Friday, June 03, 2022

Biden enforces largest Medicare premium hike in history while funneling more profits to private insurers

Kate Randall
WSWS.ORG

In a move that received minimal media attention, last week the Biden administration reaffirmed its decision to enact the largest Medicare premium hike in the program’s 57-year history. The president is also endorsing a plan to funnel more money to private insurance companies and escalating plans to privatize the government insurance program for seniors and those with disabilities. Medicare enrolled 62.7 million people in 2021.

President Joe Biden on March 18, 2022, in Washington. (AP Photo/Patrick Semansky)

The White House announced May 27 that Medicare recipients will not see their premiums lowered this year. This is despite the fact that a rate hike confirmed last November was due in large part to projected costs for a drug to treat Alzheimer’s disease that have now been lowered.

In November 2021, the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS), part of the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS), announced an approximately 14.5 percent increase to premiums for Medicare Part B, which covers doctor visits and some preventive care and outpatient services. The standard monthly premium rose from $148.50 in 2021 to $170.10 this year.

The hike came largely as a result of uncertainty over whether Medicare would cover the costs of Aduhelm, an exorbitantly expensive drug to treat Alzheimer’s. Under pressure from the pharmaceutical industry, the controversial drug was approved for use by the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) in June 2021, despite disputes over whether it is effective in treating the debilitating disease.

Biogen, the maker of Aduhelm, originally priced the drug at $56,000 a year. After a considerable outcry from patient advocates and others, Biogen announced that the drug would cost $28,200 effective January 1, 2022, when the Medicare premium hikes kicked in. In April, Medicare instituted strict rules regarding who could receive Aduhelm, restricting its use mainly to clinical trials.

On May 27, the Biden administration said that despite the halving of Aduhelm’s cost, and also its restriction to a small patient pool, it would not be lowering the monthly premiums deducted from seniors’ Social Security benefits. The administration justified this move on the basis of “legal and operational hurdles.”

In a report to HHS Secretary Xavier Becerra, CMS wrote that “a mid-year administrative redetermination [of Medicare premiums] would be prohibitively complex and highly risky, requiring significant resources and unproven technical solutions from the varied entities which manage premium collection and payment.” In practical terms, this means that Medicare enrollees will not be receiving either a refund on the premium increases already collected this year, nor will premiums be adjusted for the balance of 2022.

CMS claims that 2023 premiums will be adjusted to reflect the lowering of the price of Aduhelm and the reduction in the drug’s usage. There is no guarantee, however, that such an adjustment will take place, as other price hikes demanded by the pharmaceutical industry or other segments of the for-profit health care system are highly likely. And the government has seldom rebated money that it has already collected from the population.

CMS also makes the fantastic claim that seniors are unlikely to feel the impact of the premium hike due to a 5.9 percent cost-of-living adjustment in their Social Security benefits that began in January 2022. This small increase has already been more than eaten up by rapidly rising inflation hitting food, housing, transportation and other basic necessities. The impact on seniors is particularly dire, with more than 7 million living in poverty and 7.3 million food-insecure, according to the Kaiser Family Foundation (KFF).

The news that 2022 premium hikes will not be refunded or scaled back comes as Biden officials are moving forward with an 8.5 percent increase in payments made to private insurers operating Medicare Advantage plans in 2023.

Under Medicare Advantage, also known as Medicare Part C, beneficiaries pay their monthly premiums to the federal government but receive coverage from a private insurer for inpatient hospital and outpatient services, typically including prescription drug coverage as well. The establishment of these plans marked a major step in the dismantling of Medicare as a government program. Companies operating these plans are incentivized to limit the amount of medical care received by their enrollees in order to boost profits.

Dr. Susan Rogers, president of Physicians for a National Healthcare Program, told The Lever, “Medicare Advantage insurers such as United Healthcare, Anthem, and CVS/Aetna are celebrating record profits in the tens of billions of dollars.” She added, “Their business plan is simple: inflate their Medicare payments by making seniors look sicker than they are, and then pocket more of those Medicare dollars by ruthlessly denying seniors’ care.”

Enrollment in Medicare Advantage—signed into law in 1997 by Bill Clinton—has more than doubled over the past decade. In 2021, more than 26 million people were enrolled in a Medicare Advantage plan, or about 42 percent of the total Medicare population. Private plans have cost Medicare $146 billion since 2008.

In addition to hiking Medicare premiums and funneling more money to Medicare Advantage insurers, Biden has expanded Medicare privatization. The Direct Contracting Entity (DCE) program was launched in April 2019 by the CMS, during the Trump administration, under the auspices the CMS Innovation Center, known as CMMI.

Similar to Medicare Advantage, the DCE program allows intermediary companies to offer unique benefits, such as gym memberships. DCE operators range from private insurers to publicly traded companies to private equity firms. As for-profit entities they are also incentivized to limit patient care, particularly for the critically ill.

While Medicare patients choose to sign up for Advantage plans, patients can be enrolled in DCE health plans without their informed consent. Remarkably, seniors for instance may be “auto-aligned” to a DCE if any primary care physician they have visited in the past two years is affiliated with that DCE. Seniors are being swindled by these plans via methods more unscrupulous than scammers trying to obtain Social Security numbers over the phone.

Notably, CMMI was created under the Affordable Care Act, which was signed into law in 2010 by Barack Obama. CMMI’s aim was to develop new payment models in Medicare and Medicaid, the government insurance program for the poor, without going through the formal legislative process that requires public comment.

The DCE program is now being expanded by the Biden administration under a new name—ACO REACH, or Accountable Care Organization Realizing Equity, Access, and Community Health. Democratic Rep. Pramila Jayapal’s office told The Lever that 350,000 seniors were assigned to DCE plans as of January 2022, none of whom signed up voluntarily.

In the US health care system, access to and the affordability of medical care is subordinated to the profits of the private insurers, pharmaceuticals and giant hospital chains. Democratic and Republican politicians alike are concerned with upholding the interests of this market-driven system, not by the needs of patients and health care workers. One need only follow the money to see who benefits.

