Tuesday, May 31, 2022

 RARE PINK DOLPHIN

Dolphin swims into family’s home after flood in Brazil

 

This is the incredible moment a family hand-feeds a dolphin that swam into their home during a flash flood in Brazil. The footage was filmed in Vila de Paricatuba in the municipality of Iranduba. The area was hit by intense floods this week after the nearby Rio Negro burst its banks, allowing one curious dolphin to visit the family at their floating home. Footage shows the dolphin peering up at the family members, who feed it fish and pet its nose.

How Russia “seized” and “imprisoned” a Greenpeace ship | John Sauven interview 

May 30, 2022
Former Greenpeace chief John Sauven explains how after his organisation occupied one of Russia's oil rigs, Putin's government "seized the ship" and "all the crew on board, illegally." Sauven tells the story of how Greenpeace campaigned for the release of their crew and what lessons from this event could be applied to dealing with Putin over the Russia Ukraine crisis. -- John Sauven was the Executive Director of Greenpeace for over 14 years. He has overseen direct action protest, lobbying and policy change on climate issues. This wide-ranging New Statesman interview was conducted as he leaves the organisation. -- The New Statesman brings you unrivalled analysis of of the latest UK and international politics. On our YouTube channel you’ll find insight on the top news and global current affairs stories, as well as insightful interviews with politicians, advisers and leading political thinkers, to help you understand the political and economic forces shaping the world. With regular contributions from our writers including Political Editor Andrew Marr and Anoosh Chakelian - host of the New Statesman podcast - we’ll help you understand the world of politics and global affairs from Westminster to Washington and beyond.

The Laughter of the Avatar - Shunyamurti Teaching

NO LAUGHING MATTER

Laughter has become a risky business, observes Nilajana Bhowmick.

Comedian Kunal Kamra is routinely accused of promoting ‘anti-national’ sentiment.
Credit: Garvmalik1/WikiCommons

Nilajana Bhowmick
ANALYSIS
18 February 2022
India

In January 2021, stand-up comedian Munawar Faruqui was arrested just as he was about to start a gig at a café in Indore, in the central Indian state of Madhya Pradesh, where the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is in power.

A group of men, led by a BJP politician’s son, stormed onstage and accused the young comic of making jokes offensive to Hindu sentiments. They were referring to material on Faruqui’s immensely popular YouTube channel – jokes that were irreverent irrespective of creed. Faruqui, who is a member of India’s beleaguered minority Muslim community, tried reasoning with the group, but wound up spending 28 days in jail for a joke he didn’t even tell that evening.

Since then, his shows have been forcibly cancelled due to threats by rightwingers, with the police urging closure rather than providing protection. Faruqui is not the only comedian in their gunsights. Rightwing groups have targeted others, too. Ribald comic Kunal Kamra is frequently trolled for being ‘anti-national’. Kamra has said that the organizers of his shows have also often threatened to cancel.

Of course, authoritarian regimes have traditionally been scared of comedy and satire. The force of laughter, after all, can penetrate even the politically unaware. But the effort to silence these comics, and the furious debates on social media surrounding these incidents, draws my attention to a wider problem.

To some extent we have always been a country of ‘hurt sentiments’, with some group or the other constantly taking offence over issues that would not even register if we had a more robust tradition of free speech. But the truth is that seven years of an increasingly totalitarian regime has silently seeped into our lives making us edgy and nervous. Our sense of offence has been weaponized. Our sentiments are hurt easily. We cannot admire something artistic without searching for something about it that offends us. We are either censoring others or censoring ourselves. Everything is controlled – either by the government or by us. So much is out of bounds. Religion, culture, books, movies, music, art, it’s all a minefield. It is just not enough anymore to be on the right side, one has to be right all the time. As the state’s grip over us has tightened, we have become porcelain dolls – fragile, über-sensitive and humourless.

We have forgotten to laugh – and this has serious social repercussions, for when we laugh together, it is difficult to hate each other.

