Saturday, June 04, 2022

KULTURKAMPF

Why education has become a political battlefield in America

Books, schools and libraries are on the frontlines of US culture wars. A conservative-led movement is cracking down on what is taught and read. DW looks into what is behind a wave of book bans across the country.

One of the most contentious topics in this fight is the concept of critical race theory

Robin Steenman wheels a black carton full of colorful books to her kitchen table and pulls out a handful. The pages are rifled through and earmarked with sticky tabs. The pile includes titles like Sea Horse: The Shyest Fish in the SeaSeparate Is Never Equal: Sylvia Mendez and Her Family's Fight for Desegregation and The Story of Ruby Bridges.

For Steenman, these pages are evidence of schooling gone wrong.

She is the president of Moms for Liberty, a conservative group advocating for parents' rights to have a say in their children's schooling, in Williamson County, Tennessee. Her group objects to the way some books are being taught in the district's public schools.

"Schools should not be pushing an ideology on my children," Steenman said. "Schools should effectively teach them to read and write and do math and understand science so that they can go forth and be successful in life. But this curriculum is more focused on its own message and its own agenda than it is equipping kids to do that."

Those on the other side of the argument say it's important to discuss racism in the US system

Moms for Liberty in Williamson County lodged an official complaint with the Tennessee Department of Education late last year stating that the books and teaching materials "reveal both explicit and implicit anti-American, anti-white, and anti-Mexican teaching," and that they presented "a heavily biased agenda, one that makes children hate their country, each other, and/or themselves."

Their complaint was rejected. But the case underscores a growing trend in the US where a conservative-led movement is clamping down on education and, in particular, what schools teach children. They are targeting books and learning materials across the country and challenging the way racism, gender and sexuality are addressed.

A new battleground in schools

That has put classrooms and libraries on the frontlines of America's culture wars once again.

According to the American Library Association, there were "729 challenges to library, school, and university materials and services in 2021, resulting in more than 1,597 individual book challenges or removals."  That's the highest number of attempted book bans since the organization started counting such challenges in 2000. Most of these books were by, or about, Black or LGBTQ+ people, the association said.

And this is all despite the fact that a poll by the American Library Association indicates the majority of Americans, no matter which political party they are from, opposed efforts to remove books from public and school libraries.

"[Banning books] is a common feature in American history and has a lot to do with the sort of larger context of the culture wars in some ways, which have always been a part of American history," said Andrew Hartman, a professor of history at Illinois State University and author of A War for the Soul of America: A History of the Culture Wars.

"This debate between largely religious conservatives and largely secular liberals goes back to the 1920s in many ways, but really has been heightened ever since the 1960s and the liberation movements — civil rights, feminism, gay rights."

In 1933, the Nazis burned books they viewed as subversive or opposed to Nazism

This battle over censorship is not new, nor is it limited to the US. From Germany's National Socialists banning and burning books they deemed degenerate, to radicals in China's Cultural Revolution destroying books that didn't conform to their political ideology, reading and teaching materials have been a common target throughout history and across the globe.

However the current wave of book bans in the US appears to be more politicized than previously because it pits the US' two major political parties — the Republicans and the Democrats — against one another in what is already a profoundly polarized political landscape.

Opportunistic idealogues

"It has become largely Republicans who support the conservative, largely white, religious or evangelical parents," Hartman explained. "And often, Republican politicians are frankly opportunistic about ginning up support for themselves, for their candidacies … because these are issues that animate their base."

The current backlash against books and curricula has mushroomed into a nationwide battle. There have been rallies and protests from Virginia to California, with conservative groups taking on school boards and education officials. Last year a teacher in one Tennessee county was fired for referring to white privilege in his lessons because the state's general assembly had banned what is known as critical race theory from schools.

Divisive ideas

Critical race theory, or CRT, refers to an academic concept that focuses on how racism is systemic, baked into local policies and laws. Conservatives argue that CRT is divisive and fosters negative self-image in white children. Many educators argue that there is no CRT agenda in schools and that they are teaching the very same curricula they have done for years without anybody objecting. Meanwhile Black parents point out that racism is often embedded in the systems their children have to confront.

Yet the controversy goes well beyond critical race theory. Conservative groups oppose how schools are teaching gender and sexuality as well. In Florida, the state's governor, a member of the more conservative and right-leaning Republican party, had education officials pull and scrub mathematics textbooks of what was described as "woke content." Among other things the officials objected to, there were references to racial prejudice in the books.

A school board in Tennessee even voted to remove Maus, the Pulitzer-prize-winning graphic novel about the Holocaust for what was deemed "rough, objectionable language."

Prize-winning graphic novel, Maus, was banned because it had curse words

 and a depiction of a naked character

"History should be taught absolutely, warts and all, but just teach history without agenda or ideology or trying to put a child in one box or another, because history has the lessons of its own," Steenman of Moms for Liberty said. "If you read a book about US history, especially in regard to slavery and the Civil War, you know, I was taught that as a child and I drew the conclusion that this was bad. Don't ever repeat this. But I was never blamed for it [the Civil War or slavery] as a child."