Business Insider reports that Biden received roughly $47 million from health care industry executives during his 2020 presidential campaign. The leadership of DCE contractor Clover Health donated $500,000 to the main super PAC for Senate Democrats in 2020, while Chamath Palihapitiya, the company’s financier, donated $750,000 to the same super PAC, according to the Open Secrets web site.
Éric Duhaime, the Quebec Conservative Party and the ruling class’ turn to social reaction

Louis Girard
WSWS.ORG

Since his election as leader of the Parti conservateur du Québec (PCQ—Quebec Conservative Party) in April 2021, right-wing libertarian Éric Duhaime has received a great deal of coverage in the mainstream media and increasing attention from big business.

PCQ leader Eric Duhaime [Photo by Asclepias / CC BY-SA 4.0]

With four months to go before the Quebec provincial election, some polls place the PCQ ahead of the two parties that until 2018 had alternated as Quebec’s government for almost a half-century, the Quebec Liberal Party and the Parti Québécois (PQ).

PCQ leader Duhaime has been hosted, along with other party leaders, by business associations, including Quebec’s largest employer group, the Conseil du patronat du Québec. The television networks have already announced that he will be invited to join the official leaders' debate in the run-up to the October 3 Quebec election.

Yet the PCQ—which was founded in 2009 and is separate and distinct from the federal Conservative party, the official opposition in Canada’s parliament—has never won a single National Assembly seat, nor won more than 1.5 percent of the vote in a provincial election. Currently, the PCQ has a lone Member of the National Assembly (MNA), a defector from the ruling Coalition Avenir Québec (CAQ) who has said she will not be running in the coming election.

The media craze for Duhaime can best be understood by examining the very right-wing agenda he advocated for years as a trash- or shock-radio host in Quebec City and is now projecting with equal virulence as leader of the PCQ. This is not the first time the ruling elite has used an ultra-reactionary figure to push the entire axis of politics firmly to the right.

Duhaime has vehemently opposed all mandatory public health measures to counter the COVID-19 pandemic that has wreaked havoc and mass death in Quebec, the rest of Canada and around the world. Having denounced all efforts to curb the pandemic from the start, he enthusiastically welcomed the “Freedom Convoy,” a group of far-right trucker-owners, supported by the Conservative Party of Canada and much of the corporate media, who terrorized Ottawa residents for weeks to press their demand for the scrapping of all anti-COVID measures. Duhaime said at the time, “My goal is to bring these ideas into the National Assembly.”

Duhaime is a long-time friend and close associate of Pierre Poilievre. The front-runner in the current federal Conservative Party leadership race, Poilievre began his campaign by reaffirming his support for the far-right Convoy, the abandonment of all anti-COVID measures, and a massive assault on public services in the name of eliminating the federal budget deficit. Adopting the language of Margaret Thatcher to advocate for capitalism at its most predatory, Poilievre vowed to make Canada the “freest” country in the world.

The PCQ, now under Duhaime's control, also advocates massive cuts in social spending; accelerated deregulation; increased privatization, especially in health and education; and steep tax cuts for the wealthy, including the introduction of a single tax rate or flat tax.

Duhaime has long been active in right-wing circles. A political advisor to the leader of the Bloc Québécois from 1993 to 1999, he began his career with the Quebec indépendantistes when they were massively cutting social spending.

From 2000 to 2002, he was an advisor to Official Opposition Leader Stockwell Day of the Canadian Alliance, a party that was used to push Canadian politics further to the right and was the dominant element in the merger with the rump of the federal Progressive Conservatives that created the Stephen Harper-led, hard-right new Conservative Party.

In 2003, Duhaime was a candidate for the Action démocratique du Québec (ADQ), with a young Poilievre actively campaigning for him, before becoming a political advisor for the ADQ from 2003 to 2008. The ADQ, which ultimately became part of the right-wing populist CAQ, played a leading role in stirring up anti-immigrant chauvinism in Quebec, particularly around the phony issue of “unreasonable accommodation.”

Duhaime worked for the National Democratic Institute (NDI)–a US imperialist-sponsored agency associated with the Democratic Party that works closely with the US State Department and CIA—in Morocco from 2005 to 2007 and Iraq from 2008 to 2009. The NDI's board of directors has included such leading figures of US militarism as Henry Kissinger, Zbigniew Brzezinski, Paul Wolfowitz, Madeleine Albright and Elliott Abrams.

Like the rest of the Quebec political establishment and elite, Duhaime has supported Canada’s participation in US-led wars of aggression, from the 1999 NATO war on Yugoslavia, to the invasion and occupation of Afghanistan and the 2011 regime-change war in Libya. In a tweet at the outset of the US-NATO instigated war with Russia over Ukraine, he rushed to label Moscow the aggressor and salivated over the opportunity the war presents to develop Quebec’s hydrocarbon resources.

In 2010, Duhaime founded the Réseau-liberté-Québec to bring together people anxious to be rid of what remains of the social concessions made to the working class as a result of the mass struggles of the 1960s and 1970s. Dr. Roy Eappen, one of the members of the network and now a PCQ candidate, is a prominent anti-abortion activist and climate-change denier. Encouraged by Quebec Premier François Legault's reckless profits-before-lives response to the pandemic, which has included the promotion of the reactionary pseudo-scientific “herd immunity” policy, the PCQ promotes all sorts of anti-scientific nonsense—on vaccinations, abortion, and climate change.

For a decade starting in 2010, Duhaime was a commentator in the press and in particular on the radio, where he was given ample opportunity and latitude to spew his reactionary, libertarian and xenophobic ideas. In a generally sympathetic article about him published in April, Duhaime boasted that he had the “microphone for four hours a day for 10 years.”

This included downplaying the hateful, Islamophobic acts that preceded the Jan. 29, 2017 terrorist attack on the Grand Mosque in Quebec City, which left six Muslims dead and some 20 injured. Duhaime dismissed the leaving of a bloody pig's head on the mosque steps as a “silly joke,” comparing it to someone delivering a pizza to a neighbor's house.

In a 2017 radio debate, Duhaime defended the aristocratic principle that voting rights should be modulated according to taxes paid, with the rich given weighted votes that would count more than those of the poor.

Duhaime unabashedly champions far-right positions, but it need be added that so far to the right has the entire political establishment moved over the course of the past decade-and-a-half, his policies on many issues are not so different from those advanced by the other ruling class parties.