Contrarily, however, I also wonder if being in this perpetual state of offence is also a form of defence? After all, what is there to laugh about anyway? We are constantly being gaslighted by the government and fed half-lies and untruths. We have lost too many people unnecessarily to Covid-19 owing to government inefficiency, the conflagration of funeral pyres still fresh in our nightmares. The economy has tanked, vegetable and fuel prices are skyrocketing by the day, the government has begun to crack down on our thoughts and actions, on our protests – and our laughter.

In a country where comics are stopped from telling jokes, it’s understandable that people will forget to laugh.

Nilanjana Bhowmick is a multi-award winning, independent journalist, a former TIME correspondent, based in New Delhi, India. She is an independent commentator on gender, development, politics and current affairs.




This article is from the March-April 2022 issue of New Internationalist.
WHAT IF…WE SAID ‘NO’ TO CONCRETE?

The world is turning grey as more and more concrete is poured. Vanessa Baird posits an alternative.

Credit: Andy Carter


Vanessa Baird
ANALYSIS
10 June 2022
Climate

Concrete is magic. It gives form to the boldest civic ambitions and allows the wildest flights of architectural imagination; it can house millions or give expression to towering phallic capitalist hubris.

It’s also handy if you want to make a patio outside your back door.

The Romans used it (see the Colosseum), but the 20th century was when the world went concrete crazy – and it became synonymous with development and progress. It’s often confused with cement, the kiln-fired limestone-based substance that binds sand, aggregate (usually gravel or stones) and water to make concrete. The result is so incredibly strong and durable – especially when reinforced with steel – that it is today the second most widely used substance on the planet, after water.

Since 2003, China has poured more concrete every three years than the US managed in the entire 20th century. And thanks to its global Belt and Road programme of big dams, ports, roads, railways and cement factories across 50 countries, China will keep doing so.

Let’s pause there… and consider. Half of concrete’s CO2 emissions are created during the manufacture of cement; and as concrete hardens, it releases yet more CO2. ‘If the cement industry were a country, it would be the third largest carbon dioxide emitter in the world… surpassed only by China and the US,’ writes Jonathan Watts in The Guardian.

Concrete is thirsty – accounting for one-tenth of the world’s industrial water use. It makes strong storm defences – but concreted towns and cities trap floodwater. Its wind-borne dust causes silicosis and other respiratory diseases. It’s a dirty business. ‘Sand mafias’ operating illegally to supply the concrete industry terrorize local communities.

But given the power and ubiquity of concrete, isn’t giving it a miss just fanciful?

Luckily those developing alternatives don’t think so. Hempcrete is gaining traction as a viable construction material and alternative to standard concrete and clay bricks (which also emit CO2 in their manufacture). Made from a mix of hurd (a hemp by-product), lime binder and water, it is moulded into blocks and hardened in the open. Hemp grows fast and uses little land (10 tonnes can grow in 100 days on 0.4 hectares). Instead of emitting CO2, hempcrete actually absorbs it.

It weighs six times less than concrete, its makers say it can be made as strong, but you wouldn’t build a dam with it. It’s especially suitable for domestic construction and insulation, and being more flexible and fungus-resistant than concrete is better in earthquake-prone and humid regions.

Timber is also seeing a revival. Thanks to advances in construction systems, wooden eco-buildings are now reaching for the sky. Cross-laminated timber (CLT) was used to build the 14-storey Treet apartment block in Bergen, Norway. Hybrids of wood-and-steel and wood-and-concrete allow for more height. The HoHo building under construction in Vienna, will be 76 per cent wood in structure and 24 storeys high. According to woodskyscrapers.org, these advances ‘meet and exceed modern construction requirements including fire codes, building costs, construction times and structural requirements’.

Of course, to be eco-friendly all timber needs to be 100 per cent certified sustainable.

Benjamin Gill is a sustainable construction expert with social enterprises Bioregional and One Planet Living. He says: ‘We need construction to be a carbon sink rather than a source. That means scaling up an entire new supply chain and industry to deliver sustainably grown and sourced bio-based construction materials like FSC timber and hempcrete.’