No negative self-image

The co-founders of One WillCo, an organization that advocates for students of color in the same Tennessee county as Moms for Liberty, have a counter argument to that though. They argue that conservative parents' complaints are unwarranted because students are thriving with the current curriculum and also learning difficult lessons on race and gender.

"All you have to do is explain to children and they get it. We don't give our kids enough credit to handle the conversations that we have," said Revida Rahman, one of the co-founders of One WillCo, who is Black and has children in the public school system. "And unfortunately for me, I have to have difficult conversations with my children on a regular basis to let them know how they're perceived, how they can't do certain things, how you can't take your candy in the grocery store because you may be accused of stealing."


The Harry Potter books have been challenged by religious critics who say they celebrate witchcraft

One WillCo 's other co-founder, Jennifer Cortez, argues that concepts like CRT are Republican talking points that don't reflect what is actually being taught in schools. Her daughter, who is white and also in the public school system, has not developed a negative self-image and Cortez says it's important to view history through an inclusive lens.

"I understand the concern but respectfully that is a white concern," Cortez said. "I have the luxury of not having to think about my skin color here, where I live and where I've grown up, because it has always been, if anything, an advantage or a non-issue. But for many children and many families, that's not the case," she noted. "I can understand why some might think this is divisive because it feels uncomfortable. But the truth is, it's better if we can talk about it and learn how to talk about it."

Edited by Cathrin Schaer

Why Ukraine's human rights chief Lyudmila Denisova was dismissed

The country's ombudsperson for human rights, Lyudmyla Denisova, is accused of having neglected her duties. But human rights activists have criticized her dismissal.

Liudmyla Denisova at a recent event in Kyiv

A majority of Ukrainian parliamentarians from different parties, including President Zelenskyy's governing Servant of the People party, removed Lyudmyla Denisova after a vote of no-confidence on May 31.

Ukraine's opposition Fatherland party, headed by Yulia Tymoshenko, and ex-President Petro Poroshenko's European Solidarity party voted against the move. Few saw Denisova's dismissal coming.

Denisova, who until recently served as thecountry's ombudsperson for human rights, had considerable authority to protect civil rights and oversee prisoner swaps.

Her term would have ended next year. Neither the constitution nor any other legislation ordinarily allows for premature dismissal from her office. Lawmakers, however, made use of martial law, which permits the removal of all appointees. 

Accusations against Denisova

The deputy chairman of the parliament regulatory committee, Pavlo Frolov, says Denisova failed to oversee the opening of humanitarian corridors in Ukraine warzones, address the abduction of Ukrainians from occupied territories, and the protection and exchange of prisoners.

Instead, Frolov says that Deputy Prime Minister Iryna Vereshchuk stepped in. Her ministry, which is in charge of the occupied regions, took on most human rights-related challenges relating to the war, according to the Servant of the People lawmaker.

He also accuses her of having focused too much on media work, and on describing sexually motivated crimes in gratuitous detail as well as the raping of children in occupied territories. However, some of these accounts, he said, had not been verified, which had harmed Ukraine's reputation and distracted media attention from other, proven crimes and problems.

No less than 234 lawmakers voted for Denisova's removal

Frolov also accuses Denisova of having spent considerable time abroad after Russia attacked the country on February 24. He says instead of traveling to Russia or Belarus, where she could have worked to free Ukrainian prisoners, or alleviate the suffering of people in occupied Kherson, Denisova was staying in "warm, peaceful western Europe."

Many Ukrainian journalists and human rights activists were outraged when they read Denisova's detailed descriptions on her Facebook account.

"Sexually motivated crimes during wartime are a tragedy, but they should not be the subject of a kind of 'chronicle of scandal'," an open letter penned by 140 activists, media professionals, lawyers, psycologists and other public figures stated.

The letter goes on to say "it is the job of the ombudsperson to first and foremost consider the rights and dignity of survivors and their relatives."

Politicized office?

Many signatories of the letter nevertheless take issue with Denisova's sudden dismissal. "We as human rights activists doubt [Denisova's] competence and independence," says Tetiana Pechonchyk, who heads Kyiv's human rights organization ZMINA. "Four years ago, we protested against the politicization of her nomination; but what is happening now is totally arbitrary and damages the office of Ukraine's human rights chief."

The Global Alliance of National Human Rights Institutions (GANHRI) and its European partners have also spoken up. A letter penned by them to parliamentary speaker Ruslan Stefanchuk and President Volodymyr Zelenskyy warns her dismissal could "severely disrupt the important work that needs to be done in these times of conflict." The UN Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine says Denisova's removal "violates international standards."

Human rights activist have penned a letter to Ruslan Stefanchuk

Denisova, meanwhile, claims the presidential office pushed for her removal. She says it "did not approve of my work, which aimed to gather and analyze information about human rights violations in occupied areas." She will contest her dismissal in court.

There have been other attempts to remove her from office. Last autumn, a lawmaker with the ruling Servant of the People party set up an inquiry committee to look into Denisova's failure to move ahead with several lawsuits, although courts had asked her to.