Duhaime says that immigrants should be selected on the basis of their “civilizational compatibility.” But how is this chauvinism different from the CAQ's Bill 9, which selects immigrants according to their “values?” Or its Bill 21, which denies health care and other vital public services to devout Muslim women wearing the niqab or burqa. The latter law was itself inspired by the previous Liberal government's Bill 62. And what about the PQ's “Charter of Values,” which aimed to ban more than half a million public sector workers from wearing “conspicuous” religious symbols, while making an exception for “discreet” crucifixes?

Duhaime has become a darling of the bourgeois media and is being promoted by it as a means of pressing the CAQ to intensify its assault on the working class. Editorialists regularly speak of the “difficult decisions” that the government will have to make after the elections, i.e., renewed attacks on wages, working conditions, living standards and public services.

The “Eric Duhaime phenomenon” is taking place in the context of an immense crisis of global capitalism, characterized by galloping inflation, rising social inequality, catastrophic management of the pandemic, and NATO's war against Russia in Ukraine, which threatens to turn into a nuclear conflict.

The main responsibility for the threat from the far right facing the working class lies with the trade union bureaucracy, which has suppressed the class struggle for decades.

As support for the traditional ruling class parties has steadily eroded, the unions have isolated and run workers’ struggles and strikes into the ground. When governments have imposed anti-democratic back-to-work laws to break militant strikes, the unions, led by highly paid bureaucrats who fully accept the capitalists' “right” to make profit, have policed them.

As for Québec Solidaire, the pseudo-left party representing affluent sections of the middle class, it never criticizes the treacherous role of the union bureaucracy and spares no effort to integrate itself even more deeply into the ruling establishment.

It is in this political climate of bourgeois reaction, which is growing in intensity as the social opposition of the working class mounts, that extreme right-wing figures like Duhaime are being promoted by big business in an attempt to divert workers' anger into the most reactionary channels.
Exploring the forgotten scents of ancient Egypt

Perfumes were used for ritual and carried a symbolic purpose, and they helped to establish trading posts in the Nile delta


Researchers are analysing the scents of ancient Egypt to gain new insight into how its people lived
(Courtesy: Dora Goldsmith)

By MEE correspondent
1 June 2022 

Scents have always been an important part of ancient Egypt. Hatshepsut, the 15th century BCE queen of Egypt and someone seen as an intermediary between the gods and the country's people, was tasked with ensuring that the kingdom was always filled with pleasant scents.

Scents are even mentioned in the inscriptions found at the Temple of Edfu, where the Egyptian king Ptolemy X is said to have anointed himself with the best perfumes as part of his daily morning rituals.
Five foods the ancient Egyptians used to eatRead More »

The Ebers Papyrus, one of the oldest medical papyri of ancient Egypt, says that good scent fills the rooms of a noble family’s home, impregnating their clothes.

From this, it is clear that scent was a key part of the daily life of ancient Egyptians, and remains an integral part of the human experience, offering valuable clues about many aspects of the past, such as rituals, cuisine, perfumes, hygiene, trade and medicine.

By delving into how ancient Egyptians made sense of the world through smell, we can learn more about certain practices and social hierarchies of the time, and their perception of the world.
Filling in the sensory gap

Despite smell revealing a lot about people and the climate of ancient Egypt, Egyptology has so far not recognised the full potential in the study of scents, and what it can tell us.

“It’s very important to understand the ancient Egyptians through smell, because it was extremely significant in their culture. If we disregard this part of their culture, then we are disregarding a huge part of it,” Dora Goldsmith, an Egyptologist at the Freie Universitat Berlin and leading researcher on the topic, told Middle East Eye.

Goldsmith, who translated inscriptions found in the Deir el-Bahri, Edfu and the Ebers Papyrus, noted that most publications about archaeological findings in Egypt focus on ancient Egypt only visually.
Scents are mentioned in inscriptions found in the Temple of Edfu
 (Supplied/Jay Silverstein)

Whether they be about coffins, burial chambers, temples or cities, publications rarely talk about scent. Yet this is beginning to change, with some researchers trying to fill in the gaps in this largely odourless landscape, in a variety of ways.

Goldsmith is combing ancient texts for references to the world of smells, even going so far as to recreate ancient Egyptian perfumes and smellscapes. Others are searching for archaeological evidence in the Egypt. Some are trying to discover the contents of ancient objects by analysing scent molecules that have been preserved to this day.

“The three ways yield different kinds of information,” Barbara Huber, a researcher at the Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History in Germany, told MEE.

“By using scientific analyses together with information from ancient texts, visual depictions and the broader archaeological and environmental records, we can open up new aspects of past olfactory worlds, our changing societies and cultures, and our evolution as a species,” Huber noted.

Popular ancient perfume


Strategically located in the Nile Delta, Thmuis became a major centre of perfume trade in the ancient world. Exotic spices from India, the Arabian peninsula and other parts of Africa flowed to the city to fuel its most important industry. And its production was later shipped to Alexandria and across the Mediterranean.

In recent years, archaeological work led by Jay Silverstein and Robert Littman is starting to unearth part of that glorious past.

“It was the most important industry in this area,” Silverstein told MEE. “There was a lot of money to be made, you had the most talented perfumers and merchants centred here, and they were able to get all the spices from around the world.”

Among the discoveries the mission co-led by Silverstein has been able to make since 2009 is a Hellenistic complex associated with the manufacture of perfume bottles, made up of 20 kilns and ancillary structures including wells, aqueducts, basins and ovens.
A kiln workshop where ceramic perfume jars were made
 (Supplied/Jay Silverstein)

According to Silverstein, these elements suggest this was a place dedicated to liquids, a hypothesis the team hopes to confirm later this year with the results of a chemical analysis of samples from the site.

“It is pretty clear to me that it’s a perfume manufactory. It wasn’t consistent with any other type of factories we looked at,” Silverstein noted. “[And] it was found associated with a treasure, which suggests it’s the house of a wealthy merchant. All the pieces point in that direction.

“I suspect there were many workshops,” he added. “Probably [the industry] was originally controlled by the priests of Mendes, but eventually fell more into the hands of private entrepreneurs, who took more control over the business."

