Wednesday, April 20, 2022

'So bananas and dumb': Joy Reid buries Ted Cruz for fearing Disney will make a Mickey Mouse-Pluto sex film

Bob Brigham
April 19, 2022

Screengrab.

The panel on MSNBC's "The Reidout" on Tuesday had an awkward conversation about sexual fantasies and the junior senator from Texas.

MSNBC anchor Joy Reid played a clip of Sen. Ted Cruz (R-TX), but noted she did not want to do it.

"This is so bananas and so dumb, if I read it to you, you would think I was embellishing," she explained.

She played a clip of Cruz imagining Disney might start producing pornography featuring Mickey Mouse and his pet dog Pluto.

Reid appeared to attempt to show the size difference between a dog and a mouse on her notepad.

The host said, "that is so dark and bananas that it makes me worry that maybe Josh Hawley (R-MO) should be investigating Ted Cruz, because where his mind goes is some deeply, deeply creepy stuff if he's imaging a mouse and a -- okay, I'm just going to go ahead and let you comment."

Democratic consultant Kurt Bardella replied, "Well, number one, Joy, I think we just got a really disturbing look at what Ted Cruz fantasizes about. I don't want to go into that, that's outright disturbing."

Watch:

Ted Cruz launches bizarre anti-Disney rant -- and predicts cartoons of 'Mickey and Pluto going at it'

Brad Reed
April 19, 2022

Ted Cruz (Screen Capture)

Sen. Ted Cruz (R-TX) this week disturbed some of his fellow conservatives when he predicted Disney wasn't very far from having gay sex depicted in its children's cartoons.

While talking on his "Verdict" podcast, Cruz complained about Disney's opposition to Florida's new "Don't Say Gay" law that critics say could force LGBTQ teachers to remain closeted out of fear of being sued by parents.

"I think there are people who are misguided, trying to drive Disney stepping in saying, you know, in every episode now they're going to have, you know, Mickey and Pluto going at it," he said.

"Thank you for that image senator," co-host Michael Knowles said sarcastically.

"But it's just like, come on, guys, these are kids and, you know, you could always shift to Cinemax if you want that!" Cruz said, although Cinemax has never run a pornographic movie featuring two iconic Disney characters. "Like, I'm a dad, it used to be that you could put your kids on the Disney channel and be like, all right, something innocuous will happen."

Watch the video below.


IT'S BEEN DONE

Air Pirates Funnies, 1971Also other well-respected institutions such as Disney were "befouled," for instance in Air Pirates Funnies (1971), a comics series by artists Bobby LondonTed RichardsShary FlennikenDan O'Neill and Gary Hallgren. The well-known Disney characters were made to perform unspeakable acts, which caused Disney to start a legal process for copyright infringement.               https://www.lambiek.net/comics/underground.htm





Disney’s Bloody Attack on The Air Pirates

What follows in an excerpt from The Pirates and the Mouse: Disney’s War Against the Counterculture (Fantagraphics 2003) by investigative journalist Bob Levin. The book describes the so-crazy-it-must-be-true story of Disney’s attack on a group of underground cartoonists who, under the moniker The Air Pirates, set out to take down the Disney empire with satirical comics featuring Disney characters in decidedly un-Disneylike situations. The resulting legal battle took place over the course of 10 years, making its way all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court and back. Ultimately, Disney settled, but artist Dan O’Neill had to agree to stop depicting Disney’s copyrighted characters in his comics, dealing a blow to free speech.

Reprinted with permission from the author. ©2013 Bob Levin

***

Draw a mouse, go to jail. That, it seemed, was the conclusion of a case that wended its way, throughout the 1970s, from the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California to the Supreme Court and back. In our age of easy and ubiquitous copying, that case matters more than ever.

On one side was Walt Disney Productions. Its good-hearted, uplifting, family-oriented fare drew upon values — patriotism and Puritanism, consumerism and conformity — that the cultural revolution of the ’60s had called into question, and fed those values back to a public in need of reassurance, earning it $750 million a year.

On the other side was cartoonist Dan O’Neill. His career’s trajectory, though mostly downward, was, in its commitment to a free-spirited, convention-defying, bluenose-shocking, light-out-for-the-territory view of the personal and public good, just as resolutely mythic-American as Disney’s.

In 1963 the San Francisco Chronicle had made O’Neill, a skinny, bespectacled, 21-year-old college dropout, the youngest syndicated cartoonist in American newspaper history with his daily strip Odd Bodkins. Its primary characters were waistless but had arms and legs, neckless but had mouths and eyes; only one had a nose. “Potatoes with hands and feet,” O’Neill called them. They and other equally bizarre characters traded philosophical bon mots that became more and more political (and, to many, incomprehensible) until O’Neill was fired–more than once, but for good in 1970.

As the ’60s cultural revolution roared on, O’Neill decided that what America truly needed was the destruction of Walt Disney. So after the Chronicle canned him, he rounded up a ragtag band of rogue cartoonists who called themselves the Air Pirates, after a group of evildoers who had bedeviled Mickey Mouse in the 1930s. In 1971 they produced two issues of an underground comic book in which a number of Disney characters, particularly Mickey, engaged in very un-Disneylike behavior, particularly sex.

In 1979 O’Neill stood before the bar, 38 years old, unemployed, with total assets of $7, a 1963 Mercury convertible, a banjo, and the baggy gray suit he was wearing. Disney, which already had a $190,000 judgment against him, sought to have him fined another $10,000 and imprisoned for six months.

An artist asks, “Why have a fight if no one comes?”

O’Neill’s partners in crime and eventual co-defendants were Ted Richards (a 24-year-old who had been working for the underground newspaper the Berkeley Tribe), Bobby London (a 20-year-old, creator of Dirty Duck, also working for the Tribe), and Gary Hallgren (a 25-year-old psychedelic sign painter in Seattle).

O’Neill says the Air Pirates were born out of the “revolutionary fervor” of the times. “Those were the ’60s,” he says, “and it was everybody’s duty to smash the state. And we smashed a lot of it; but, you know, they smashed us back.” Still, the specific planks of his platform are elusive. “The main point,” O’Neill says, “was to buck corporate thinking. We just didn’t like bullshit.”

The Air Pirates settled into a kitchenless couple of rooms in San Francisco (later relocating to a former firehouse used by director Francis Ford Coppola for storage). Their two issues of Disney-parodying absurdity, Air Pirates Funnies, were published in editions of 15,000 to 20,000 copies in the summer of 1971.

The first cover, by London, showed Mickey Mouse piloting an open-cockpitted, propeller-powered plane with two sacks labeled “Dope” tied to its fuselage. The second, by Hallgren, had Mickey and Minnie on horseback, hands raised, confronted by a bat-winged, green-cloaked figure with a revolver in his right hand and the “Dope” sacks in his left. The contents were generic underground comix: sex, drugs, and revolutionary politics. (The least of these was politics. In fact, No. 1’s back cover instructed, “And always remember, kids, politics is pigshit.”)

The Air Pirates had gone after Disney partly because of its reputation for striking back. But Disney had not obliged. So O’Neill gave copies to a friend, “the gay son of the chairman of Disney’s board of directors.” He smuggled the comics into a board meeting and laid them out around the table like notepads. “We called them out,” O’Neill says. “I mean, why have a fight if no one comes?”