Whether sustainable forestry practices are able to meet the demand if timber takes off as the primary building material remains to be seen. The shift would certainly incentivize us to value forests more. Other big mindset shifts might happen too. If something can only be built in concrete, should it be built at all? The higher and heavier you build, the bigger the carbon footprint, says Gill, so more human-scale construction could be beneficial in many ways. Concrete will still be needed for some things – securing wind-turbines, for example. But a wisely allocated concrete CO2 budget would rule out destructive (big dam) and vanity (the highest building) projects.

‘Concrete is one of the tools that allows humans to see themselves as separate from nature and our planet,’ says Gill. To move beyond it is ‘a huge opportunity to create a different construction industry that is carbon absorbing rather than emitting’.

Saying ‘no’ to concrete is a challenge, but it could be saying ‘yes’ to living with nature within planetary limits, to realism, to survival.

Vanessa Baird
Vanessa Baird lived and worked as a journalist in Peru during the tumultuous mid-1980s, and she maintains a passionate interest in South America. She joined New Internationalist as a co-editor in 1986 and since then has written on everything 



This article is from the May-June 2022 issue of New Internationalist.

‘AS LONG AS THE WORLD KEEPS RUNNING, WE’LL BE HERE’

Branded as terrorists by President Erdoğan’s hardline regime, LGBTQI+ people in Turkey are finding ways to express themselves and build solidarity, writes Tuğçe Özbiçer.


Unstoppable: Celebrating Pride in central Istanbul on 30 June 2019, despite the ban on the event.
MURAD SEZER/REUTERS/ALAMY

Tuğçe Özbiçer
REPORT
11 June 2022
Turkey

As my friends and I climb the old staircase to a bar in Istanbul’s vibrant Taksim district, I’m surprised to hear the establishment’s name. I thought Şahika had shut down but it seems my friends had just stopped going. ‘Queer managers took over,’ they explain, ‘so we have all migrated back!’

Passing familiar faces in colourful outfits, laughing and kissing, we enter a room overflowing with life. Akış Ka, a drag artist, performs to a cheering crowd. People from the LGBTQI+ community come here to be with each other as they are, true to themselves, despite the hate that the government spreads.

In February 2021, president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan told the nation: ‘LGBT – there is no such thing.’ There are continuous attempts to exclude the LGBTQI+ community, as well as the feminist movement, from the public sphere. But in underground spaces such as Şahika, it’s clear that Erdoğan is wrong.

Erdoğan’s Justice and Development Party (AKP) has been ruling Turkey for almost two decades now. Since a sweeping electoral win in 2002, the AKP has slowly and meticulously made the transformation from being a conservative rightwing party to becoming an authoritarian far-right regime. When Erdoğan was re-elected as president in 2014, winning 51 per cent of the vote, the most populist chapter of his leadership began. It has been marked by attacks on minority groups and increased suppression of the political opposition in academia, media and civil society.

Istanbul’s annual Pride March has been running since 2003 and has been steadily growing in popularity. In 2013, almost 100,000 people attended and by 2014 it was the biggest LGBTQI+ event in Turkey’s history. But in 2015 Pride was officially banned by The Istanbul Governor’s Office, citing security concerns. Although it still takes place, the event is brutally attacked by police every year. In 2021, officers fired tear gas into the crowd and around 20 people were arrested.

Turkey was ranked as having Europe’s highest trans murder rate in 2016

Making minority groups ‘enemies’ is a useful tactic for Erdoğan as he deepens his grip on power. It’s a strategy that has proved effective in the past. ‘AKP has been systematically violent towards Kurds, Alevis, working-class people and women. The LGBTQI+ community is the easiest to attack. In a way it is mathematical: individuals from all social, ethnic or class backgrounds can be united by homophobia and transphobia,’ Akış Ka says.

CRUCIAL SOLIDARITY


In the face of increased oppression, solidarity has grown, often fostered in spaces like Şahika. This solidarity is crucial for the LGBTQI+ community in Turkey where discrimination often begins within the family and expands into all areas of the society.

This solidarity appears in different forms: listening to each other’s troubles, being there for support when someone has suffered from violence, or sharing creative work to help queer groups and individuals to reach a bigger audience.

‘The solidarity in the LGBTQI+ community made me the person who I am today,’ says Akış Ka, whose stage name comes from the word ‘Akışkan’, meaning ‘fluid’ in Turkish.