In particular, the Thmuis-Mendes area’s flagship product was a perfume called Mendesian, which was the most popular fragrance in the ancient world for centuries. And although there are no literary accounts of it from ancient Egypt, Greek and Latin references do mention it as far back as at least the mid-first century CE.
Key ingredients

Goldsmith has documented Greco-Roman sources consistently listing four ingredients for Mendesian perfume: myrrh, cassia, resin and oil of balanos (most academics believe this is a species of moringa, others desert date oil). Some accounts also mention cinnamon. Quantities and methods of production, which Goldsmith and scholar of Ancient Greek science Sean Coughlin have tested, are preserved in a document from the seventh century by the Byzantine physician Paul of Aegina.


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“It was not easy [to reconstruct it] because the Mendesian is only mentioned in Greco-Roman sources, so in Greek and Latin, and they are not really recipes. These sources describe what they claim to be Egyptian perfumes,” Goldsmith said.

“But it was also very exciting, because I tried to track back some of the ingredients they mention to ancient Egyptian perfume ingredients. And I found out that some of them the Egyptians did use, but not all of them.

“The way Greeks treated Egyptian recipes was very flexible. They retained some ingredients, but they also changed a lot. The study of how perfume recipes changed from the Egyptians to the Greeks can be referred to as transmission of knowledge in perfumery.”

Based on this and other information she has collected over the years, Goldsmith has been able to recreate numerous products from ancient Egypt: from four temple perfumes to remedies from medical texts. And she noted that they could work perfectly well today.

“I know for a fact that all these products are antibacterial [and] antiseptic, they are also really good for your skin, so they would definitely work [today],” she said.
Smellwalks and smellscapes

Another way to enter the world of ancient Egyptian smells is through what Goldsmith calls smellscapes, which she reconstructs based on written documents.

The researcher, who has recently devoted a paper to this subject, explains that the written references have certain limitations, including not enough sources from a simple place and period, and perceptions in ancient texts not being fully representative of the entire society.

However, based on written references dating from the First Dynasty (2925-2775 BCE) through the Ptolemaic period (305-30 BCE), Goldsmith has been able to reconstruct a smellwalk in an idealised ancient Egyptian city.

A good first stop on this route is the temple, where the scents of incense, myrrh, honey, perfumes, scented cloth and floral offerings from the sanctuary mix with the strong smell of roast meat, bread, cake, milk, beer and wine coming from the hall of offerings.

The king’s private chamber is another must stop. There, his servants anoint him as part of his morning rituals “with the finest perfumes made out of the costliest ingredients in order to enhance his divine appearance”. And not wanting to be less refined than him, the queen also anoints herself with aromas that will leave a pleasant trail wherever she goes.

'People would represent all sorts of things through their scents, through the perfumes they used; they would communicate their social status in society'
- Dora Goldsmith, Egyptologist

Royal gardens were also filled with fragrant trees, flowers and herbs, both to satisfy the gods and to fill the city with a pleasant aroma, Goldsmith writes.

“People would represent all sorts of things through their scents, through the perfumes they used; they would communicate their social status in society,” she said.

“By emitting a strong and pleasant scent, the queen is manifesting her presence and high status in society.”

​​The final stop on this route takes us into the homes of ancient Egyptians.

In the home of a lower-class family, Goldsmith writes, the smells of sweat from the artisan or peasant who has spent the day working outside mingle with that of a deodorant made of incense, chamomile, cypress cones and myrrh, used to eliminate stench, especially in the summer.

And in a noble family’s house, the rooms and clothes will instead be impregnated with the pleasant smell of burning kyphi, a fragrance made from products such as dry myrrh, cypress cones, incense, wood of camphor tree, and mastic.

Their kitchen is at the same time flooded with strong smells released by the dishes cooked by servants, contrasting with the scent of the garden and its blooming flowers and blossoming twigs, a perfect setting for an intimate stroll.

“There is a lot of communication through smell; the smell means something. There was value attached to it in Egypt,” Goldsmith said. “In order to really understand [ancient] Egyptians, you need to understand their olfactory culture. It was a very big part of their everyday life.”
Medical pot proposal gets bipartisan support in NC Senate


Medical pot proposal gets bipartisan support in NC Senate


Gary D. Robertson
Fri, June 3, 2022,

Marijuana would be legalized for medical use in North Carolina with a physician’s prescription and purchased through dozens of tightly regulated dispensaries in a measure receiving initial approval Thursday in the Senate.

The legislation, which received strong bipartisan support, could help people facing more than a dozen different “debilitating medical conditions” in which their doctor declares the health benefits of smoking or consuming cannabis outweigh the risks.

RECENT COVERAGE: Medical marijuana bill resurfaces in NC Senate, heading to floor

The bill’s chief sponsors, however, focused on giving relief to patients with terminal illnesses that bring unbearable pain and suffering, while preventing them from having to act illegally.

“It is our duty as lawmakers to pass legislation that helps people who need our help,” said Brunswick County Republican Sen. Bill Rabon, a cancer survivor who has worked on this legislation for five years. “It is not going to make them ashamed or reluctant to seek help if it is recommended to them by their physician.”

Seventeen of the 25 Republicans and all but two Democrats present Thursday cast votes for the bill, which passed 35-10 and needs one more affirmative vote next week before it heads to the House.

Many House Republicans have been suspicious about legalizing cannabis in any form. Speaker Tim Moore said Thursday that he believed medical marijuana would have to wait until 2023. Legislative leaders are aiming to adjourn this year’s work session around July 1.

Still, the Senate’s affirmative vote, which included a “yes” from chamber leader Phil Berger, shows how far political and public sentiment has come in the Bible Belt state on medical marijuana. Rabon has said that polls show support is strong for the idea across all population groups, including among evangelical Christians.

ALSO READ: Procedural ruling kills medical marijuana bill in SC House

The bill worked its way through several committees last summer before resurfacing this week. Senators have heard from impassioned speakers with severe illness who say marijuana can ease pain or help them lead more normal lives.

Thirty-seven states and the District of Columbia allow the medical use of cannabis products, according to the National Conference of State Legislatures.