O’Neill got his fight.  It became one of the longest and most absurd in the history of attempts to use copyright to stifle artistic expression in America. The lessons learned from it are more relevant than ever to anyone who chooses parody as a way to speak to power, especially corporate power.

On October 21, 1971, the firm of Cooley, Crowley, Gaither, Godward, Castro & Huddleson filed half a pound of legal documents in the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California on behalf of Walt Disney Productions. Disney accused the Pirates of copyright infringement, trademark infringement, unfair competition, intentional interference with business, and trade disparagement through the wrongful use of its characters. It stated that Disney, through “great effort and…large sums of money,” had created characters whose “image of innocent delightfulness…are known and loved by people all over the world, particularly children” and that the defendants’ efforts to “disparage and ridicule” these characters threatened to destroy Disney’s business. The complaint requested that Disney be awarded all of the Pirates’ profits, $5,000 for each copyright infringement, treble damages for the trademark infringement, punitive damages of $100,000 from each defendant, surrender of the offending books, and reimbursement of its attorneys’ fees.

Two weeks later, based on declarations by Disney’s attorneys that allowing the Pirates to continue to disparage Disney’s work would cause it “irreparable” harm through the destruction of “business, goodwill, and public image” whose monetary equivalent would be “difficult or impossible to ascertain” but which it was doubtful the Pirates could pay, the court granted a temporary restraining order barring them from any further production or dissemination of their comics, to stay in effect until a hearing on Disney’s motion for a preliminary injunction. That motion was scheduled to be heard by Judge Albert C. Wollenberg on March 10, 1972.

The day before the hearing, the Pirates held a press conference at a converted Victorian on Eddy Street belonging to the hip law firm of Rohan & Stepanian. O’Neill’s lawyer, Michael Kennedy–who had previously defended draft resisters, alleged cop killers, and Timothy Leary–says the purpose of the conference was to rally public support for the Pirates’ position: “The line belongs to us. If it ends up a mouse, it’s still a line. We have absolute freedom to copy anything as long as we add to it.”

Newspaper pictures of the event show O’Neill in cowboy hat, wire-rimmed glasses, and gunslinger moustache. Hallgren is smiling, moderately moustached, a Mr. Zig Zag patch sewn onto his jacket sleeve. Richards has shoulder-length hair, a cowboy hat, and a rakishly angled cigar. London’s hair flops over one eye. At one point, with television cameras rolling, he recalls yelling, “We’re guilty! We’re guilty!” while the lawyers yelled, “Cut! Cut!”

In parody, “the reference to the original must be made clear and kept clear”

O’Neill entered the U.S. District Court for his first appearance in his “Jack Palance-Shane outfit”: black hat; buckskin jacket; gun belt with holster. “On the elevator,” he recalls, “I tie down the holster so they can see it sticking out under my jacket and step out on the 18th floor like I’m gonna draw. The U.S. marshal leaps over his desk, grabs me by the throat, and hoists me in the sky. I’m strangling; and he whips open my coat, and in the holster is… a banana!'”

To obtain its injunction, Disney had to convince Judge Wollenberg it was likely to win the eventual trial and that it would be severely damaged if the Pirates were allowed to publish their comics in the interim.

The Air Pirates’ attorneys interpreted the stories Disney vilified in terms so positive and respectful that any reader who had not been immediately awe-struck gazing upon them felt like a Philistine deserving David’s stone. Richards’ “Zeke Wolf,” for example, turned out to be a response to Disney’s repeated portrayal of poor Southern whites as “vicious and ignorant simpleton[s] with nothing to do but commit crimes,” a slander which had kept North and South from uniting against “the true cause of Southern problems…ruthless exploitation…by a cabal of powerful interests…the banks, the media, and the military [The Three Pigs].”

O’Neill’s “The Mouse Story,” characterized as a tale of “the awakening within Mickey…of an awareness of his sins and his subsequent transformation and redemption,” received the most impressive revisiting. Mickey, the lawyers noted, is initially presented as “depressed.” (The Pirates’ attorneys voiced regret at having to quote the exact language of his discontent: “Why won’t anybody fuck me?”) He is then set upon by an alliance of old foes, which Disney had derived from various offensive stereotypes: the Jewish lawyer (Sylvester Shyster), the French-Canuck (Pegleg Pete), the trashy Southerner (The Big Bad Wolf).

Having dressed the Pirates’ work appropriately for court, the defense then legitimized their pedigree. It established them not as nose-thumbing smut peddlers but as respected parodists, following in the footsteps of Cervantes, Shakespeare, and Swift. All humor, it philosophized, is based on “conflict between the expected and the actual,” and parody juxtaposes a “known existing work” against “something else.” To succeed, “the reference to the original must be made clear and kept clear.” The Pirates were engaged in “aesthetic and political criticism of a deeply serious nature.”

With respect to copyright infringement, the defense argued that while an entire work can be copyrighted, characters within it cannot. Even if they could be, the Pirates were protected by the “fair use” doctrine, which permits individuals the right to freely reproduce limited amounts of copyrighted material in limited situations. By restricting their copying to the visual representation of the characters, the Pirates took the minimum necessary for their parody to succeed. They had then created an original work, distinct in plot, dialogue, setting, themes, and character personalities from anything Disney had ever done.

Moreover, the Pirates were not trying to pass their comics off as a Disney product. They aimed at a different market: adult hippies, not children. They sold through different outlets: head shops, not newsstands. The Disney-buying public was unlikely to have its craving for Mickey Mouse satisfied by an issue of Air Pirates Funnies. Disney would not lose a dime.

The Pirates also claimed protection for their work via the First Amendment. Mickey, they argued, had become “part of our national collective unconscious,” as well as an internationally known symbol of American culture and power. While he may once have been accurately perceived as “innocent and delightful,” he now could be viewed as “a reactionary force…[devoted to] Establishment values,” “a partisan of elements and values in American government and society which the Air Pirates oppose.”

The right “to use Mickey Mouse as a vehicle”

Each Pirate filed a sworn statement of purpose. Richards said: “‘The Wolf and the Pig’ has existed within folk literature for well over five hundred years. Walt Disney studios cannot claim exclusive ownership of an old folk tale.” O’Neill’s affidavit was the lengthiest and — ultimately — the most damaging: “Disney presented Mickey Mouse to us when we were children. As cartoonists and adults, we approach Mickey Mouse as our major American mythology….I chose to parody exactly the style of drawing and the characters to evoke the response created by Disney. My purpose in using the Mouse as a character is not to destroy the Disney product, but to deal with the image in the American consciousness that the Disney image implanted.”

Disney lawyer Frank Donovan “Sandy” Tatum pointed out that for its copyright to be meaningful, the characters within these works had to be regarded as “copyrightable component parts,” for they had “achieved identification independent of the cartoon strips, books, and pictures in which they have appeared.” Disney had spent “millions of dollars and years of effort” developing these characters. Tatum dismissed fair use as “a potpourri of so-called principles…most of which are virtually meaningless.” Whatever it meant, by no stretch of the imagination could it embrace the “perverted,” “obscene nonsense” the Pirates had authored. The term fair simply could not be applied to a use whose purpose was “to defame,” “to destroy,” “to degrade and disparage all that Disney has done.”