Akış Ka points to the core of solidarity and its importance on an emotional level: ‘It is, first of all, being together. And crying together. It means the world. Crying with someone, for the same thing.’

Stronger ties have been made with other social justice movements. Co-operation between the queer movement, political parties, and human rights organizations increased in 2013 when anti-government protests swept the country. These coalitions have made it easier for the LGBTQI+ community to voice their concerns and demand recognition and acceptance. ‘Suddenly we were labelled a “threat” because we had so much support and we were very visible. Erdoğan’s conservative supporters were scared their children would also come out as gay!’ Akış Ka comments.

‘ABSURD AND SCARY’

In 2021, a six-month-long student protest movement calling for the democratic election of a university rector turned into a fight for LGBTQI+ rights, with many detained and arrested for offences including ‘displaying rainbow flags’.

Students at Boğaziçi University opposed the appointment, by Erdoğan himself, of rector Melih Bulu. One of the AKP’s parliamentary candidates in 2015, Bulu had remained a close ally of the party and the President.

‘Those who joined the protests are not students,’ said Erdoğan in January 2021. ‘This is something involving terrorists.’

Hazar is an activist and artist from Istanbul and a former student of Boğaziçi University. She was one of the founders of BOUN Art Collective (Boğaziçi University Art Collective) which, as part of the protest, organized a campus-wide exhibition displaying over 400 works submitted by artists across the world.

One piece entitled ‘Yılanı Güldürseler’ (To make the serpent laugh) showed a picture of Kaaba, the most sacred site in Islam, with various LGBTQI+ solidarity flags in each corner. Hazar says that conservative students posted a photo of it on Twitter, saying ‘it is insulting Islam’.

Erdoğan divisively commented: ‘We will lead our young people to the future not as the LGBT youth but as the youth that existed in our nation’s glorious past.’ Following him, interior minister Süleyman Soylu tweeted that ‘the government would not tolerate the LGBT perverts who attempted to occupy the rector’s office’.

Hundreds of students were detained, including Hazar and six others from the Collective. They were charged with ‘provoking the public to hatred and hostility.’ Hazar, who now lives in Berlin, was put on trial – a process she describes as ‘absurd and scary’.

‘The judge asked me if I’m serving for LGBT. As if being LGBTQI+ means that you belong to some kind of illegal organization that you could serve for!’ explains Hazar. She was sentenced to house arrest for a month.

THE FINGER OF BLAME


‘Attempts to present the LGBTQI+ movement as a terrorist organization have a lot to do with the state’s increasingly militarist, transphobic and homophobic ideology,’ says lawyer and activist Eren Keskin, who is the founder of the Legal Aid Office Against Sexual Harassment and Rape in Detention.

This terrifying trend is led by the President but echoed by many others, including anti-LGBTQI+ ministers and corrupt media platforms that continue to spread hate.

LGBTQI+ people have even been made scapegoats for the Covid-19 pandemic. In April 2020, Ali Erbaş, the head of Turkey’s Religious Affairs Directorate, delivered a sermon in which he said that homosexuality caused disease. ‘Let’s come and fight together to protect people from this kind of evil,’ he said. President Erdoğan backed him up, stating that Erbaş was ‘totally right’ in what he said.

Erbaş was also massively influential in relation to Turkey’s withdrawal from the Istanbul Convention on Combating Violence Against Women in March 2021. As the most comprehensive agreement to tackle gender-based and domestic violence, it bothered some conservatives because it recognized the abuse of a husband, boyfriend, father or a brother.

According to Keskin, ‘Erdoğan’s government and its supporters are terrified by the feminist and LGBTQI+ movement because both are bravely fighting against so-called “traditional Turkish family values”.’

At least 280 women were murdered in 2021 according to the ‘We Will Stop Femicide Platform’ – the majority killed in their homes. In 2020, Turkey was ranked by the International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex Association as the second worst place in Europe for LGBTQI+ rights out of 49 countries. Turkey was also ranked as having Europe’s highest trans murder rate in 2016.

SPACE FOR EXPRESSION


‘Most of my clients who have experienced human rights violations are trans people. Even when they are wandering the streets, police come to them and charge them with “polluting public areas” or “abusing public spaces”,’ says Keskin.

