Thursday, July 14, 2022

Three medieval Muslim travellers who explored the world

Ibn Battuta, Ibn Fadlan and Evliya Celebi left eye-opening accounts of their journeys across Europe, Africa and Asia between the 9th and 17th centuries


Arab travellers as depicted by the 19th-century artist Ludwig Hans Fischer
(Public domain)

By Indlieb Farazi Saber
15 June 2022

Travel across vast swathes of land was a necessary part of life in the Middle East during the Middle Ages. Trade was a primary motivation; so too were religious pilgrimage and proselytisation, and in some cases pure wanderlust.

Muslim trade developed across the Silk Road and its arteries, which connected the Middle East to lands further to the east, such as India and China. Trade and cultural interaction with Europeans also took place, through shipping routes in the Mediterranean.

Fortunately, for those interested in the experiences of medieval Islamic travellers, there are a number of surviving travelogues detailing what it was like to journey across vast distances.

Ilyas al-Mawsili, a Chaldean Catholic priest, is said to have been the first Arabic speaker to have visited South and Central America. He set off from Baghdad in 1668, documenting his missionary travels, first to the Vatican and then onwards in his work Book of the Journey of the Priest Ilyas, Son of the Cleric Hanna al-Mawsili.

Abul Hasan Ali Ibn Al-Husain Al-Masudi, more popularly known as just Al-Masudi, was one of the earliest travel writers from the Middle East. He detailed his 10th-century visits to Persia, India and Indochina.

In the 12th century, Andalusian Ibn Jubayr also kept a detailed travelogue of his travels in Syria and Italy, which were said to have inspired the later Moroccan traveller, Ibn Battuta.

Here, Middle East Eye profiles three of the most influential Middle Eastern travellers, who left behind significant descriptions of their journeys.


Ahmad ibn Fadlan


Ahmed ibn Fadlan was born in 879 CE, and while little is known about this Arab traveller or his family, it's clear he was well versed in religious texts.

It was this credential that proved particularly useful when, in 922 CE, the Abbasid Caliph Al Muqtadir chose Fadlan as an envoy to the Volga Bulgars, who lived in a region called Tatarstan, north-east of the Black Sea in modern-day Russia.

King Almis of the Bulgars had converted to Islam the previous year, taking the name Jafar ibn Abdallah, and had requested that the caliph send someone to teach his people about Islam, as well as commissioning a mosque and fortress.

With that duty in mind, Fadlan set off on an epic journey across Central Asia and into Eastern Europe, encountering various Turkic peoples, as well as the Rus people, who lived along the Volga river system and were widely identified as Vikings.

An early 20th-century painting depicting Arab trade with the Rus, by Sergei Ivanov (Wikipedia)

After presenting gifts to King Almis, Fadlan read aloud the letter sent from Muqtadir:

“I got out the caliph’s letter and… when we had finished reading, they pronounced Allahu Akbar! so loudly the earth shook,” he recalls.

His extensive writings are some of the only surviving witness accounts about the region during the period and provide crucial details about Viking ritual.


Vikings, human sacrifice and bad hygiene: Early Islamic descriptions of Russia and Ukraine
Read More »

Though assisting the Volga Bulgars was the purpose of Fadlan's travels, it’s the Varangians (or Rus in Arabic), a group of Vikings that he came across along the Volga River, whose legendary tales were the most compelling.


He describes the men as always being armed with swords and daggers, and “tattooed from finger nails to neck", while the women would wear metal boxes of either “iron, silver, copper or gold” on each breast, with the value of the metal depicting the wealth of her husband.

Fadlan’s opinion of the people appears to be mixed: he was transfixed by their physical prowess - “I have never seen more perfect physical specimens, tall as date palms, blonde and ruddy" - yet possibly disgusted by their standards of hygiene: “the filthiest of God's creatures. They have no modesty in defecation and urination… they are like wild asses.”

He also provides a detailed description of a Rus noble’s funeral ceremony, which involves the sacrifice of a young woman.


Fadlan’s account has inspired contemporary depictions of Vikings, with his descriptions being used to inform TV shows such as the History Channel’s Vikings and the Antonio Banderas-fronted Hollywood movie The 13th Warrior.