Since visual representations of cartoon characters must be regarded as copyrightable, the Pirates were taking not a small portion of a larger whole but “the entire subject of the copyright.” Tatum called the Pirates’ First Amendment argument “nonsense.” If their logic were followed, all copyright laws would be “utterly nullified.” While they had every right to deliver whatever message they desired, they had no right “to use Mickey Mouse as the vehicle.”

Judge Wollenberg took the matter under submission. “If he wasn’t a fan of Disney’s at the start,” Kennedy says, “he was by the end. We may’ve driven him there by being so obnoxious and the work so profane. Jonathan Swift, he did not think we were.”

The most troublesome question for Wollenberg was whether Congress’ protection of “all copyrightable component parts” within a copyrighted work extended to cartoon characters. Disney had marshaled an impressive posse of funny-paper support for its argument that it did. Characters from Mutt and Jeff to Spark Plug (Barney Google’s horse) to Superman had had their copyrights protected in court decisions over the years. But an obscure 1954 decision by the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit (which includes California) cast doubt on the copyrightability of fictional characters divorced from stories. Warner Brothers Pictures v. Columbia Broadcasting System involved the rights to Sam Spade, which Dashiell Hammett had sold to CBS for a radio show. Since Warner Brothers had owned the rights to The Maltese Falcon, which featured Spade, it sued CBS, claiming ownership of the gumshoe.

The 9th Circuit held for the radio network. “The characters were vehicles for the story told,” it said, “and the vehicles did not go with the sale of the story.” Although the court did not explicitly rule all fictional characters uncopyrightable, the Pirates’ argument that the decision pointed to that conclusion struck Wollenberg with “considerable force.”

But he discovered “a narrow gap” in the decision’s reasoning through which Disney could wiggle. The 9th Circuit had said a character could be copyrighted if it “really constitutes the story being told,” and Wollenberg concluded that “the principal appeal [of Disney’s books] to the primary audience of children for which they were intended lies with the characters and nothing else.”

Thus, the characters were copyrightable even under Warner Brothers. The question now became whether the Pirates had taken too much for a fair use. The 1956 9th Circuit case Benny v. Loew’s had declared that copying a “substantial part” of a prior work, even in parody, could be actionable. Wollenberg had already held characters to be the crux of Disney’s work. And since O’Neill had admitted copying Mickey and his cohorts “exactly,” a “substantial” taking was self-evident.

An artist declares, “I was a warrior… I would stay in the battle”

Which left the First Amendment to protect the Pirates. Wollenberg brushed it aside. To apply it would “obliterate copyright protection” anytime anyone asserted their infringement conveyed an idea. Besides, Wollenberg let slip that he had “some difficulty in discovering the significant content of the ideas which the defendants are expressing.” Wollenberg granted the preliminary injunction and ordered the Pirates to surrender all copies of the offending books and all material for making additional copies.

Gary Hallgren allowed judgment to be entered against him for $85,000. It was understood, without being memorialized in the official record, that as long as he abided by the other conditions, Disney would not attempt to collect. O’Neill says London and Richards were also supposed to settle. “It was my idea,” he says, “and they weren’t supposed to take the rap.” Richards says he didn’t settle because he still believed the Pigs to be part of a common heritage and he wanted to protect his rights to Zeke Wolf. He also felt a commitment to O’Neill. “I was a warrior,” he says. “I had received great training, and in return I would stay in the battle. But it was a mistake.” London remained defiant too.

Wollenberg had postponed the trial until August 11, 1975. On July 3 Disney lawyer Paul Laveroni made a motion for summary judgment, which Wollenberg granted. He permanently enjoined O’Neill, Richards, and London from infringing Disney’s copyrights and trademarks, and ordered a hearing before a federal magistrate, Owen E. Woodruff Jr., to determine the amount of damages and attorneys’ fees Disney should receive.

The U.S. Code gave courts two methods to assess damages for copyright infringements. The first, ordering the Pirates to turn over their profits to Disney and to reimburse Disney for its losses, would not work, Laveroni said, because the Pirates had made no profits and Disney could not measure its loss. The second method, applicable when either profit or loss is unknown, is to award damages of between $250 and $5,000 for each infringement. Accusing the Pirates of 38 infringements, Laveroni asked for $190,000, plus $27,292.50 for attorneys’ fees to date, $1,500 for future work, and reimbursement of his firm’s costs.

Kennedy’s reply, on behalf of O’Neill and London–Michael Stepanian, Richards’ lawyer, filed no opposing papers–asserted that the Pirates’ unrebutted evidence showed their profits to be nil and that Disney had presented no evidence of any loss–neither a decline in sales nor a diminution of its public image. Disney, therefore, deserved only a nominal award. The argument didn’t work. On March 5, 1976, O’Neill, London, and Richards were ordered to pay Disney the full amount Laveroni had requested. The Pirates appealed.

A “climate of passion and prejudice”

When Kennedy filed the Pirates’ opening brief with the 9th Circuit, he asked the appeals court to overrule Benny‘s substantiality standard, on which Wollenberg had based his decision. Parodists had to be able to copy substantially, he argued, in order to deliver “the shock of the unexpected.” He urged the court to adopt an approach advocated by UCLA law professor Melville Nimmer, author of the leading treatise Nimmer on Copyright, and assess whether the infringing work was apt to satisfy a potential customer’s desire for the original. The Pirates’ work was not going to replace Disney’s.

And even if characters were a copyrightable part of a copyrighted work, Tom Steel, a new lawyer on O’Neill’s team, argued, this did not mean they could not be copied. Every individual work bore only one copyright. This work should not then be “dissected into as many ‘copyrightable component parts’ as imaginative counsel can conjure up.” If that were permitted, any couplet, sentence, phrase, or name could be the subject of an infringement claim.

Laveroni, Steel argued, hoped to create a “climate of passion and prejudice” in which the court would take more extreme action than affording Disney financial relief. Disney wanted all criticism of its worldview extinguished. It wanted the Pirates’ tongues torn out, their pens ground into dust, their pages burned.

A. Kirk McKenzie, another new lawyer for the Pirates, centered his oral argument around changes in the law wrought by the recently enacted Copyright Act of 1976. In that law Congress for the first time had specified factors for courts to consider in determining fair use: the nature and purpose (commercial or noncommercial) of the infringing work; the nature of the copyrighted work; the amount and substantiality of the copied portion in relation to the whole; and the effect of the infringing work upon the potential market for, or value of, the copyrighted work.

On September 5, 1978, the 9th Circuit ruled 3-0 that the Pirates were guilty of copyright infringement. The court agreed with Wollenberg that because the Pirates had other means of expressing their ideas, the First Amendment did not allow them to infringe Disney’s copyrights. And while the court replaced Wollenberg’s “substantiality” test for fair use with one allowing parodists to copy enough to “conjure up” their target, it found the Pirates had overreached by this measure as well.

Kennedy petitioned the U.S. Supreme Court for a writ of certiorari on behalf of O’Neill and London. (Stepanian did not join in this request for Richards.) The Copyright Act of 1976, Kennedy wrote, had made market value diminishment the prime requisite for denying fair use claims. Even though it did not apply to cases that arose before its passage, the act expressed Congress’ view. The 9th Circuit should have paid “greater deference” to this view.

On January 22, 1979, the Supreme Court, without comment, refused to hear the Air Pirates’ appeal.

Suddenly: “Ahhh, good! One more fight.”