Opposition lawmakers at the time said the inquiry was launched by the presidential office to exact revenge on Denisova for criticizing the "anti-oligarchy law" as unconstitutional.

Who will take over?

Before Denisova took over as human rights chief in March 2018, the post had remained vacant for a year after her predecessor, Valeriya Lutkovska, was dismissed. She had been the first woman to hold the post.

Who should succeed her sparked intense political negations between what was then the Petro Poroshenko Bloc, and the People's Front party, which ultimately nominatedDenisova 

Ukrainian human rights activists now warn against further politicizing the office. They are calling for human rights experts, rather than lawmakers, to apply for the job in an open, transparent procedure. Nelly Yakovleva, deputy head of the parliamentary human rights committee, says, so far, no candidates had submitted applications.

This article was originally written in Russian.

GOOD BUT NOT GOOD ENOUGH
German lawmakers approve €12 minimum wage

Some 6.2 million workers in Germany are set to benefit from a minimum wage increase passed by lawmakers. The hike comes as inflation soars in Germany.



Germans will see the minimum wage increase by €2.18 per hour as of October

German Chancellor Olaf Scholz made raising the minimum wage a key plank in his election platform and, on Friday, lawmakers passed a bill increasing the minimum wage to €12 ($12.90) per hour as of October 1 — an increase of €2.18 per hour.



The increase will mean €400 extra per month for people with a monthly income of €1,700, according to Labor Minister Hubertus Heil.

"That's not the world, but is makes a noticeable difference in the wallet," Heil said before the vote in the Bundestag, the lower house of German parliament.

Germany introduced a national minimum wage in 2015 at the insistence of Scholz's center-left Social Democrats, who at the time were junior partners in conservative former Chancellor Angela Merkel's government.

"Many citizens of our country work a lot but earn little — that must change," Scholz wrote in a tweet when his Cabinet agreed to the increase in February. "For me, one of the most important laws and a question of respect."
Did anyone oppose raising the minimum wage?

The bill to increase the minimum wage passed by a wide margin with 400 in favor, 41 against and 200 abstentions, mainly from the opposition bloc of the Christian Democrat Union and Christian Social Union (CDU/CSU).

Politicians from the center-right CDU/CSU emphasized they were not against raising the minimum wage but the way Scholz's coalition of Social Democrats, Greens and neoliberal Free Democrats brought it about. The socialist Left Party joined the trio of government coalition parties in voting to pass the bill.



How is Germany's minimum wage set?

The minimum wage in Germany is generally recommended by a commission that includes representatives of both employers and employees.
The politicians then legislate on the basis of these recommendations. But for this increase, the government bypassed the commission and set the €12 mark itself, adding that the body would determine future increases.

Some employers criticized the increase, arguing that the government is interfering with long-established negotiations between employers, employees and unions to set compensation levels.

Unions and politicians, however, rejected that criticism saying that a minimum wage set at €12 would reduce poverty in Germany.

Who gets a minimum wage in Germany?

Germany's minimum wage covers a majority of workers in the country who are over 18. This includes seasonal workers, no matter where they are from.

As in most places, there are a number of exceptions to the rule. Apprentices, workers taking part in job-promotion schemes, long-term unemployed people in the first six months after reentering the labor market and self-employed individuals are not covered by the minimum wage law.

Workers transiting through the country, such as airline pilots and truck drivers, are likewise not covered.


How often does the minimum wage change?

The current national minimum wage is €9.82, with an increase to €10.45 as of July already in the books. The minimum wage commission will decide on the levels of possible future increases in January 2023 and June 2023.


Germany has one of the highest minimum wages in the European Union. At the current rate of €9.82, a full-time employee would gross €1,621 a month, just behind Luxembourg (€2,257), Ireland (€1,775), the Netherlands (€1,725) and Belgium (€1,658).

A number of European Union countries — such as Denmark, Italy, Austria, Cyprus, Finland and Sweden — have no national minimum wage. They rely on unions and individual sectors to set their own wages

sms/rs (AP, dpa)

German parliament OKs higher minimum wage pledged by Scholz


Germany Scholz ((c) Copyright 2022, dpa (www.dpa.de). Alle Rechte vorbehalten)
Germany Scholz ((c) Copyright 2022, dpa (www.dpa.de). Alle Rechte vorbehalten)

The German parliament on Friday approved raising the country's minimum wage to 12 euros ($12.84) per hour, fulfilling a key campaign pledge that Chancellor Olaf Scholz made in the run-up to last year’s election.

The nearly 15% increase will take effect on Oct. 1. The government says some 6.2 million people in Germany currently work for less than 12 euros per hour.

Germany was a relative late-comer to instituting a national minimum wage. It was introduced in 2015 at the insistence of Scholz’s center-left Social Democrats, who at the time were junior partners in conservative Chancellor Angela Merkel’s government.

The minimum wage was initially set at 8.50 euros per hour. A commission overseeing such wage hikes that includes labor union and employer representatives later approved an increase to the current 9.82 euros. That will rise to 10.45 euros on July 1 before in reaches the 12 euro minimum three months later. The commission will continue to make revisions.