Ibn Fadlan's Journey to Russia: A Tenth-Century Traveler from Baghad to the Volga River
par Ahmad Ibn Fadlan



Ibn Fadlan and the Land of Darkness: Arab Travellers in the Far North (Penguin Classics)
par Ibn Fdlan, Paul Lunde, et al.



Mission to the Volga (Library of Arabic Literature Book 28)
par Aḥmad ibn Faḍlān, Tim Severin, et al

Ibn Battuta


Abu Abdullah Muhammad Ibn Battuta was born in 1304, in the Moroccan city of Tangier, to a family of Islamic jurists, or qadis.

Ibn Battuta (which means son of a duckling) covered an incredible 120,000 km in his travels from China to Spain, a remarkable achievement given much of that was done overland on foot and in animal-driven caravans.

Starting in 1325, with his donkey as companion and the equivalent of a law degree in hand, Battuta was an early version of a gap-year student, setting off into the unknown, hoping to find odd jobs to fund his extensive adventure. His “gap year” ended up lasting 29 years, no doubt driven by an insatiable wanderlust and a personal rule to “never travel on any road a second time”.

The Great Mosque of Kilwa in Tanzania, built in the 11th century, was visited by Ibn Battuta (Unesco)

Other motivations throughout his journey were carnal delights, specifically women, at least 10 of whom he married and divorced en route, in addition to numerous concubines who were either gifted to him or purchased by him.

During one stint as a qadi in the Maldives, he wrote:

“It is easy to marry in these islands because of the smallness of the dowries and the pleasures of society which the women offer… When the ships put in, the crew marry; when they intend to leave they divorce their wives. This is a kind of temporary marriage. The women of these islands never leave their country.”

There is no figure on how many children he fathered, but the number is believed to be considerable.

Early in his adventures, in the port city of Alexandria, Battuta met a Sufi mystic called Sheikh Burhanuddin, who predicted his travels to India and China and asked Ibn Battuta to pass on salutations to some of his acquaintances in these foreign lands.

“I was amazed at his prediction," he wrote in his memoirs. "And the idea of going to these countries having been cast into my mind, my wanderings never ceased until I had met these three that he named and conveyed his greeting to them."

Ibn Battuta worked as a jurist and was married to four women during his stay in the Maldives (AFP/Sanka Vidanagama)

After his second Hajj, Battuta took several wooden boats from Jeddah across to the Horn of Africa. From there, he visited the Somali city of Mogadishu, praising the generosity of its people.

Heading south along the east African coastline into Kenya and Tanzania, Battuta discovered the Great Mosque of Kilwa, which was made of coral stone, remarking: "The city of Kilwa is among the most beautiful of cities and elegantly built."

At the time, Kilwa was a busy port and a gateway to central east Africa.

In 1334, after hearing of the Sultan of Delhi, Muhammad ibn Tughluq, and his generosity to Muslim scholars, Battuta found his way into the sultan’s employ, getting a job as a qadi, and gaining a wife and a concubine.

But the Berber traveller’s stay was not as appealing as it initially seemed to him. The Sultan was known to be temperamental and would flit between showering Battuta with bonuses and threatening him with imprisonment for treason.

Battuta’s escape from the Sultan came when he became Delhi’s ambassador to China. There, he visited the Great Wall and the eastern city of Quanzhou, known as Zeitoun by Arab traders.

His last trip was to the Malian Empire, ruled by Mansa Sulayman. After this, in 1354, he settled back in Tangier to work as a judge and dictate his memoirs to Ibn Juzayy, an Andalusian scholar. The work would become A Gift to Those Who Contemplate the Wonders of Cities and the Marvels of Travelling, abbreviated to Rihla or Journey.

Evliya Celebi

Considered to be one of the earliest and most prominent Ottoman travel writers, Evliya Celebi was a 17th-century traveller from Istanbul, driven by his curiosity about language and culture. During his 50-year-long travelling career, he visited Europe and the Ottoman Empire.