“I got the news sitting in the bathtub in this tiny house with no foundation,” O’Neill remembers. “The bathtub is tilted; the water is cock-eyed; and Farley, my neighbor, hollers in the window, ‘O’Neill, you just lost nine-zip.’ I was feeling pretty low at this point. My second divorce had just hit. I had 700 pounds of hollering children and 340 pounds of mothers of those children attached to 3,000 pounds of district attorneys after me….I was thinking of jumping off a bridge. And suddenly — ‘Ahhh, good! One more fight.'”

“Doing something stupid once is just plain stupid,” says O’Neill. “Doing something stupid twice is a philosophy. When you’re down $190,000 in a poker game, you have to raise.” The next step was obvious: Commit a new crime. If O’Neill defied the injunction, Disney’s only recourse would be to have him held in contempt of court. “And then they have to put you in jail,” he says. “For drawing a mouse? In the land of the free? No way.”

O’Neill called Stewart Brand, publisher of the Whole Earth Catalog and, since 1974, Co-Evolution Quarterly. Brand knew about the Air Pirates case, and he put four pages in the spring issue of the magazine at O’Neill’s disposal. O’Neill produced “Communique #1 From the M.L.F.” (Mouse Liberation Front). The comic opened with Mickey and Minnie happily married and living on a small farm in Mendocino County. They explained that, after 40 years in Hollywood, they had hit bottom, careers going nowhere, hooked on alcohol (him) and diet pills (her), having affairs, so jealous and embittered they had once almost put out a contract on Donald Duck.

Their children (Mortie and Ferdie) were so concerned that they hired “these bozo artists” (the Air Pirates) to kidnap and recondition them. Dosed with psychedelics and indoctrinated by sexuality seminars, Mickey and Minnie recommitted to each other, but Disney had the Pirates arrested and prosecuted. Now Mickey and Minnie wanted to speak out. They credited the Pirates with turning their lives around and defended the artists’ right to parody Disney by exactly copying its characters. They demanded that Disney cease all legal actions against the Pirates and work with them in a joint venture (“rebuilding Cleveland, making films, whatever”).

Mickey and Minnie noted that, while the court said “some” copying is permissible and “too much” is not, “No one, including the court, is sure how much is ‘some.'” O’Neill demonstrates the absurdity of this standard in a way that Louis Brandeis with a Ryder van full of footnotes could not. “Is this ‘some’?” he asks of a Minnie with an extra-fingered left mitt. “Is this ‘some’?” he inquires of a hairy-torsoed Mickey with a lengthy, naked, articulated tail.

On April 20, 1979, Disney petitioned to dismiss its remaining causes of action against the Pirates for trademark infringement, unfair competition, and trade disparagement. With its injunction in force and its award of damages sustained, it was content to let things conclude.

Then the Quarterly hit the stands.

On May 2, Disney moved to have Judge Wollenberg hold O’Neill, Brand, and POINT (the business entity that owned the magazine) in contempt, fine them $10,000 each, and order them to pay its attorneys’ fees and costs. The next day, it asked the U.S. Attorney’s Office to prosecute them criminally.

Sometimes, “There are some facts too good to check”

Tired of going unpaid, the Pirates’ original counsel had jumped ship. O’Neill’s new lawyer, John Keker, responded to the contempt motion by reintroducing his client to Wollenberg as “an indigent cartoonist against whom Walt Disney Productions has a $190,000 judgment and whom Disney is now trying to put in jail.” Keker and Lawrence Klein, Brand’s lawyer, pointed out that the order the defendants stood accused of violating forbade O’Neill only from infringing upon Disney’s copyrights. Under the present state of the law, as defined by the Copyright Act of 1976, however, “Communiqué” was not an infringement but a fair use.

O’Neill’s pictures were “different caricatures expressing different themes in dissimilar contexts fulfilling dissimilar purposes” than any drawings Disney had ever issued. O’Neill had added original dialogue, locales, personalities, and story lines. No Disney mouse had ever been angst-ridden or espoused such bitterness at his employer or the legal system. Most important, O’Neill had caused Disney no economic harm.

If O’Neill and Brand were not covered by the fair use doctrine, the respondents continued, they certainly were protected by the First Amendment. “Communiqué” was a “political essay,” exploring the “metaphysical distinctions” underpinning copyright law and dramatizing Disney’s “draconian efforts” to muzzle O’Neill. Like any citizen, O’Neill had the right to mock Disney’s prosecution of him. As a cartoonist, he had the right to use pictures to do so.

The June 28 San Francisco Chronicle reported that a settlement seemed likely. The terms were rumored to include no admission of guilt by, and no jail time for, O’Neill, though the damage award would remain in place. O’Neill’s recollection of the final proceeding is positive. “It was great,” he says. “The judge told ’em, ‘I’m not gonna welcome this case into my court. If you bring him in on criminal contempt, he will bring up the First Amendment…I will not end my legal career as a judge that weakened the First Amendment….Now you knocked him down once, and he got up and hit you back. You knocked him down twice, and he got up and hit you back. You knocked him down three times, and he got up and hit you back. By now, you should have figured out he’s Irish.'”

Laveroni remembers no such admonition. Keker says, “It’s what Judge Wollenberg should have said. I have no recollection, so I can’t deny it was said. There are some facts too good to check.” He recalls that, during settlement discussions in the judge’s chambers, Disney’s lawyers insisted on a written promise from O’Neill to no longer draw Mickey Mouse.

“So I said, ‘All right’ and went out to Dan,” Keker says, “and he drew a picture of himself in a barrel, with no clothes on, saying ‘I won’t draw Mickey Mouse.’ I thought it was terrific. Wollenberg, who was a wonderful old guy, laughed and thought it was great; but Disney’s lawyers went crazy, behaving like a bunch of pompous assholes. ‘This shows how contemptuous he’s being….Blah blah….'”

It all ended in 1980, with the Pirates agreeing to abide by the original January 1975 injunction to not draw Disney characters for public display any longer and with the full judgment Woodruff had recommended against them, although there is no evidence Disney ever collected any of it. Newspaper reports referred to “apparently secret agreements” which provided that contempt charges would be dropped and Disney would not attempt to collect damages as long as O’Neill didn’t draw Mickey again. Disney was said to be out $2 million in legal fees from its campaign to scuttle the Pirates.

Copying “the heart of the original”

More than a decade later, the U.S. Supreme Court, in the case of Campbell v. Acuff-Rose Music, finally addressed the Air Pirates’ arguments. The rap act 2 Live Crew had released a parody of the song “Oh, Pretty Woman” in 1989, and Acuff-Rose, which owned the publishing for the song, sued for copyright infringement. A U.S. district court granted 2 Live Crew’s motion for summary judgment and dismissed Acuff-Rose’s suit. But the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 6th Circuit reversed, saying any infringement for commercial purposes was presumptively unfair and that, by taking “the heart of the original,” 2 Live Crew had taken too much.

The entire Supreme Court disagreed. The Court’s majority opinion, by Justice David Souter, reached its conclusion through a step-by-step analysis of the four factors of fair use set forth in the Copyright Act of 1976. Among its conclusions were that the crucial question about the infringing work’s “purpose and character” was not whether it was commercial or noncommercial but whether it copied the original in order to “supersede” it in the marketplace or to “transform” it into something new. When the infringing work was a parody, this question became whether the copying cast new “light” upon the original, enabling the public to view it in a new way.