Scholz has long argued for an increase to 12 euros and made it a key plank of his campaign last September, framing it as a matter of fairness and “respect.”

Labor Minister Hubertus Heil told parliament the Oct. 1 wage jump could be the biggest that as many as 6 million Germans, including many women and workers in eastern Germany, have ever seen. Much of the formerly communist east remains less prosperous than western Germany more than three decades after reunification.

The wage hike comes amid a surge in inflation that followed Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Germany's annual inflation rate hit 7.9% in May, according to an official estimate this week, the highest rate since the winter of 1973-1974.

On Wednesday, Scholz said he wants to join employers and labor unions in a “concerted action” to find ways of cushioning the effects of rising prices while preventing a spiral of inflation in Europe’s biggest economy.

Opinion: Forget Amber Heard, beware of the misogynist backlash

The Johnny Depp, Amber Heard case did not only air the dirty laundry of their toxic relationship, it also brought misogynists out of the woodwork. But there's an even greater issue to worry about, says DW's Julia Hitz.

US actress Amber Heard has been the target of online threats

Who would have thought the US TV channel, Law & Crime, would ever see such record viewer numbers? For the past weeks, audiences around the globe tuned into the Depp versus Heard trial each evening,eager to witness to dirty laundry being aired in the high-profile Hollywood case.

But wait, in reality, this trial actually focused on something else: To determine whether actress Amber Heard wrongfully accused her famous ex-husband, actor Johnny Depp, of domestic abuse. The trial, in short, sought to answer whether Heard was guilty of defamation.

The jury has now largely sided with Depp and against Heard. Now Depp's legal victory is being seized on by some to question Heard's credibility. They are busily commenting on and tweeting about her, sharing the #AmberHeardIsALiar hashtag. Some even claim she has brought down the #MeToo movement. But that view is unjustified and dangerous.

DW's Julia Hitz

DW's Julia Hitz

Measures aimed at pushing back against progressive developments are known as a backlash.

The backlash against the US civil rights movement has been well analyzed. It manifested itself in protests against the abolition of racial seregation in 1950s America.

In the early 1990s, US journalist and Pulitzer laureate Susan Faludi analyzed the anti-feminist pushback that has occurred over previous decades, taking aim at women's rights. Faludi found that such pushbacks happened in the mid-19th century, around the turn of the century, as well as in the 1940s and 1970s, each time halting feminist movements in their track.

It is clear to see that yet again the US is in the middle of an anti-feminist pushback. Essential women's rights, such as the right to abortion, granted in 1973, are in jeopardy and could be scrapped by the US Supreme Court. Scores of angry protesters took the streets in May to express their outrage.

Time to re-focus

This ongoing backlash also manifests itself in the reactions that the Depp versus Heard trial has drawn.

Heard is the target of endless criticsm. She is attacked by those who still cling to the idea that Johnny Depp is essentially a jovial and eccentric "Pirate of the Caribbean." Heard is also lambasted by those who prefer to direct their anger toward a young, successful woman instead of an accomplished man. And lastly, she is beng singled out by those who would like to turn back the clock because they had taken issue with the #MeToo movement long before this trial ever began.

This is clear from comments claiming the #MeToo movement is now dead, based on the inadequacies, contradictions and inconsistencies found in Heard's court testimonies. It is also clear, incidentally, from commentators who have let themselves be instrumentalized to make such claims. We must pay close attention in coming weeks and months to those who are using this case to try and silence whole movements.

Power balance

The #MeToo movement has provided a platform for, and lent a voice to, victims of sexual violence, most of whom have been women. This community has provided solace to victims and helped shift power dynamics. It has imbued women with power and clout, lending them the drive to launch court cases and see them through.

Affluent white celebrities were not the focus of this movement. Instead marginalized women, who have suffered racism, and lack the financial means, protection orsupport to push back, have been at the center of #MeToo.

The court ruling against Harvey Weinstein serves as an impressive illustration of the power shift that has occurred in favor of women. But this shift is not at the heart of the problem.

In most cases, accusations leveled against abusers are more than justified. Sexual and domestic abuse are real problems. The Heard versus Depp trial changes nothing about this grim fact.

If, however we allow the trial to be interpreted and instrumentalized to further an anti-feminist backlash, we could be in trouble.

Four recommendations

One: The Depp versus Heard trial did not set out to deliver a verdict on the #MeToo movement and its outcome does not entitle anyone to discredit allegations of sexual and domestic violence.

Two: Men, not even the likes of poor old Johnny Depp, do not need extra protection. That's because our patriarchal society already protects and privileges them. They don't need a #MenToo movement. Men who suffered domestic and sexual violence are naturally included in the #MeToo movement, as the movement's initiator Tarana Burke made clear back in 2006.

Three: Bashing Amber Heard is counterproductive. Are we really supposed to believe the 36-year-old actress is responsible for people refusing to believe victims of sexual violence from now on? Anyone tooting on this particular horn, needs to check themselves. 