In prison trans people face a double punishment; if they haven’t had gender-affirming surgery they are held in solitary confinement. Although it is legal to apply to undergo gender reassignment whilst in prison the Turkish state will usually refuse, illegally claiming that ‘gender-reassignment surgery is a type of plastic surgery’.

In 2018 Buse Aydin, a trans woman inmate, applied and went through all the necessary processes to get surgery. She ended up on a 38-day long hunger strike for the approval of a human right that’s covered in the 8th and 14th articles of the European Convention on Human Rights. Even after that, the Ministry of Health refused to cover the costs of the necessary surgeries. ‘After all Buse was forced to go through, she cut her penis in solitary confinement in 2019. With the incredible work of women’s and LGBTQI+ organizations, she finally had her gender-affirming surgery and the state covered the costs. She is happy now, recovering,’ says Keskin, Buse’s lawyer.

Despite all the oppression that Turkey’s LGBTQI+ community has been facing, its existence is more visible than ever. Asserting themselves in various state and non-state spaces, queer people continue to resist, especially through creative works and a growing arts and culture scene in big cities.

‘We’re expressing ourselves through art, music, performance... We’re telling our own empowering stories out loud, writing our own history. If we don’t, then there will be no memory or evidence of a LGBTQI+ community in Turkey,’ says Akış Ka.

‘Our stories inspire and empower others. The state doesn’t support us, but what can they really do? As long as the world keeps running, we’ll be here. If we lose our hope for equality, justice and freedom, there is nothing to hold on to.’

Turkey’s LGBTQI+ community is more resilient than vulnerable. And, the fight will go on.

Tuğçe Özbiçer is a journalist from Istanbul. She worked for several Turkish left-wing newspapers before moving to London in 2020, Due to the increased oppression of the media in Turkey. She covers mostly LGBTQI+ issues, women, arts and culture, and human rights stories.




This article is from the May-June 2022 issue of New Internationalist.

KHARKIV’S PATCHWORK RESISTANCE

Without networks of civic activism, the war might be going very differently for Ukraine, writes Jen Stout.
Kharkiv’s musicians came together in a secret underground bunker for a fundraising gig, in aid of the city’s defence efforts.

JEN STOUT
REPORT
30 May 2022
Ukraine


Kharkiv, which lies just over 30 kilometres from Russia in northeast Ukraine has been shelled since the first hours of the invasion. Whole streets are devastated, left in ruins. Entire residential districts are burnt out.

But deep in a secret bunker under the city, Kharkiv’s best musicians and writers livestream a concert from their makeshift studio. The atmosphere is heady and happy, with an overwhelming sense of solidarity and purpose. This gig is just one small part of the society-wide effort to crowdfund for the army.

Enjoying the show are Igor and his teenage son Maksim. Igor, in normal times, is a judge. Now he’s a volunteer in the civil defence. On their army fatigues, they both wear a patch that reads ‘MRIYA’ and features a large white plane: their Kyiv battalion is named in honour of the world’s largest cargo plane which was destroyed by the Russian army in late February. In Ukrainianmriya 
means ‘dream’. It reflects Ukraine’s dream of freedom, Igor says earnestly.

Volunteer work proceeds at a frantic pace. A trendy cafe has become a hub for aid, each room stacked with sacks of rice and sugar. Nappies are piled up to the ceiling and there is a constant flow of volunteers and cars

The patches are eye-catching: stylized and colourful. The ones for the Kharkiv’s battalion feature the spectacular 1920s constructivist ‘Derzhprom’ building which somehow escaped with just broken windows when rockets hit the central square on 1 March.

A thin, softly-spoken young man explains with pride that he designed this patch. He is in fact responsible for many of the most used pro-Ukraine posters and patches. ‘This is my part in the war,’ he says, ‘my battleground’.

Elsewhere in the city, the volunteer work proceeds at a frantic pace. A trendy cafe has become a hub for aid, each room stacked with sacks of rice and sugar. Nappies are piled up to the ceiling and there is a constant flow of volunteers and cars. The big problem is fuel, as it is all over Ukraine. Bombs destroy fuel depots and supplies can’t get in.