The Supreme Court decided that even the original’s “heart” could be copied, so long as the parody did not become “a market substitute” for it. And the Court made clear that it did not matter if the parody depressed the sales of the original. Even a “lethal” parody that “kills demand” entirely may be a fair use. “Displacement” could be prohibited; “disparagement” could not.

In 30 pages, the Supreme Court mentioned Walt Disney Productions v. The Air Pirates only once — and unfairly, I believe. Justice Anthony Kennedy, in a separate concurring opinion, dismissed the Pirates as “profiteers who [did] no more than…place the characters from a familiar work in novel or eccentric poses.”

Still, the Court eviscerated the Disney arguments that had swayed Judge Wollenberg and the 9th Circuit. Acuff-Rose, copyright authority Nimmer wrote, made market displacement “the most important, and, indeed, central fair use factor.” If Air Pirates Funnies did not “satisfy the same purpose” as Walt Disney’s Comics and Stories — and how, in God’s name, could you conclude it did? — it was a fair use.

My optimism should be tempered. When I ask Boston University law professor Wendy J. Gordon, who writes often on copyright, if she agrees the Pirates would have prevailed under Acuff-Rose, she replies, “On general principle I would agree with you, except that I think most courts are too sexually ill at ease to give Air Pirates fair use.”

Acuff-Rose gives cause for that skepticism. The Court stated it was not laying down “bright-line rules” and that future decisions should be made on a case-by-case basis. This caveat, coupled with Kennedy’s less-than-sensitive take on Air Pirates Funnies, suggests that it left a lot of room for judicial bias and subjectivity. As Nimmer has written, parodists need to “continue to pay their insurance premiums.”

Please help support CBLDF’s important First Amendment work by making a donation or becoming a member of the CBLDF!

Why everyone on the internet suddenly hates seed oil
 Salon
April 20, 2022

Photo by Susan Wilkinson on Unsplash

I've been slowly poisoning my family. And myself, apparently. Sorry, I just found out.

Maybe it's because I avoid social media, but I somehow only recently learned there was an entire anti-seed oil discourse. I can barely keep track of whether grains are good or bad today, or if protein is overrated.

I didn't even know what "seed oil" was. "Is that, like… sesame oil?" I naively asked a colleague. And then I promptly flung myself down a Google rabbit hole of memes, Joe Rogan references, words like "evil" and "toxic," and a lot of absolutely wild YouTube videos. And now I know, if you want something to blame for everything from cancer to heart disease, dementia to age spots, there are a whole lot of people out there who will tell you the culprit is lurking in your pantry, ready to fry your dinner in sizzling malevolence.

The term "seed oil" usually refers to the refined cooking oils like corn and canola that many of us keep on hand in our kitchens. They also frequently show up in products like salad dressings and fast food. As Andrew Zaleski explained in GQ last year, they're a relatively modern creation, a product of 20th century processing innovation that generations of us grew up referring to as "vegetable oil" and associated with the lighter, healthier connotations of those words.

Today, you can find #seedoilfree memes and recipes, often from self-proclaimed seed oil "disrespecters," all over social media.

That image has, in recent years, undergone a shift, thanks in no small part to a 2020 appearance on Joe Rogan's show by Dr. Paul Saladino. Saladino — who, despite having the word "salad" in his name, goes by "Carnivore MD" — told Rogan that there were "negative effects of eating too many plants." Saladino uses highly technical language in his discourse with Rogan: "the Nrf2 system," "environmental hormesis," and other ten-dollar words, which I had to Google to try to figure out what any of this has to do with Wesson oil.

In any case, the interview with Saladino resonated with Rogan's curious, hungry, and enormous audience. Today, you can find #seedoilfree memes and recipes, often from self-proclaimed seed oil "disrespecters," all over social media. In my research, I stumbled upon a seemingly miraculous before and after photo of a woman emancipated from her seed oils, to which one blunt Redditor commented, "Girl you just lost weight because you stopped eating fried dogsh**t."

There seems to be overlap between the seed oil disrespecting community and the COVID vaccine-skeptical one.

Yet you can also find plenty of anti-seed oil traction on more conspiracy-minded corners of the internet — there seems to be overlap between the seed oil disrespecting community and the COVID vaccine-skeptical one. Recently, Vice also pointed out the surprising connections it also has to, of all things, Bitcoin influencers. I honestly can't tell how much among any of this is irony versus sincere crackpottery (or, perhaps, legitimate health research).

What's truth and what's hype here? Maybe we start by agreeing that eating lots of fried, processed foods is never going to be good for you, regardless of which oil you're frying it in. Beyond that, though, there are compelling reasons to think twice about commercial oils, most notably those with an abundance of omega-6 fatty acids in them.

As Jesse Feder, a personal trainer and registered dietitian with StrengthWarehouse USA, explains: "When it comes to all seed oils, they get a bad reputation for the high amounts of omega-6 fatty acids compared to omega-3 fatty acids. A lot of the processed foods we eat have high amounts of these oils, which usually gives us way more omega-6 than we need. When you have a diet high in omega-6 and low in omega-3, inflammation and increased cholesterol can occur. However," he adds, "this does not mean seed oils are bad. We still need omega-6 fatty acids in our diets."

The reason omega 6 fatty acids have been linked to inflammation is that one omega-6 fatty acid, called omega-6 polyunsaturated fatty acid arachidonic acid (ARA), is a "precursor" to other compounds that promote inflammation. A 2018 research study noted that this relationship is why it is "commonly believed" that eating more omega-6 fatty acids will increase inflammation. Yet they caution that studies in humans have not found that increasing consumption of such compounds leads to an increase in inflammation. "The interaction of omega-3 and omega-6 fatty acids [...] in the context of inflammation is complex and still not properly understood," that study, which was published in the journal "Prostaglandins, Leukotrienes and Essential Fatty Acids," concluded.

The lack of clear science here hints that the bigger picture — overall oil consumption — is more telling when it comes to health. "The main component of seed oils, like many other oils," Feder explains, "is fat. The most important thing is the type of fat and the quantity that is being consumed when determining if an oil is good or bad for you."

"Using the highest quality, virgin, cold-pressed oils you can find will ensure you are getting the most nutrition per teaspoon possible for that kind of oil."

That seems logical. I recently saw a social media post with the hashtag #seedoilfree — it was was a photo of a sausage pizza. Then there was another one, of a bag of olive oil potato chips. I'm not a food scientist, but I'm pretty sure a diet rich in these kinds of foods isn't the best plan.

Some cooks say that the devil is in the details of how the oil is processed, which is perhaps more crucial than the type of oil. Sylvia Fountaine, a Spokane chef and CEO of Feasting at Home, said she was cognizant of the "debate over the dangers and benefits of seed oils," and suggested looking for oils that had been processed in specific ways. "Using the highest quality, virgin, cold pressed oils you can find will ensure you are getting the most nutrition per teaspoon possible for that kind of oil," she said. "Using each oil appropriately so it doesn't burn, and in moderation, is probably the best choice if you want to consume oils consciously. Be intentional about your sources of oil . . . Local oils that are organic and cold pressed will usually have a better nutrient profile than the bulk jug of vegetable oil you can find at Costco."