Four: Stop hurling insults. Misogyny is misogyny. We must continue to fight it in our own everyday lives and on a broader societal level. Calling Amber Heard a monster, whore or witch is misogynistic, offensive and undignified.

This applies to comments made online and offline, regardless of whether they are expressed by husbands, ex-husbands, men or women, or any other human beings.

US Underground abortion group in spotlight, 50 years on


Daniel STUBLEN
Sat, June 4, 2022


Heather Booth was a student in Chicago in 1965 when she received a call from a friend in need. His sister, he said, was pregnant but not ready to have a child. She was "nearly suicidal."

Drawing on her contacts in the city, Booth helped the young woman find a doctor willing to perform an illegal abortion -- in what she believed would be a one-off "act of goodwill."

"But word must have spread," the 76-year-old said in an interview from her home in Washington, more than half a century later.

That one act would grow into an underground network of women called "Jane," whose members helped end thousands of unwanted pregnancies, safely and without stigma -- eventually performing 11,000 abortions themselves.


By January 22, 1973 -- when the US Supreme Court's landmark Roe v. Wade decision created a nationwide right to abortion -- seven "Jane" members were awaiting trial.

One of them was Martha Scott, who at the age of 80 -- and with the court now expected to repeal that right -- looks back defiantly on her decision to break the law many years ago.



"I felt very strongly... that we are doing this illegal thing because it is important to do, because it can't be done legally," Scott said in a video interview from her home in Chicago.

"We were just ladies down the street," she said, but "bad laws require you to choose to act in ways that may be a little risky."
- 'Caring community' -

Booth and Scott, whose journey with the "Janes" is spotlighted in an upcoming HBO documentary, have stark memories of the time before Roe -- when desperate women would harm themselves attempting to end their pregnancies.



"Some were taking lye (a caustic ingredient in soap), some were using a coat hanger," said Booth. "Some were doing damage to themselves, throwing themselves down stairs or off a rooftop."

Without alternatives, women sought out abortions from illegal providers, many of whom were motivated by profit or unscrupulous in other ways, with little concern for women's health.

Eleanor Oliver, another former member of the network, said when she sought an illegal abortion in Washington, she was told the doctor might want her to be "a little cozier and friendlier than just a patient."

Fortunately, said the now-84-year-old Oliver, "he was very businesslike, very official."

As word got out that Booth could help women get a safe abortion, more and more began contacting her -- and she recruited others to help.



To be discreet, they told callers to leave a message for "Jane" -- and the group, established as a "caring community," was born.

After some time, the group discovered their abortionist was not a licensed doctor -- a shock that led some members to leave.

But others, said Scott, realized that if a man without professional training could learn how to safely perform abortions, so could they.
- 'Furious' -

In May 1972, the police barged into the apartment where the "Jane" collective was operating.

"They kept saying 'So where's the doctor?'...'‘Where's the guy who's doing abortions?'" recalled Scott, who was in one of the bedrooms-turned-surgeries.

"Well, of course, it wasn't any guy who was doing abortions… we were doing abortions."

She and six others were rounded up and taken to jail, where they spent the night -- before being released pending trial.

In the wake of Roe v. Wade, the charges against the "Janes" were dropped, and the group disbanded.

Half a century later, though, their work appears relevant all over again, after a leak revealed that the Supreme Court is seriously considering a full reversal of Roe.

Scott was "furious, just furious" at the news -- but "not surprised" either, in light of former president Donald Trump's nomination of three anti-abortion conservative justices, tilting the bench decisively to the right.

If the nationwide right to abortion is struck down -- leaving states free to enact "dangerous" restrictions -- Scott expects a new generation of activists will need to step up.

"What we need to do is use every tool at our disposal," echoed Booth.

While conservative-led states are expected to drastically curb abortion rights if given free rein, it would remain legal in many other states -- "islands in the storm," as Booth calls them.

Some, like Illinois, have already moved to loosen their abortion restrictions in anticipation of the Supreme Court decision.

The poorest women -- less able to travel out of state -- will be the hardest-hit, as seen in Texas where abortions after six weeks have already been effectively banned.



But new medication can safely induce abortions up to 10 weeks into a pregnancy and -- though it would still be illegal -- can easily be sent through the mail.

And so, Scott and Booth hold out hope that the United States will not be going back to the dark days of back-alley abortions.

"The abortions won't stop," Booth said, citing data that shows one in four American women will terminate a pregnancy at some point in their lifetime.

"It's not rare, and it needs to be safe."

des/ec/sst



Palestinian farmers sound alarm over foot-and-mouth outbreak


Gareth Browne
Sat, June 4, 2022,


An outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease in the West Bank early this year has killed thousands of livestock, pushing Palestinian farmers already living under occupation to the brink of bankruptcy.

Mohammed Basheer said he had to incinerate hundreds of his dead lambs after the outbreak devastated livestock across the West Bank, leaving him with more than just a stinging financial loss.