Ivanna Skyba-Yakubova, in her thirties, has like many of her generation been helping the army and humanitarian efforts since Russia annexed Crimea and the war began in 2014, but now this is her whole life.I meet her at Kharkiv’s main fire station, a beautiful 1980s building full of Soviet murals and marble. It’s a big day: they are finally delivering the state-of-the-art equipment needed to find survivors under rubble. Rescuers have been trying to work without this kit for two and a half months, while Ivanna and her friends tried desperately to source it.

Through their charity Kharkiv With You, they eventually found a supplier. The kit being handed over this rainy morning came from the US, via Finland, and cost more than $10,000.Should the state be doing the work of getting equipment to emergency services and the army, rather than these exhausted volunteers?

‘No state in the world could be ready for the challenge we’re facing now,’ Ivanna says. ‘Of course there are “holes” – our task is to “patch” them. The state is us too.’

People like Ivanna have been building this massive network of civic activism and self-organization since the Maidan revolution in 2014. Without it, this war might be going very differently.

This article is from the May-June 2022 issue of New Internationalist.

Pope Francis sends ‘powerful message’ by elevating liberal Bishop over Archbishop who banned Pelosi from communion

David Badash, The New Civil Rights Movement
May 30, 2022

Pope Francis (AFP Photo/Gabriel Bouys)
Pope Francis on Sunday sent the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops (USCCB) a clear and strong rebuke by elevating the Bishop of San Diego to Cardinal, just days after the Archbishop of San Francisco's repeated and very public attack against Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi.

Archbishop Salvatore Cordileone ten days ago banned Speaker Pelosi from receiving Holy Communion, one of the most sacred elements of Catholic worship, despite the Vatican's and the Pope's insistence the Eucharist not be politicized. Cordileone says he did so because of her pro-choice stance on abortion. But as Pelosi remarked, the Catholic Church has never banned anyone from communion for supporting the death penalty.

Not only did Cordileone, a right-wing activist who has refused to be vaccinated against COVID-19, ban Speaker Pelosi from taking communion, he did so extremely publicly. Cordileone went as far as to post his letter to Pelosi on Twitter, calling her stance on abortion a “most serious scandal,” and a “grave evil.” He then appeared on EWTN, a Catholic news cable network to defend his decision, and even posted that interview on social media. Seven days after his very public rebuke of Pelosi, he again chastised her on Twitter, writing that she "has strong opinions on what the Church teaches but she is wrong. And that is part of why I had to act."

Pope Francis has made clear no one should be banned from communion, certainly not for political reasons.

“What must the pastor do?” Pope Francis said last year, The New York Times noted when a reporter asked him about another Catholic, President Joe Biden and his stance on abortion. “Be a pastor, don’t go condemning. Be a pastor, because he is a pastor also for the excommunicated.”

“I have never refused the eucharist to anyone,” Pope Francis also told reporters.

On Sunday, in that apparent strong rebuke against Cordileone, Pope Francis announced he is elevating a lower-ranking Bishop, progressive Robert McElroy of San Diego, to Cardinal, a position over Cordileone's.

"The choice of Bishop McElroy is the biggest surprise of this consistory [the council of cardinals] for the church in the United States," reports the Jesuit publication America. "A graduate of Harvard, Stanford and the Pontifical Gregorian University, Bishop McElroy has demonstrated that he is one of the strongest supporters of the pope’s vision of church among the American bishops since Francis appointed him to be bishop of San Diego in March 2015. By choosing him to be a cardinal, instead of others, Pope Francis is sending a powerful message to the American bishops and church."

In reporting McElroy's elevation, The San Francisco Chronicle adds that Cordileone has engaged in a "very public campaign against Pelosi and abortion rights as a whole — in October, he started digital and radio ads urging Catholics to pray to change the minds of Pelosi and other politicians who support abortion rights."

One year ago this month Bishop McElroy wrote in America, "The Eucharist is being weaponized for political ends. This must not happen."

He added: "The proposal to exclude pro-choice Catholic political leaders from the Eucharist will bring tremendously destructive consequences."