And Dr Ritesh Jain, a consultant respiratory and sleep medicine physician at WhatASleep, offers a similar perspective, noting, "One truth is that the nature of the oil depends on the way it is processed." Jain worried about polyunsaturated fatty acids (PUFAs) in oils like sunflower and sesame, warning that they would cause "inflammation and toxin accumulation," yet I could find no scientific literature that seemed to confirm this statement. If anything, polyunsaturated fatty acids seem to be relatively benign.

As in all things, common sense, moderation, and a skeptical but not paranoid attitude are a pretty healthy, livable approach to life and food. The majority of my everyday cooking requires modest portions of my favorite olive oils and butter, so I'm probably not actually poisoning anybody. I do still like to fry up some hush puppies or churros now and then, and knowing what I know now, I'll probably in the future splurge for a quality unrefined vegetable oil with a higher smoke point to do the job. But I'm definitely not going to stress out, or demonize any one category of foods I consume. Maybe that just makes me a seed oil disrespecter disrespecter.
The most efficient form of propaganda and misinformation
Joshua Adams
April 20, 2022

Girl looking at cell phone (Shutterstock)

Like most people on social media, I enjoy a good meme. A favorite internet culture moment was when people were talking about storming Area 51. Some memes had me in tears I was laughing so hard.

But even though most memes are comedic quips, these media objects have a darker side when used as propaganda. Memes make us laugh, but they also can be one of the best, perhaps the best, ways to spread misinformation – especially when they deal with issues of identity.

We’re hooked on social media because it allows us to curate and express our identities. Most of the time this is relatively innocuous. Clicking the like-button after a friend posts a quote from “Seinfeld,” isn’t just affirmation – it isn’t only to demonstrate your amusement. It’s to show the larger digital community that you like “Seinfeld.”

We aren’t always conscious of this, but no one is immune to the dynamic – whether it’s reading a “21 Things You’d Only Understand If Your Parents are (Insert Ethnic Background)” listicle on Buzzfeed or quote-tweeting something you disagree with. The reasons memes are so effective as propaganda tools, however, is because they appeal to our identities as well as the emotional linkage arising from them.

If your father is a firefighter, firefighter memes are going to have a particular resonance. If you support one political party versus another, memes from the opposing side seem so clearly stupid you can’t fathom anyone thinking they were funny. To paraphrase Professor Limor Shifman, author of Memes in Digital Culture, memes seem trivial and mundane, but they actually reflect deep social and cultural structures.

This is why memes are often the most effective propaganda tool. They merge identity and ideology in ways other media cannot. In an effort to make this less conceptual, let’s think about the meme below.

It shows a police officer and military man named Christopher Jordan Dorner. He presumably passed away in February 2013. Aside from pictures of him in various uniforms, there’s other symbols like the American and Blues Lives Matters flags. Below the thin blue line reads the words “All Gave Some - Some Gave All.” Based on the text of the meme and the political discourse in society about police, it would seem safe to surmise this man died in the line of duty.

You share it, because you want to show support for police and those who served and made the ultimate sacrifice. You share it, because you want to show everyone your patriotism and political allegiances.

Maybe you have a spouse, a sibling, a parent in the military. Patriotism is therefore inextricably linked to family. It’s in your heart, not just a concept others talk about. Maybe you think police get a bad wrap nowadays, and Dorner’s death shows how out of touch critics are.

Maybe you support it because you dislike Black Lives Matter and proudly declare Blues Lives Matter, but want to solve your cognitive dissonance (ie, “Am I racist?”) by showing support for a Black officer.

There could be myriad reasons why you share, but no matter what it is, it’s likely going to be deeply personal and linked to your identity.

Your attachment to the meme’s ideas, beliefs and virtues could moreover prevent you from asking a relatively obvious:

Who is Christopher Dorner?


Well, Christopher Dorner is a former cop who “murdered four people and prompted a massive, days-long manhunt that ended when he shot himself to death in a cabin in the San Bernardino mountains after engaging in a fierce firefight with law enforcement officers. Dorner had been fired after an LAPD review board found he had falsely accused his training officer of excessive force. Dorner held that his termination was retaliation from an endemically racist police department and his rampage was an attempt to clear his name.”

This example shows how easy it is to be so consumed with our own identities that we become useful idiots for others.

The meme’s creator is likely a troll who knew people would like and share it reflexively without understanding what they were doing.

But what made the meme to spread propaganda? What if its creator wasn’t a troll, but a snake oil salesman or false prophet? What else could go viral – a meme bearing fake Black crime statistics, or falsely accusing a prominent politician of having child pornography, or a picture proported to be Muslims rushing over the border, which is a misappropriated picture of soccer fans rushing the field after their team won the championship? Extreme, yet mundane examples.


Are people going to fact-check every piece of media that comes across their timeline? Of course not. As media consumers, we often share things in passive and reactionary ways. We see something we like, We share it. If it contains political messages that conform to our worldview, we click the share-button. All of this is very effective, heuristic and happens in no more than a few seconds.

This is the danger of memes.
Astronaut slated to become first Black woman to stay long-term on space station

2022/4/18 
© Orlando Sentinel
Joe Burbank/Orlando Sentinel/TNS

ORLANDO, Fla — A couple of space rookies are joining a couple of veterans on a trip to the International Space Station this week, but one of them will open a new door of diversity as the first Black woman assigned for long-term duty on board.

Jessica Watkins, 33, is heading the ISS for her first trip to space as part of the Crew-4 mission set to launch on a new SpaceX Crew Dragon named Freedom. Liftoff from Kennedy Space Center’s Launch Pad 39-A is set for Saturday at 5:26 a.m.

Watkins arrived at the former shuttle landing facility at KSC on Monday with crewmates Commander Kjell Lindgren and pilot Bob Hines of NASA as well as European Space Agency mission specialist Samantha Cristoforetti.

“We get to be the representatives, the kind of tip of the spear if you will, of an enormous team of people,” Watkins said. “For me, I am just really honored to be part of the long legacy of Black astronauts and Black women astronauts who came before me. I’m grateful for the opportunity to be a small part in that toward an exciting future as well.”

The first Black woman in space, Mae Jemison, flew on STS-47 on board Space Shuttle Endeavour in 1992. Two others, Stephanie Wilson and Joan Higginbotham were members of space shuttle missions to the ISS, but did not join the crews for long-term stays.

Watkins, a geologist, joined NASA’s astronaut corps in 2017, and worked previously with the Mars Curiosity rover team. She’s also one of 18 of the astronaut corps named to NASA’s Artemis program that could one day send her to the moon.

The Space Launch System rocket and Orion capsule for Artemis I is currently sitting on Launch Pad 39-B less than 2 miles from where Watkins and her crewmates will blast off on their mission.

“We see such an exciting future for NASA. We talk about all the different programs that we have in line, thinking about SLS being on the launch pad, it’s just super exciting thinking about that future,” she said.

Watkins said her path to become an astronaut has meant finding inspiration since her childhood in people such as Jemison.

“For me, really growing up having mentors and heroes of mine that were contributing in ways that I aspire to contribute, and in a role that I aspire to participate in, that was certainly meaningful to me insomuch as I’m able to return the favor.”

More than 50 Americans have already been part of the ISS long-term expeditions. She will become the first Black woman to do so but won’t be the last. NASA had previously chosen astronaut Jeanette Epps to be a member of the first operational crewed mission of the Boeing CST-100 Starliner but her trip to space is awaiting certification of that vehicle.