“The time for action in North Carolina is now,” said Democratic Sen. Wiley Nickel of Wake County, who recalled how his father used marijuana unlawfully three decades ago as he was dying of cancer. Marijuana for recreational use would remain illegal.

Bill opponents have said the health benefits of marijuana remain uncertain and the health risks are great.

“We spent billions of dollars ... to stop people from smoking (and) we’re now voting on a new version of Big Tobacco,” said Sen. Jim Burgin, a Harnett County Republican who voted no.

Under the bill, other qualifying conditions that could lead to legal marijuana access include epilepsy, Crohn’s disease, HIV/AIDS, amyotrophic lateral sclerosis and post-traumatic stress disorder. An advisory board could add to that list. Physicians initially would have to receive 10 hours of training to offer a cannabis prescription.

A new Medical Cannabis Production Commission would award licenses to 10 entities that would grow cannabis, process it and sell it.

Each licensee could open eight medical cannabis centers across the state. They could sell up to 30-day supplies of marijuana or cannabis-infused products to patients or their caregivers, who would have to obtain registration cards from the state Department of Health and Human Services. The licensees would have to send 10% of their monthly revenues to the state.

People could face felonies if marijuana at cannabis centers or production facilities is sold unlawfully. Registered patients who smoke pot in public or near a school or church could face $25 fines.

Sen. Julie Mayfield of Buncombe County offered a floor amendment that would have directed the commission to recommend a system that she said would help in-state growers and retailers participate.

Language in the measure otherwise would leave the licenses to multistate corporations, she said, leaving small businesses on the sidelines. Republicans used a parliamentary maneuver to derail a vote on the amendment. Mayfield was one the two Democrats to vote against the full bill Thursday.
AHS finalizes DynaLIFE privatization of community lab services

Jason Herring - Yesterday 


A deal that will see a private company take over most of Alberta’s community laboratory services has been finalized.


© Provided by Calgary Herald
Alberta Health Minister Jason Copping provided an update on changes to lab services at Alberta Precision Laboratories in Calgary on Thursday, June 2, 2022.

Edmonton-based DynaLIFE Medical Labs is set to take over community and non-urgent lab work from Alberta Precision Laboratories beginning Dec. 5, after the parties signed a new service agreement Wednesday.

DynaLIFE, which already provides lab services in and around Edmonton and in much of northern and central Alberta, was previously set to take over community lab operations in July prior to a delay.

Addressing reporters in Calgary on Thursday, Health Minister Jason Copping said the move creates “efficiencies” within Alberta’s lab system, which will save the province $18 million to $36 million per year.

“This change really sums up the rationale for contracting: enhanced services at a lower cost,” Copping said. “First and foremost, it will give Albertans more and better services.”

Copping said there will be no job losses in the privatization, but said it would be “a process of change” for Alberta Precision Laboratories staff. He said all unionized, non-unionized and medical scientific staff will be employed under “the same or similar” terms.

The head of the union representing 1,200 Alberta Precision workers said it’s vital lab workers maintain their current terms of employment.

“HSAA will work relentlessly to ensure all APL members being moved to DynaLIFE will keep their salaries, seniority, workplace benefits and pensions,” Mike Parker, president of the Health Sciences Association of Alberta, said in a statement.


“DynaLIFE members must then also be offered the same benefits, salaries and pensions as their APL counterparts.”

Job losses aren’t on the table in large part because of industry-wide worker shortages, said Jason Pincock, DynaLIFE president and CEO.


Alberta Health Minister Jason Copping toured Alberta Precision Laboratories in Calgary with Dr. Dylan Pillai, south sector medical director with Alberta Precision Laboratories (left), and Jason Pincock, president and CEO, DynaLIFE Medical Labs (right) on Thursday, June 2, 2022.

“We need everybody and we’re taking everybody. And everyone has a role and everyone has a job,” Pincock said. “The reality is that lab systems across Canada are challenged with capacity and staffing.”

Under the new deal, Alberta Precision Laboratories will continue to operate labs in acute-care hospitals, as well as provide services to rural and remote communities and offer some other specialized testing, like COVID-19 tests.

DynaLIFE is set to expand its patient service facilities in Calgary, Red Deer, Lethbridge, Okotoks, Strathmore and Cochrane as part of the takeover.

The Friends of Medicare advocacy group slammed the privatization plans, charging challenges in Alberta’s community lab system are the product of the UCP government.

“The government did nothing to help public laboratories the past few years, yet they’re claiming they have no choice but to do this to get better service and save money, but there’s no evidence that’s true,” said Friends of Medicare executive director Chris Galloway.

NDP Opposition health critic David Shepherd also criticized the announcement, asserting in a news release the UCP “continue to undermine (public health care) by diverting public dollars to profitable companies and their shareholders.”
Where Things Stand: From ‘Doors’ To Abortion, GOP Blames Everything But Gun Laws For Mass Shootings

This is your TPM evening briefing.
WASHINGTON, DC - MAY 14: Rep. Billy Long (R-Mo.) asks questions to Dr. Richard Bright, former director of the Biomedical Advanced Research and Development Authority, during a House Energy and Commerce Subcommittee 
June 2, 2022 

In the wake of three recent mass shootings in America in the last two weeks, Republicans are once again showing their collective ass, deploying a litany of talking points about random stuff to clog up the national discourse on gun violence with anything and everything but guns.

It’s all very pellucid — a distraction tactic to avoid engaging seriously on the issue of our nation’s unprecedentedly lax gun laws and the need for national — or even state level! — gun control reform. And Republican Rep. Billy Long (MO) just dangerously added a befuddling new culprit to the mix: abortion is to blame for mass shootings.

An auctioneer, somehow-turned congressman, Long is a pretty far-right Trump guy who announced his bid for the GOP nomination in Missouri’s crowded Senate primary race to replace retiring Sen. Roy Blunt (R-MO) on Tucker Carlson’s show. He recently voted against Ukraine aid and a baby formula bill in the House and is actively courting Trump for an endorsement ahead of the August primaries (but so are all of his opponents). Trump hasn’t done anything official on that front yet, but Long’s campaign has had some support from Trump-ally Kellyanne Conway leading up to the primaries.