For Basheer, the ordeal underlines the unique challenges facing farmers in the occupied Palestinian territory, who complain that they are underserved by the Palestinian Authority and face constant threats from Jewish settlers.


"I got no help from the PA, not even a telephone call," Basheer, who owns thousands of livestock near the city of Nablus, told AFP, voicing frustration over what he described as inaction from the Palestinian agriculture ministry.

Palestinian farmers blamed the PA for halting a vaccinations programme that had proven essential in protecting livestock against an endemic disease.

And with animals absent from large stretches of grazing land, farmers fear land grabs from Jewish settlers who have repeatedly set up illegal outposts on West Bank land they claim is unused.

The PA "should protect us because we protect the land," Basheer said. "The farms protect the land... If you remove the farmers, Israel takes the land."


- Farmers 'destroyed' -


A new strain of foot-and-mouth disease (FMD), which causes potentially lethal fevers and blisters in young animals, was detected in livestock last November in Jordan.

It soon spread across the West Bank, a territory occupied by Israel since 1967, and heavily reliant on agriculture.

But the PA's agriculture ministry has not carried out a regular vaccination drive since 2019.


A ministry official, who requested anonymity, told AFP that a normal year sees 60 to 70 percent of goats and sheep in the West Bank vaccinated against FMD.

That figure dropped to 20 percent in 2020 and 2021, the official said.

The ministry blamed the coronavirus pandemic, saying FMD vaccines were harder to source as vaccine-makers worldwide pivoted operations to meet demand for Covid jabs.

The ministry also blamed Israel, claiming it obstructed the PA from procuring sufficient supply.

The Israeli defence ministry body responsible for civil affairs in the Palestinian territories (COGAT) told AFP that the allegation was false.

"There has been no formal request from the Palestinian Authority for the import of such vaccines," a COGAT statement said.

"Nonetheless, considering the health requirement that has arisen, the State of Israel has transferred vaccine doses that were in its possession to the Palestinian Authority."

The Palestinian ministry has officially confirmed around 2,000 animal deaths as a result of the FMD strain this year.

But farmers and the agriculture ministry official said livestock deaths were likely far higher than the acknowledged toll.

Basheer said FMD losses had cost him $150,000 and accused Israel of hoarding vaccines.

"Our occupiers had continuous vaccines for all farmers, but we haven't had anything in three years," he said.

"They've destroyed the farmers."

- 'Farmers can't stand alone' -


In the West Bank's Area C, which remains under full Israeli control, vacant agricultural land is a prime target for Jewish settlement expansion, according to experts.

Eyal Hareuveni, a researcher at the anti-settlement watchdog B'Tselem, told AFP that settler land grabs are often backed by Israel's "twisted interpretation" of an Ottoman-era law that says land not cultivated for three consecutive years can be claimed.


"Israel can designate this as state land and take it for their own use, even if it's land that is registered as private Palestinian land," Hareuveni said.

More than 475,000 Jewish settlers live in the West Bank in communities widely regarded as illegal under international law. Israel's governing coalition has continued to approve new settler homes across the territory, while acting sporadically against new outposts.

With no new cases detected since April, PA officials say the FMD outbreak is now under control.

Abbas Milhem, executive director of the Palestinian farmer's union, told AFP that by faltering on vaccinations, the PA had effectively given a boost to the settler movement.

"The real fight against occupation and annexation is in the land, but the farmers can't stand alone," he said. "We need some accountability for this."

gb/jsa
Sudan Band's Music Empowers Sidelined Ethnic Group

By Menna Zaki
06/04/22 

Noureddine Jaber, a musician with a unique part-guitar, part-tamboura instrument, is giving voice to Sudan's long-marginalised eastern communities through a new album.

Hailing from the Red Sea city of Port Sudan, Jaber belongs to the Beja people, a group of nomadic herders and breeders with unique languages, culture, food and music.

They have borne the weight of disenfranchisement especially under autocratic president Omar al-Bashir who was ousted in 2019.

Hailing from the Red Sea city of Port Sudan, Noureddine Jaber belongs to the Beja people, a group of nomadic herders and breeders with unique languages, culture, food and music Photo: AFP / Median Yasser

But the title of his first album, due out later in June, conveys a different message: "Beja Power."

During Bashir's three-decade rule, non-Arab groups complained that his government allowed Arab culture to dominate, giving little representation to the country's many ethnic minorities.

Also known as "Noori", Jaber grew up devouring the rich heritage of distinct tunes of the Beja people who trace their roots back millennia.

Though he first formed his band in 2006, it was only in recent months that he was able to record his first album, at the age of 47.

Noureddine Jaber plays a unique 'tambo-guitar', an instrument he fashioned from a guitar neck and his father's vintage tamboura
 Photo: AFP / Median Yasser

"Beja music is the window to the struggles of its people," said Jaber, who called his six-member band "Dorpa", which means "the band of the mountains" in Bedawit, a Beja language.

"The Beja have long been marginalised and we are trying to convey their voice through music."

Though their region is a maritime trade hub known for its lush fertile fields, and rich gold mines, it is also one of the most impoverished parts of Sudan, itself one of the poorest countries in the world.

