an enduring historical mystery. And maybe, just maybe, that was intended—and worth thinking about over Passover.

As philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein once remarked about the historicity of scripture, “But can’t we say: It is important that this narrative should not have more than quite middling historical plausibility, just so that this should not be taken as the essential, decisive thing. So that the letter should not be believed more strongly than is proper and the spirit should receive its due. In other words, what you are supposed to see cannot be communicated even by the best, most accurate historian; therefore, a mediocre account suffices, is even to be preferred. For that too can tell you what you are supposed to be told—roughly in the way a mediocre stage set can be better than a sophisticated one, painted trees better than real ones, which distract attention from what matters.”

JONAH COHEN

Jonah Cohen is the communications director for the Committee for Accuracy in Middle East Reporting and Analysis (CAMERA).