Watkins technically could be among the first astronauts to be inside the Starliner in space, since an uncrewed version is set to dock with the ISS on a test flight next month. NASA said the plan is for the hatch to open, so the Crew-4 astronauts could board if they choose to do so.

Watkins, though, said is most looking forward to getting distinct views of the Earth. She got a bachelor’s in Geological and Environmental Sciences from Stanford and a doctorate in Geology from UCLA. Her Ph.D. research focused on large landslides on Mars and Earth using orbital imagery.

“As a geologist, that’s my background, I’m super excited for the opportunity to just observe the Earth and kind of use the unique vantage point, the unique perspective that we can get from the ISS to be able to observe geologic features and processes,” she said.

He crewmates, who have nicknamed her “Watty,” said they’re going to take her skillset to task.

“Watty has no idea how annoying we’re going to be,” said Lindgren, who along with Cristoforetti have had one previous trip each to the space station. “It’s so amazing to look out of the cupola, to look at the ground, the see the Earth, and constantly be wondering ‘How did that happen?’ ... now we have our own crew geologist that we’re going to be calling to the window constantly. I know she says she’s going to be happy to do it, but I think we’re going to test her patience.”

First-time fliers Watkins and Hines are part of the astronaut class that graduated in 2019 after two years of training, and who refer to themselves as “The Turtles.” That class also includes a couple of members of the Crew-3 astronauts currently on station awaiting their arrival.

“We are super excited to be able to learn from them,” Watkins said. “We each have our own expertise, we each have our own individual experiences and backgrounds that we bring to the table.”

SpaceX Crew-4 astronauts Robert Hines and Jessica Watkins chat during their arrival at Kennedy Space Center, on April 18, 2022. - Joe Burbank/Orlando Sentinel/TNS
Interview
Why America overlooks those most hurt by gun violence: ‘Black people are seen as expendable’

Abené Clayton in Los Angeles


Henrika McCoy, an expert on victimization, says timeworn stereotypes prevent real understanding of violent crime in the US


A makeshift memorial near a home where four people were 
killed during a birthday party in Inglewood, California, in January. 
Photograph: Shannon Stapleton/Reuters

Tue 19 Apr 2022 

In the first year of the pandemic, homicides throughout the US increased by 30%, the most dramatic one-year rise since the FBI began keeping crime data.

The increase was driven by a significant rise in gun violence, with shootings ticking up in cities big and small, in states led by Republicans and Democrats alike. Since then, curbing the rise in shootings has become a central topic among candidates vying for midterm election success. It has also prompted policy shifts from mayors across the country and recall challenges for progressive prosecutors in San Francisco and Los Angeles.

As in previous decades, the impact of the rise in violence has been most felt in America’s Black and brown communities. Homicides in 2020 were concentrated among Black Americans who, despite making up 14% of the population, represented more than half of the 2020 victims, according to the FBI data. Gun violence is the leading cause of death for Black males ages 15-34, according to the most recent data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC).

More often than not, people think that if something happened to us, we deserved it
Henrika McCoy

And yet media coverage of the gun violence crisis still rarely acknowledges Black and Latino men as its primary victims. Meanwhile, academics and activists alike warn that tough-on-crime policies heralded by some as a response will only serve to criminalize the same people who deal with the most loss of life and community trauma.

The Guardian spoke with Henrika McCoy, a social worker in Chicago and associate professor at the Jane Addams College of Social Work.

McCoy researches victimization among young Black men and boys and hopes that an increased focus on the violence Black people face can help expand the public’s perception of who a victim is. She argues that racist stereotypes contribute to the idea that Black homicide victims, especially if they’re young and male, don’t merit the same level of compassion as white victims. “We don’t, as a group, harken a lot of sympathy,” McCoy says of Black Americans. “So more often than not, people think that if something happened to us, we deserved it.”

Though Black and Latino people are more likely to be victims and survivors of violence, it seems that the traditional face of crime victimhood is still quite white and conservative. Why is that?

I think the overarching reason Black victims are overlooked is that it’s assumed that Black people are expendable. So when violence happens to us, it doesn’t matter. It should be something that is expected. This country was founded on expending Black bodies to the benefit of forwarding a country. So, from the beginning, our losses of life haven’t held the same weight. And as a group we don’t garner a lot of sympathy because more often than not, people assume: “Well, they were probably doing something anyway. So why should we care?” People assume that we must have done something for harm to happen to us, even though we know that predominantly that is not true.

Have you seen a shift in the perception that Black and Latino crime survivors are deserving of compassion and attention?

That’s complicated. What has shifted is that there are more people talking about their experiences. And because of that, people who aren’t as close to the issue get to see more, which seems big because, for them, these are new voices. But I don’t think the stories are new and the number of current voices are nowhere commensurate to the actual number of incidents that happen. I just think that some of them are harder to avoid. Still, people find a way to minimize what happened as well as its impact on communities.

Henrika McCoy. Photograph: Henrika McCoy

What do officials and the public miss out on when the stories of Black people who have dealt with violence first-hand are obscured?

I think the young Black and brown men who experience this victimization miss out on a range of things, from being able to develop relationships that provide a safe haven to creating positive relationships.

On a more societal level, we are not built for repetitive trauma, so we end up forgetting that the homicide victim we’re reading about is a person. We end up assuming that since this happens every day, it doesn’t have a real impact in communities. By making that assumption, we give ourselves permission to not try to understand or to be engaged and be involved. I understand that we all need a break from devastating news, but if you can’t hear a story and understand where humans are involved, we have a problem.

Finally, elevating the voices and experiences of people in the communities where gun violence happens most can help officials look at this issue and see how it overlaps and intersects with broader pieces of the puzzle, like child welfare and the juvenile legal system.

Often, when I interview Black parents after their child was shot and killed, they emphasize that their child didn’t deserve what happened to them. Why do you think that is?

We know in this society that if you see someone who’s Black and male, stereotypes that aren’t true are automatically piled on to them. So often there’s this justification, that because these are young people who may have done something wrong at one point in their lives, they’re not allowed to move on from certain stereotypes. And it seems that some people receive forgiveness and opportunities to grow and other people don’t.


Why America’s obsession with a suspect’s rap sheet misses the point


So when we see parents crying on the news, it’s because they know they have to fight the existing stereotypes that are piled on. I think it’s a reflex. People feel like if they don’t tell the world that their child was loved and didn’t deserve to be killed, they will just be another Black kid who did something wrong and doesn’t matter.

On the flip side, what can the perspectives of the most underrepresented crime survivors teach people?

When we hear from families of homicide victims, we can begin to understand whose life we lost. Just because they’re Black or brown doesn’t mean they didn’t have anything to contribute. We have to know who those individuals were, and that they contributed something. Everybody contributes something to the world. This person could have been a brilliant student or a talented musician and neighborhood volunteer.

We can also begin to ask ourselves what we could have changed in the life of the person who shot them. Did the suspect in a drive-by whose sibling was killed and they were angry but never received the therapeutic services they needed, so they took out a gun?

Finally, what needs to be done to change the perception of Black homicide victims and crime survivors so their experiences are given the same weight as those of white and affluent victims?