At a studio in Omdurman, the capital Khartoum's twin city, Jaber leads his band through rehearsal, producing a mellow, toe-tapping sound somewhat similar to jazz.

The album 'Beja Power' hopes to give voice to Sudan's long-marginalised eastern communities
 Photo: AFP / Median Yasser

"Let's play the 'Saagama'," Jaber tells his bandmates: a bassist, saxophonist, rhythm guitarist, bongos player, and a conga drummer.

In his hand he holds his unique "tambo-guitar", an instrument he fashioned from a guitar neck and his father's vintage tamboura, a type of lyre played in East Africa.

Jaber's invention is embossed with small shells and a map of Africa.

Unlike Jaber, the rest of his band all hail from different parts of ethnically diverse Sudan Photo: AFP / Median Yasser

"Saagama", which means migration in Bedawit, is one of the album's most evocative tracks, inspired by ancient melodies from Sudan's east.

Unlike him, the rest of the band all hail from different parts of ethnically diverse Sudan.

Beja musicians regularly faced restrictions under Sudan's former president Omar al-Bashir, with authorities often stopping their performances 
Photo: AFP / Median Yasser

They say it took them years to learn the Beja music scales and tones, traditionally played on drums and the tamboura.

"I've never been to east Sudan. I only learned the music from Noori," conga player Mohamed Abdelazim told AFP.

"The way they play drums in the east is different, very distinct. It has its own very special rhythm."

According to Jaber, the Beja's under-representation in Sudanese culture is part of why many fail to recognise their music.

Under Bashir, he told AFP, "the rule was for the Arab culture to prevail while other African ethnicities fade."

Beja musicians regularly faced restrictions, with authorities often stopping their performances.

"It could be for anything, lack of permits or because the audience were mixed groups" of men and women together, in contrast to those of Arab performers, Jaber said.

Abdelhalim Adam, the band's bassist, is originally from the ethnic Folani tribe of the Darfur region, on the other side of the country in Sudan's west.

For him, joining the band was particularly meaningful.

"The Beja's struggle is similar to our tribes in North Darfur," Adam said. "They are as marginalised."

Darfur was ravaged by civil war that began in 2003 when ethnic minority rebels took up arms against Bashir's Arab-dominated government, which unleashed the Janjaweed militia blamed for atrocities.

Hundreds of thousands were killed and millions have been displaced since.

The Beja also rebelled against Bashir's government for more than a decade. Communities in the east then joined nationwide calls for his ouster in the protests which began in 2018.

A glimmer of hope shone following Bashir's overthrow and the installation of a fragile transition to civilian rule which pledged to end marginalisation in Sudan.

But even then, Beja tribes complained of marginalisation.

Last year, they blockaded the main seaport of Port Sudan shortly before a military coup led by army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan upended Sudan's transition.

As Beja tribes continue to call for wider representation, Jaber has zeroed in on music as his avenue to highlight the struggles of his people.

"It's an effective way for our story to travel and attract the world's attention," he says. And it is also a way "to preserve our heritage."

A look at opposition group La France Insoumise’s past five years in parliament

Romain BRUNET 
AFP
FRANCE24


Jean-Luc Mélenchon’s far-left France Unbowed (La France Insoumise or LFI) party, which came in third in the first round of the 2022 presidential election, has had 17 MPs in the National Assembly since the 2017 legislative elections. They quickly gained notice not only for their ability to create a buzz, but also for blocking certain government texts.

© Ludovic Marin, AFP

On May 10, 2022, France’s Greens, Communist Party and Socialist Party all agreed to form a historic alliance with the far-left France Unbowed (La France Insoumise or LFI), ahead of the June legislative elections in hopes of securing a lower-house majority. Despite its small number of members currently, LFI has been very active in the National Assembly over the past five years. It has passed 100 or so bills and more than 60 motions for resolutions, tabled more than 60,000 amendments, established four commissions of enquiry and intervened thousands of times in parliament.

In June 2017, Jean-Luc Mélenchon, who had been a senator in Essonne for 18 years, was the only one of the 17 LFI MPs who knew how parliament worked. In fact, his colleagues were mocked during the first few months of their terms for their lack of experience. In addition to the fact that she had been a nurse’s aide prior to being elected, some of Caroline Fiat’s opponents nicknamed her "the deputy Bac -2", referring to her educational trainng, while Adrien Quatennens, who had previously been a customer advisor for EDF (Électricité de France S.A., a French multinational electric utility company), was given the nickname of "Deputy Call-center".

However, the mockery quickly ceased when it became apparent that the LFI MPs were serious about positioning themselves as the opposition to Emmanuel Macron’s presidential majority during his five-year term.

"The LFI MPs have really been very active, very present and very invested in their roles, both in the committee and the Assembly, doing serious groundwork," said Olivier Rozenberg, a professor at Sciences-Po and specialist in parliamentary life.