TNA MP calls on Canada to support ‘interim governing mechanism’ for Eelam Tamils

A Tamil lawmaker thanked Canada’s parliament over a landmark motion that recognised May 18th as Tamil Genocide Remembrance Day and called for an internationally monitored referendum for Eelam Tamils and the diaspora to determine their political future.

S Sritharan, a parliamentarian with the Tamil National Alliance, wrote that he wanted to “wholeheartedly convey my gratitude to the House of Commons of the Canadian Parliament for acknowledging the Tamil Genocide by Sri Lanka”.

In particular, he thanked Canadian MP Gary Anandasangaree for bringing forward the motion and said he hopes the move would be the “first step towards justice, and non-recurrence”.

His letter to Canadian prime minister Justin Trudeau concluded with three further calls; for an internationally monitored referendum, an interim governing mechanism for the Eelam Tamils to govern and protect themselves and their lands, until the referendum is held and for Sri Lanka’s genocide of the Tamil people to be referred to the International Criminal Court and International Court of Justice.

See the full text of his letter below.

SOUTH AFRICA
CCMA-facilitated talks deadlock after Sibanye and unions reject proposed offers



Attempts by the Commission for Conciliation, Mediation and Arbitration (CCMA) to bring an end to a protracted wage strike at Sibanye-Stillwater deadlocked after the employer accepted the dispute resolution body’s proposal while striking unions rejected it.

In a meeting that ran late into Monday night, the CCMA proposed a three-year wage deal that would have resulted in workers receiving pay hikes of R700, R1,000 and R900 over a three-year period, a one-off ex gratia payment of R3,000, and an annual 5% increase for artisans, miners and officials.

“This proposal was accepted by Sibanye management but rejected by workers because it’s an insult to our members,” Livhuwani Mammburu, spokesperson of the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) told Business Day on Tuesday.

About 25,000 gold miners led by the Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (Amcu) and NUM downed tools on March 9 demanding a pay increase of as much as 9.8% after rejecting Sibanye’s offer for an increase in basic wages of 7.8% for the first year. The Reserve Bank forecasts a headline inflation of 5.9% for 2022.

The two unions rejected the company’s revised offer of an R800 wage increase, a R50 increase in the living-out allowance and a 5% increase for miners, artisans and officials.

Sibanye, the world’s largest platinum group metals (PGMs) producer, has said the final settlement offer will translate into a 7.8% rise in basic wages in year one, 7.2% in year two and 6.8% in year three. It will increase the mining group’s wage bill by R1.67bn over the three years.

The two unions had been demanding a R1,000 increase, which amounts to a 9.8% rise in year one, 8.8% in year two and 8.2% in year three for entry-level workers, including surface and underground miners.

Mammburu said during the meeting, which ended at about 10pm on Monday, that the two unions tabled a revised offer for increases of R800, R1,000 and R900 over three years, a R3,000 one-off ex gratia payment, and a 5% increase for artisans, miners and officials, rising to 5.5% in the third year, which was rejected by Sibanye.

“This counter proposal was rejected last night [Monday]. We are in a deadlock. The parties will meet again today [Tuesday] under the section 150 process, but the unions will hold a brief caucus first to try to find a way forward,” Mammburu said.

The protracted industrial action has halted operations at Sibanye’s gold operations that make up a small portion of its portfolio, which is dominated by PGMs. It has also left striking workers R1bn out of pocket and prompted minerals & energy minister Gwede Mantashe to threaten to revoke the company’s mining licence.

Sibanye has said its gold operations will resume when the strike ends, workers report for work and operations are made safe. However, it has said it is “premature to attribute accurate numbers to production losses”, it has published production guidance of between 813,000oz and 873,000oz for 2022. It could lose at least 203,250oz if the strike goes on for three months.

Amcu’s five-month strike from November 2018 at Sibanye’s gold operations cost the company R1.6bn and 110,000oz in lost production of gold. Nine people died. Workers forfeited R1.5bn in pay during the strike, after which Amcu accepted terms that had been accepted by NUM, Solidarity and Uasa.

SA’s mining industry contributes about 9% to GDP and employs about 450,000 people directly.

mkentanel@businesslive.co.za