That said, these latest remarks are not super surprising coming from someone like Long. During an interview with the Missouri radio station The Eagle 93.9 on Wednesday — just days after a gunman opened fire and murdered 19 children and two adults at an elementary school in Uvalde, Texas, and on the same day that a gunman killed five at a medical facility in Tulsa, Oklahoma — Long suggested “an inanimate object” is not to blame for the mass shooting epidemic in this country.

Access to abortion, he said, is what’s made mass-casualty gun violence a uniquely American problem over the past several decades.

“When I was growing up in Springfield, you had one or two murders a year,” he said. “Now we have two, three, four a week in Springfield, Missouri.

“So something has happened to our society. I go back to abortion, when we decided it was okay to murder kids in their mothers’ wombs. Life has no value to a lot of these folks,” he concluded.

Attempting to combat this unhinged claim almost feels unnecessary and disingenuous. The data simply does not reflect anything he’s saying. As HuffPost noted here, there were 499 murders reported in Missouri in 1970, the same year that the Supreme Court landmark ruling protecting abortion access nationally became precedent. Per HuffPost: “In 1975, the figure was 505. And in 2019, 568 murders were reported in the state.”

Long’s remarks also fly in the face of solid data — which President Biden raised during his national address after the attack in Uvalde last week. After Congress passed a sweeping assault weapons ban in the 1990s, the nation witnessed a decade of substantial decline in mass shooting deaths before the ban expired in 2004.

As my colleague Kate Riga reported last week, Republicans are doing their typical song and dance, scrambling to cast blame and offer shoddy solutions to ending mass shootings in America — all of which steer so clear of reasonable gun law talk that it’d be a stunning masterclass in deflection if the tragedies behind this farcical messaging were not so utterly horrific.

Americans are left hacking through the weeds of the GOP’s distraction schemes because the party refuses to engage seriously on guns, terrified of sacrificing their reelection prospects by doing or saying anything that might offend their powerful gun lobby donors.

And so, we’re left talking about things like “doors,” arming teachers, creating a “department that can look at young men that’s looking at women that’s looking at their social media,” the incoherent and non-existent evils of trans-rights, guarding elementary schools so aggressively with weaponry that they resemble prisons.

And, once again, attacking the right to have an abortion, which, in our almost post-Roe America, is looking increasingly like the GOP’s catchall blame bucket for all of society’s various ills.

 

Africa, the Collateral Victim of a Distant Conflict

Amadou Sanogo (Mali), You Can Hide Your Gaze, but You Cannot Hide That of Others, 2019.

On 25 May 2022, Africa Day, Moussa Faki Mahamat – the chairperson of the African Union (AU) – commemorated the establishment of the Organisation for African Unity (OAU) in 1963, which was later reshaped as the AU in 2002, with a foreboding speech. Africa, he said, has become ‘the collateral victim of a distant conflict, that between Russia and Ukraine’. That conflict has upset ‘the fragile global geopolitical and geostrategic balance’, casting ‘a harsh light on the structural fragility of our economies’. Two new key fragilities have been exposed: a food crisis amplified by climate change and a health crisis accelerated by COVID-19.

A third long-running fragility is that most African states have little freedom to manage their budgets as debt burdens rise and repayment costs increase. ‘Public debt ratios are at their highest level in over two decades and many low-income countries are either in, or close to, debt distress’, said Abebe Aemro Selassie, the director of the African Department at the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The IMF’s Regional Economic Outlook report, released in April 2022, makes for grizzly reading, its headline clear: ‘A New Shock and Little Room to Manoeuvre’.

Jilali Gharbaoui (Morocco), Composition, 1967.

Debt hangs over the African continent like a wake of vultures. Most African countries have interest bills that are much higher than their national revenues, with budgets managed through austerity and driven by deep cuts in government employment as well as the education and health care sectors. Since just under two-thirds of the debt owed by these countries is denominated in foreign currencies, debt repayment is near impossible without further borrowing, resulting in a cycle of indebtedness with no permanent relief in sight. None of the schemes on the table, such as the G20’s Debt Service Suspension Initiative (DSSI) or its Common Framework for Debt Treatments, will provide the kind of debt forgiveness that is needed to breathe life into these economies.

In October 2020, the Jubilee Debt Campaign proposed two common sense measures to remove the debt overhang. The IMF owns significant quantities of gold amounting to 90.5 million ounces, worth $168.6 billion in total; by selling 6.7% of their gold holdings, they could raise more than enough to pay the $8.2 billion that makes up DSSI countries’ debt. The campaign also suggested that rich countries could draw billions of dollars towards this cancellation by issuing less than 9% of their IMF Special Drawing Rights allocation. Other ways to reduce the debt burden include cancelling debt payments to the World Bank and IMF, two multilateral institutions with a mandate to ensure the advancement of social development and not their own financial largess. However, the World Bank has not moved on this agenda – despite dramatic words from its president in August 2020 – and the IMF’s modest debt suspension from May 2020 to December 2021 will hardly make a difference. Along with these reasonable suggestions, bringing the nearly $40 trillion held in illicit tax havens into productive use could help African countries escape the spiralling debt trap.

Choukri Mesli (Algeria), Algeria in Flames, 1961.

‘We live in one of the poorest places on earth’, former President of Mali Amadou Toumani Touré told me just before the pandemic. Mali is part of the Sahel region of Africa, where 80% of the population lives on less than $2 a day. Poverty will only intensify as war, climate change, national debt, and population growth increase. At the 7th Summit of the leaders of the G5 Sahel (Group of Five for the Sahel) in February 2021, the heads of state called for a ‘deep restructuring of debt’, but the silence they received from the IMF was deafening. The G5 Sahel was initiated by France in 2014 as a political formation of the five Sahel countries – Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali, Mauritania, and Niger. Its real purpose was clarified in 2017 with the formation of its military alliance (the G5 Sahel Joint Force or FC-G5S), which provided cover for the French military presence in the Sahel. It could now be claimed that France did not really invade these countries, who maintain their formal sovereignty, but that it entered the Sahel to merely assist these countries in their fight against instability.