I was working on a manuscript about the world 400 years from now. Kids are sitting in a school and gun violence seems foreign to them. Everything that we’re talking about in terms of racism, structural racism and social terms is foreign to them. They are shocked when they see the news coverage and read stories about what happened. And I thought to myself, “Well, what would it take to get there?” And I honestly don’t know. I don’t think it’ll happen in my lifetime, and that’s sad to say, but I just don’t. I think the goal is to figure out how we can help inch it forward.

 

How Race Influences and Amplifies Backlash Against Outspoken Women

Christine Blasey Ford faces questioning by the Senate Judiciary Committee.
Attitudes about Christine Blasey Ford differed based on the race of respondents in the study. (Photo: www.judiciary.senate.gov./Wikimedia Commons)

When Christine Blasey Ford testified in 2018 that then-Supreme Court nominee Brett Kavanaugh had sexually assaulted her when they were high school students, she elicited empathy and outrage. The reactions were strikingly similar to those that accompanied the testimony of Anita Hill nearly 30 years earlier, when she accused Supreme Court nominee Clarence Thomas of sexual harassment. In both cases, the women faced backlash in part because they were insisting on being heard — an exercise of agency often associated with masculinity. But did race also play a role in how they were perceived?

The answer is yes, according to a new paper coauthored by Brian Lowery, a professor of organizational behavior at Stanford Graduate School of Business. His research, published in Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, found that “gender backlash” — negative reactions toward a woman who is perceived to be breaking gender norms — was more pronounced among people whose race was the same as the woman they were observing. White people’s sexism caused them to view Blasey Ford more harshly, but Black people’s sexism did not change the way they saw Blasey Ford; Black people’s sexism caused them to view Hill more unfavorably, but White people’s sexism didn’t affect their view of Hill nearly as much.

Lowery cowrote the paper with Vivian Xiao, a PhD candidate in organizational behavior at Stanford GSB, and Amelia Stillwellopen in new window, an assistant professor of management at the University of Utah. Across five separate studies, the team found a consistent effect: People are more likely to expect women who share their racial identity to conform to gender norms — to “act like women” — and are more critical of those who do not than they are of women outside of their racial category.

“People who are in your racial in-group see you as gendered, and in some sense, you can say there’s something positive about that,” Lowery says. “Most people care whether people see them as men or women, and people in your racial in-group do that. And because of that, they expect you to behave the way they expect women to behave, and when you don’t, they sanction or punish you.”

The Price of Speaking Up

To test their hypothesis that in-group and out-group associations would be predictive of gender backlash, Lowery and his coauthors studied survey results about attitudes regarding Blasey Ford, Hill, and former Democratic presidential nominee Hillary Clinton, whose rise to political power set her apart from gender norms. The researchers also conducted experiments to gauge whether gender backlash was evident in other situations in which people assessed a woman of the same race.

This article by Nadra Nittle originally appeared on the Insights by Stanford Business blog of the Stanford University Graduate School of Business. It is reposted here with permission.They surveyed almost 600 people after Kavanaugh’s Supreme Court confirmation hearings, which included Blasey Ford’s remarks accusing him of sexual assault. Survey participants were asked to evaluate how likable they found Blasey Ford and how truthful they believed her testimony to be. White study participants were significantly less supportive of Blasey Ford — their sexism increased — but the degree of sexism among people of color had a much weaker effect on their view of Blasey Ford.

Study participants who viewed Blasey Ford unfavorably saw her behavior as violating gender norms — “She’s not doing what people think women should do,” Lowery says. The pronounced backlash among White people suggests that they saw Blasey Ford “as a woman,” and ascribed certain expectations to her as a result. When she didn’t behave according to those norms, “People in her racial group are going to have a problem with her and be less likely to believe her.”

Lowery contends that people of color weren’t more supportive of Blasey Ford because they are less sexist than their White counterparts. Rather, they were less likely to impose their expectations of gender performance on a woman of another race. To test this insight, Lowery and his co-authors examined attitudes about Hill, a Black attorney and law professor who accused Thomas, also Black, of sexual harassment when he was a Supreme Court nominee in 1991.

The researchers analyzed opinions of Hill from more than 700 respondents in the American National Election Studies survey in 1992. They found that Black respondents’ sexism predicted harsher judgments of Hill than non-Black respondents’ sexism did. “Their sexism negatively affected how they perceived Hill,” Lowery says.

Evaluating Women Leaders

Women who run for public office are vulnerable to gender backlash, as leadership qualities have long been framed as masculine. Would the same race-influenced attitudes present in the findings about Blasey Ford and Hill also appear when the subject was presidential nominee Hillary Clinton? Using a sample of nearly 2,000 people, Lowery and his coauthors examined how voters felt about Clinton during the 2016 election. After controlling for political ideology, they found that White voters were significantly less likely to vote for Clinton as a function of sexism than Black voters.

“To be a leader means to behave in a certain way,” Lowery says. “And the way that people expect leaders to behave is incompatible with the way they expect women to behave. In some sense, just desiring and pursuing power — that’s seen as not very feminine. So, the more sexist people are, the more of a problem they’re going to have with a woman who’s running for president. If you’re likely to see people of your racial in-group as gendered, then you’d predict that White people would have a problem with Hillary Clinton.”

While the first three experiments in the study focused on women in the public eye, the last two used imaginary women to test how people felt about adherence to gender norms. In one, White participants read about a woman in a leadership role with a stereotypically White, Black, or Asian American name who described herself as either a “tough boss” or a “caring boss.” They read about this woman reprimanding a subordinate of unspecified race and gender and reported how much they liked this leader and her leadership skills.

Controlling for the study participants’ views on social hierarchy, the researchers determined once again that the in-group or out-group status affected the level of backlash. The hypothetical White women who described themselves as tough bosses received more gender backlash from White people than did Black or Asian American women leaders. Similarly, a second study using theoretical female subjects found that Asian American respondents viewed tough female bosses of their own racial group — Asian women — less favorably than they did tough bosses who were of a different racial background — White women.

The researchers did not examine the gender expectations people have of men of the same race, but plans are in the works to do so. “If it’s true that in-groups confer gender to some women and not others, then it also should be the case that sometimes you confer masculinity with some men and not others,” Lowery says. “So, what would that look like? That’s something we’re looking at.”

When Racism and Sexism Collide

The gender norms people expect women of their racial in-group to meet have serious ramifications for society, Lowery says. Clinton, for example, lost to Donald Trump in 2016 among both White women and White men. Had she not faced a gender backlash from her racial in-group, which makes up the largest percentage of the US electorate, would things have played out differently?

“We talked about the magnitude of the impact and how that shift could have affected the election if these effects had not been there,” Lowery says. “What would have happened in the election? I think that’s just an interesting way to highlight why this matters.”

That said, Lowery does not want the study to give the impression that White women suffer gender backlash more than women of color. Instead, he wants readers to think critically about how different dimensions of hierarchy related to race and gender affect each other. In some situations, racism might worsen sexism, he says. In others, sexism might blunt the effects of racism. While White people might punish White women more for defying gender roles, they might also be more willing to reward them for adhering to gender norms.

“Racism can allow you to avoid the negative consequences of sexism, or racism can also prevent you from getting the positive consequences associated with paternalistic sexism,” Lowery says. “You just have to be more thoughtful about how these things actually affect people’s lives.”

Nadra Nittle

Nadra Nittle is the education reporter for The 19th. She was previously a senior reporter for Civil Eats and a staff reporter for Vox Media and the Long Beach Press-Telegram, where she covered K-12 education.