"Our goal was simple: to be the first opponent and the first proposer", says Mathilde Panot, MP for Val-de-Marne and president of the LFI parliamentary group in the National Assembly. "We wanted to fight the government both by bringing the country's various social struggles into the National Assembly while making sure, each time, to propose another vision by converting our programme into legislative proposals," she continued. "For example, we are the only group that presented a counter-budget every year and a counter-management plan for Covid."

"Our voice should be heard by as many people as possible"


However, it's the stunts from LFI's MPs that have left the biggest mark. Very early on in the legislature, LFI took advange of Palais-Bourbon’s media platform to make themselves known. Alexis Corbière, MP for Seine-Saint-Denis, pushed back against the government’s decision to reduce the personal housing allowance by €5 by presenting a shopping basket before parliament that contained €5’s worth of food. Adrien Quatennens, MP from the North, encouraged the Republic on the Move (La République en Marche, or LREM) MPs to be "insubordinate" during the revision of the Labour Code. And finally, François Ruffin, MP for the Somme, wore the shirt of an amateur football club when he talked about financing non-professional sport. All these actions created a buzz, with videos widely shared on social media.

If LFI and its newly created coalition secures a majority in parliament, no doubt more attention-grabbing actions will take place. It has pledged to introduce a €1,400 monthly minimum wage, a monthly allowance for young people, a price freeze on basic necessities, re-establish the wealth tax, repeal Macron's flat tax on capital gains, an “ecological planning” programme to transition to a greener future and establish a Sixth Republic, an institutional revamp in which the executive’s powers would be reduced in favour of the parliament and people. LFI ran on all these proposals during France’s latest presidential election in April.

Video: Analysis: French left-wing parties seal coalition deal to challenge Macron in parliamentary elections (France 24)


"It's true that some of our speeches have had several million views, which was quite unprecedented in the history of the National Assembly," says Panot. "We start from the principle that the words we speak in the Assembly are meant to be heard by the greatest number of people, so you will never hear us talk about amendment no. 6147 aimed at deleting paragraph 4 of Article 2. When Alexis Corbière took out his shopping basket, our primary goal was to bring reality back into the debates."
"This strategy has been effective because it is talked about and remembered," says Rozenberg. "But above all, it was also an opportunity to bring to the forefront, alongside Jean-Luc Mélenchon, new figures within LFI who otherwise would not have existed. The result after five years is therefore rather beneficial. A new generation has been trained."
LFI MPs also took advantage of their parliamentary niches, which were granted to the opposition groups so that they could set the National Assembly’s agenda usually established by the government. This meant that bills with which the government was not comfortable could be voted on, including recognising occupational pathologies resulting from burnout, introducing receipts for identity checks, banning glyphosate, capping bank charges, extending the earned income supplement to young people aged between 18 and 25 and introducing a tax on crisis profiteers.

"All these texts were rejected, but since they were popular with the public, they used them to catch the government off guard," says Rozenberg.

Clémentine Autain, the MP for Seine-Saint-Denis, did however manage to get a resolution passed in January 2022 that recognises endometriosis as a long-term medical condition (ALD). Two days after President Macron presented a plan dedicated to it, this subject made media headlines. It would therefore have been difficult for the presidential majority to vote against this recognition, which authorities had been demanding for several years.

"Blocking deliberations raises questions"


However, the actions of LFI MPs have also been obstructed on numerous occasions. Unable to block a bill due to their low numbers, the LFI group wrote several amendments and points of order in order to slow down the examination of certain texts.

At the beginning of 2020, the pension reform thus resulted in the rebel MPs' tabling of 19,000 amendments. "We acknowledge our obstructionism," said Mélenchon on BFMTV. "Because, in the same way that a trade unionist goes on strike for 43, 45, 50 days and loses salary, the MPs would be failing in their duty if they did not use every possible weapon to delay the final decision that could be imposed automatically in the Chamber."

This has happened to such an extent that the presidential majority is worried about what will happen if a very large number of LFI MPs get elected during the legislative elections on 12 and 19 June. "LFI has adopted a chaos strategy. (...) There is a risk of permanent political guerrilla warfare regarding substance and form," says François de Rugy, the former ‘Macronist’ president of the National Assembly, in an article published on 16 May by L'Opinion.

All the more so as the first opposition group is given – in principle – the presidency of the Finance Committee, another subject of concern for the outgoing presidential majority. "LFI could take advantage of this to investigate Bercy in order to highlight this or that problem regarding public spending or to fully inform themselves of the consequences of abolishing the ISF [solidarity tax on wealth]," says Rozenberg. "But I don't think it will create chaos. Rather, it is an opportunity to see important things happen in the Assembly."

"It's true that if there are 150 or 200 of us, then that changes everything. And being in charge of the finance committee would make us even stronger opponents," says Panot. "That being said," she resumes, "the 'Marcheurs' are right to be afraid of us because we don't want to be the first opposition group: we want the majority."

During the last presidential election in April 2022, LFI’s platform was heavily centred on social issues and the cost of living, and Mélanchon garnered 22% of the vote, narrowly losing to Marine Le Pen, who went up against Macron in the second round.

This article has been adapted from the original in French by Mariamne Everett.