Part of the problem is the demands made on these states to increase their military spending against any increase in spending for human relief and development. The G5 Sahel countries spend between 17% and 30% of their entire budgets on their militaries. Three of the five Sahel countries have expanded their military spending astronomically over the past decade: Burkina Faso by 238%, Mali by 339%, and Niger by 288%. The arms trade is suffocating them. Western countries – led by France but egged on by the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) – have pressured these states to treat every crisis as a security crisis. The entire discourse is about security as conversations about social development are relegated to the margins. Even for the United Nations, questions of development have become an afterthought to the focus on war.

Souleymane Ouologuem (Mali), The Foundation, 2014.

In the first two weeks of May 2022, the Malian military government ejected the French military and withdrew from G5 Sahel in the wake of deep resentment across Mali spurred by civilian casualties from French military attacks and the French government’s arrogant attitude towards the Malian government. Colonel Assimi Goïta, who leads the military junta, said that the agreement with the French ‘brought neither peace, nor security, nor reconciliation’ and that the junta aspires ‘to stop the flow of Malian blood’. France moved its military force from Mali next door to Niger.

No one denies the fact that the chaos in the Sahel region was deepened by the 2011 NATO war against Libya. Mali’s earlier challenges, including a decades-long Tuareg insurgency and conflicts between Fulani herders and Dogon farmers, were convulsed by the entry of arms and men from Libya and Algeria. Three jihadi groups, including al-Qaeda, appeared as if from nowhere and used older regional tensions to seize northern Mali in 2012 and declare the state of Azawad. French military intervention followed in January 2013.

Jean-David Nkot (Cameroon), #Life in Your Hands, 2020.

Travel through this region makes it clear that French – and US – interests in the Sahel are not merely about terrorism and violence. Two domestic concerns have led both foreign powers to build a massive military presence there, including the world’s largest drone base, which is operated by the US, in Agadez, Niger. The first concern is that this region is home to considerable natural resources, including yellowcake uranium in Niger. Two mines in Arlit (Niger) produce enough uranium to power one in three light bulbs in France, which is why French mining firms (such as Areva) operate in this garrison-like town. Secondly, these military operations are designed to deter the steady stream of migrants leaving areas such as West Africa and West Asia, going through the Sahel and Libya and making their way across the Mediterranean Sea to Europe. Along the Sahel, from Mauritania to Chad, Europe and the US have begun to build what amounts to a highly militarised border. Europe has moved its border from the northern edge of the Mediterranean Sea to the southern edge of the Sahara Desert, thereby compromising the sovereignty of North Africa.

Hawad (Niger), Untitled, 1997.

Military coups in Burkina Faso and Mali are a result of the failure of democratic governments to rein in French intervention. It was left to the military in Mali to both eject the French military and depart from its G5 Sahel political project. Conflicts in Mali, as former President Alpha Omar Konaré told me over a decade ago, are inflamed due to the suffocation of the country’s economy. The country is regularly left out of infrastructure support and debt relief initiatives by international development organisations. This landlocked state imports over 70% of its food, whose prices have skyrocketed in the past month. Mali faces harsh sanctions from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), which will only deepen the crisis and provoke greater conflict north of Mali’s capital, Bamako.

The conflict in Mali’s north affects the lives of the country’s Tuareg population, which is rich with many great poets and musicians. One of them, Souéloum Diagho, writes that ‘a person without memory is like a desert without water’ (‘un homme sans mémoire est comme un desert sans eau’). Memories of older forms of colonialism sharpen the way that many Africans view their treatment as ‘collateral victims’ (as the AU’s Mahamat described it) and their conviction that it is unacceptable.

Vijay Prashad is an Indian historian and journalist. Prashad is the author of twenty-five books, including The Darker Nations: A People’s History of the Third World and The Poorer Nations: A Possible History of the Global SouthRead other articles by Vijay, or visit Vijay's website.

 

Rights groups accuse French arms makers of war crimes complicity

Three NGOs are suing France over supplying arms to the Saudi-led coalition fighting in Yemen
Rights groups accuse French arms makers of war crimes complicity











Three human rights organizations have sued French arms manufacturers Dassault Aviation, Thales, and MBDA France for selling weapons to Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, charging that the sales amount to complicity in alleged war crimes committed by the Saudi-led coalition in Yemen.

The lawsuit, initiated by the European Centre for Constitutional and Human Rights (ECCHR), the Mwatana for Human Rights, and Sherpa International, focuses on 27 airstrikes targeting four hospitals, three schools, and several refugee camps. All were said to be far from military targets and involved the use of weapons manufactured by the three companies.

Dassault is specifically being sued for making possible attacks “against civilians and civilian infrastructure” by selling to the UAE and providing maintenance for some 59 Mirage fighter planes and “encouraging” violations of international human rights law by selling 80 Rafale planes to the country. MBDA France’s sale of Storm Shadow and Scalp air-to-ground missiles and Thales’ sale of Damocles guidance pods and Scales missile guidance systems are also condemned in the suit.

Companies have their own responsibility to do their risk assessment and they have been trading with Saudi Arabia and the UAE for years,” the ECCHR’s Canelle Lavite told Reuters on Thursday, explaining that after five years of war in Yemen the arms dealers were certain to have encountered “these abundant and consistent international reports that document the coalition’s violations” in Yemen. “If we provide weapons to an alleged perpetrator of recurring crimes, we facilitate the commission of these crimes,” she continued.

They should no longer be unaware that their exports can lead to possible criminal liability.

The coalition’s airstrikes have caused terrible destruction in Yemen. Weapons produced and exported by European countries, and in particular France, have enabled these crimes,” the executive director of Mwatana for Human Rights, Abdulrasheed al-Faqih, told Reuters, arguing that “seven years into this war, the countless Yemeni victims deserve credible investigations into all perpetrators of crimes, including those potentially complicit.”

Al-Faqih claimed his organization has documented over 1,000 attacks on civilians that left 3,000 dead and 4,000 injured.

The three NGOs are not the first to sue leading figures in the coalition. French courts are already hearing complaints against Prince Mohammed bin Zayed al-Nahyan of Abu Dhabi, Saudi Prince Mohammed bin Salman, and even France’s customs authority.