Born Dervis Mehmed Zilli in 1611, the young Turk spent his childhood learning the Quran by heart and in religious devotions, earning the honorific title Evliya Celebi - which roughly means “Godly gentleman”.

The son of a jeweller to the Ottoman sultans, by the age of 12 his intelligence and linguistic skills had seen him apprenticed to Sultan Murad IV’s court imam.

As a young man, Celebi was keen to go off and discover a world beyond the confines of a city he had already explored fully. In his first writings he described Constantinople’s worldly cosmopolitan buzz, filled with academics, street performers and young lovers.

Mostar Bridge was built by the 16th century Ottoman architect Mimar Hayruddin (Creative Commons/Miłosz Pienkowski)

On the night of his 20th birthday, he had a dream in which the Prophet Muhammad instructed Celebi to pack his belongings and set forth on a journey to see the world.

His early travels included a visit to the Crimean Khanate, where he described the slave markets: “A man who had not seen this market, had not seen anything in this world. A mother is severed from her son and daughter there, a son from his father and brother, and they are sold among lamentations, cries of help, weeping and sorrow.”

Ultimately unmoved by the terrible scene, Celebi took slaves himself, but lost them in a shipwreck off the Black Sea coast, one he barely survived himself.

On another trip to the River Neretva in Bosnia, he encounters the famed Stari Most bridge, built by the Ottoman architect Mimar Hayruddin. Better known as Mostar Bridge, the structure left him mesmerised, he writes: “I, a poor and miserable slave of Allah, have passed through 16 countries, but I have never seen such a high bridge. It is thrown from rock to rock as high as the sky."

For casual readers and historians alike, many of Celebi’s descriptions are obvious fabrications. Stories such as the flying Kurdish acrobat who lashes his audiences with his own urine, or the Sufis of the Nile who entered into relationships with crocodiles, challenge the notion that his travelogues are works of non-fiction.

After decades of travelling, Evliya Celebi eventually settled in Cairo (AFP)

Other questionable experiences include the account of 40,000 Tatars raiding northern Europe, an incident for which there is no historical proof.

Nevertheless, there is enough corroborated detail to make his writing an interesting window into post-medieval European and Middle Eastern life.

Celebi is said to have met witches and sailors, snake charmers and warriors. Travelling through Germany and into Holland in 1663, he is said to have met Native Americans in a Rotterdam guesthouse who told him: "Our world used to be peaceful, but it has been filled by greedy people, who make war every year and shorten our lives.”

Each of his travelogues ends with a handy phrasebook for the various languages he encountered, including everything from numbers to insults to hurl at a man’s wife.

Celebi later settled in Cairo, where he died in 1684. His writings were discovered 50 years later and taken to Istanbul to be bound. Though still not fully translated into English, there is an abridged collection: An Ottoman Traveller: Selections from the Book of Travels of Evliya Celebi.
From the Achaemenids to the Mughals: A look at India's lost Persian history

Iranian and Indian peoples have interacted for thousands of years but a syncretic Turco-Persian and Indian culture held sway in the subcontinent from the medieval age until the arrival of the British


A Mughal prince (seated) receives a Persian delegation in this 17th century Indian miniature (Public domain)

By Shahinda Syed
30 May 2022 

For a native Sanskrit speaker meeting an Avestan speaker around 3,500 years ago, basic communication might have been challenging. Yet there was enough common ground between the languages to at least get basic ideas across.

The Sanskrit word naman, meaning “name”, was an exact cognate of the Avestan naman, while the latter would also have recognised the Sanskrit pitr and matr, meaning father and mother, which were patar and matar in Avestan.

Where they would have likely caused offence to one another was on the subject of religion; the Sanskrit word for heavenly being, or deva, had the meaning of “devil” in its Avestan form, perhaps hinting at religious rivalries among two peoples related by common linguistic and ethnic ancestry.
Orientalism, exoticism, deception: The story of the Arabian NightsRead More »

The two languages are part of the Indo-Iranian language family, which split into two branches around 4,000 to 5,000 years ago; the Iranian branch, to which Avestan belonged, and the Indo-Aryan, to which Sanskrit belongs.