Amnesty International France and the ECCHR sued the customs authority in September in an effort to force them to release records of exports of weapons to Saudi Arabia and the UAE, calling their refusal to do so up to that point a “disproportionate interference with the fundamental right of the public to receive information.” France, the NGOs argued, had continued to ship weapons and provide maintenance and training to the belligerents despite “overwhelming evidence of attacks committed by the Saudi Arabian-UAE military coalition…against civilian populations and infrastructure” in Yemen.

The UN confirmed in 2020 that military equipment provided by Western nations was fueling the conflict in Yemen, which has been raging since 2015, leaving upwards of 150,000 dead and driving millions to the brink of famine.

Saudi Arabia has repeatedly denied targeting civilian infrastructure, insisting instead it has pursued military targets in response to perceived threats. The UAE has responded to UN accusations of war crimes by accusing the organization of overlooking Houthi culpability in civilian suffering. 

A truce between the Saudi-led coalition and the Houthi rebels, the first since 2016, has been in effect since April 2.


Taxonomy of a shutdown: 8 ways governments restrict access to the internet, and how to #KeepItOn

2 JUNE 2022 | 6:24 PM
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Network interferences are impacting the lives of billions of people around the world. Different types of deliberate internet shutdowns can block the free press and access to life-saving information, undermine democratic elections and facilitate coups, and even hide war crimes and genocide, among other devastating impacts.

What is less well understood is how perpetrators, typically governments, technically implement them. That matters because it affects our capacity to fight back. Our new paper, A taxonomy of internet shutdowns: the technologies behind network interference, scrutinizes eight internet shutdown types and helps technologists and digital help desk practitioners better understand, prepare for, circumvent, and document the shutdown of networks.

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Why technical implementation matters

When a government or rogue actor implements a shutdown, civil society works together to figure out what is happening and help those impacted get connected, document the shutdown, and push those responsible to restore access to the network, apps, or services. Civil society actors include companies and nonprofit groups that detect shutdowns, technologists that work to attribute the shutdowns and assist in circumvention, and rights groups that document and advocate against shutdowns, among others.

When these actors have an understanding of the possible technical implementations for a shutdown, and the reasons an actor may carry out a particular type, they are better equipped to anticipate and help affected populations minimize the impacts of the disruption. They are also better able to attribute a shutdown and gather evidence for holding perpetrators accountable for their actions, including in courts of law or international fora like the United Nations.
A taxonomy of internet shutdowns

There are many types of internet shutdowns, depending on the technology a government or other actor has at its disposal, and what the perpetrator aims to achieve. In our paper, we identify eight different types of shutdown, based on the method of implementation:

For each of the eight types, we provide key information to help technologists prepare for or respond to a shutdown, including information that may be useful for predicting a shutdown in a specific country or region, or attributing the disruption to a particular actor. We also indicate whether Access Now’s Digital Security Helpline can be a resource for assistance and mitigation.

Simultaneously with the release of the paper, we also propose a refined definition for an internet shutdown, which we are workshopping at RightsCon on June 6-10, in collaboration with other members of the #KeepItOn coalition.

Determining how a shutdown has been carried out can reveal a lot. Not only can it help us figure out who is behind the shutdown, it can expose potential motivations and intent, as well as how likely it is that a perpetrator will continue to hit the kill switch.

As international pressure mounts against this form of “collective punishment,” governments that want to manipulate the flow of information online to censor people or hide their own misdeeds may use targeted shutdowns, throttling, app blocking, or other less obvious forms of disruption, to escape accountability. We hope that by educating more technologists in characterizing disruptions, it will be harder for them to obscure or excuse their actions

Who should read this paper

As it stands, there are few people with the skills, knowledge, and technology necessary to effectively mitigate shutdowns. It doesn’t have to be that way. For better resilience to network interference, we should embed easily deployed technological solutions into communications infrastructure by default. This will require collective advances across multiple industries, government policy, and civil society projects, but it is a question of will rather than possibility. This paper is a foundational step, aiming to grow the number of people with the prerequisite understanding of technical interference to innovate for resilience. That is why it is relevant not only for digital help desk practitioners, but also the following people, among others:

Network measurement tool developers, so they can design further tests to fully enumerate internet shutdowns;

Technologists working on standards, to integrate shutdowns resilience into new communications and networking standards;

Consumer communications product designers, to make their products more resilient to shutdowns, or design new products specifically to mitigate shutdowns;

Technologists supporting the #KeepItOn coalition, to inform the development of a more comprehensive data schema to record shutdowns in more detail;

Systems engineers at tech companies, with a view to utilizing the connection maps and product delivery monitoring systems of existing platforms to detect shutdowns;

VPN vendors and circumvention app developers, so they can make product improvements to handle more shutdown situations;
Telecommunications engineers, to center shutdowns resilience in the design of communications systems;
#KeepItOn coalition members, to contribute to the design of a clear, concise methodology for better community recording of shutdowns;

Academic researchers, to assist with their understanding of shutdowns and encourage more research to measure the human impact of shutdowns;

CSIRT incident handlers, to provide a base-level understanding of the technical problem space, so they can better assist entities or individuals experiencing shutdowns; and

Journalists reporting on technology issues, to improve their technical understanding such that reporting of shutdowns in news media is more detailed and accurate.

If you’re experiencing or anticipating an internet shutdown, reach out

The method for mitigating an internet shutdown will depend on the type of shutdown and the particular circumstances. We make general suggestions for each type of shutdown we classify. However, if you are already experiencing or anticipate an internet shutdown in the near future and need emergency technical assistance, we encourage you to contact a CiviCERT help desk or Access Now’s Digital Security Helpline.

Please note that our paper assumes a moderate level of technological expertise. It is intended to deepen the knowledge of technologists and digital help desk practitioners, among others. Here’s where you can find more general information about internet shutdowns:

Learn more about the #KeepItOn campaign and coalition, including the #KeepItOn FAQ.

Listen to the Killswitch podcast, which features experts and technologists across the coalition.

Check out our Election Watch initiative where we flag elections we are monitoring for network interference.

Read the #KeepItOn Internet Shutdowns and Elections Handbook, a guide for election observers, embassies, activists, and journalists.