Today, Avestan survives only as a liturgical language used among Zoroastrians, but its influence is still felt among surviving modern-day Iranian languages, such as Persian.

While Persian is not directly descended from Avestan, it took on the language’s role as the main linguistic medium of the Iranian peoples, first under the Persian empires of the Ancient World, such as the Achaemenid, and then as the lingua-franca of the multi-ethnic Muslim empires that ruled much of the Middle East, Central Asia and South Asia.

For hundreds of years in the early modern age, an Iranian language, Persian, was the dominant medium of communication for Hindu bureaucrats in the Mughal court as it was in Safavid Iran itself, typifying a millennia-old relationship between the Iranian and Indic worlds.

The language would remain dominant among India’s elites, alongside Sanskrit-descended languages, such as Urdu and Hindi, until British colonisation of the subcontinent.

As late as the birth of Pakistan and India, however, many South Asian Muslim intellectuals remained fluent in Persian, and some, such as Pakistan’s national poet Muhammad Iqbal, produced influential literary works in the language.

“Both (Persian and Sanskrit) were grounded in a prestige language and literature that conferred elite status on its users,” writes Richard Eaton, author of the book India in the Persianate Age: 1000- 1765.

He continues: “Both articulated a model of worldly power - specifically, universal dominion. And while both elaborated, discussed and critiqued religious traditions, neither was grounded in a religion, but rather transcended the claims of any of them."

Great empires

The western portion of the Indian subcontinent, along the River Indus, was an integral part of the first Persian Empire.

Under Cyrus the Great, the founder of the vast Achaemenid Empire, the Persians conquered parts of the northern Indian subcontinent, roughly corresponding to modern-day Pakistan.

While it was the military might of the Achaemenids that kept subject peoples in their place, Persian rule was not based purely on the threat of force.

Indian soldiers of the Persian Army are depicted on the 4th century BCE tomb of the Achaemenid emperor, Artaxerxes II, at Persopolis in Iran
 (Wikmedia/Bruce Allardice)

Evidence of cordial relations between Indian aristocrats and Persian rulers is evident in the gifts the former sent to the latter, as well as mention of Indian peoples in inscriptions on sculptures found within other Persian-ruled territories.

After Alexander the Great ended the Achaemenid Empire, the Macedonian Seleucids, Iranian Parthians and the neo-Persian Sasanians ruled territories that were centred in old Achaemenid heartlands and included much of its territory, including northwestern India.

In the seventh century, Arab Muslims defeated the Sasanians in a manner no less dramatic than Alexander had done to their Persian predecessors a millennium earlier.

The rise of Islam was to have a significant effect on Persian-Indian relations but in two drastically different ways.
A 19th century depiction of the Achaemenid king and founder, Cyrus the Great, by the German artist Wilhelm Camphausen (Public domain)

After the Arab Muslim conquest, a large number of Zoroastrians fled Iran to India due to fear of persecution, settling in regions, such as Gujarat, and came to be known as Parsis.

Given the small size of the community historically and their cultural importance, with the exception of their Zoroastrian faith, most Parsis no longer speak Iranian languages and are largely assimilated into wider Indian culture, linguistically and culturally.

The second wave of Persian influence comes from Persian-speaking Muslims, mainly Turkic and Iranian dynasties, who established a synthesis of Persian, Islamic and South Asian cultures, which continues to be reflected in the modern-day culture of South Asia.

The meeting of Indian, Persian and Turkic culture

The Persian-inspired culture that developed in South Asia during the medieval period, was itself a descendant of the Turco-Persian culture that developed in Central Asia.

As nomadic Turkic warriors converted to Islam and settled in mainly Persian-speaking areas, they gradually took on elements of their subjects’ culture, including their fashions, artistic styles and language.

The syncretic culture formed from this meeting of the Turkic and Persian worlds would then find its way south with subsequent Muslim invasions.

A late Mughal miniature illustrates the influence of Persian artistic styles in India 
(Public domain)

A successful conquest of northern India by Mahmud of Ghazni, the 11th-century Turkic warrior and founder of the Ghaznavid dynasty, was an early catalyst for Persian cultural influence in South Asia.

Persian culture was patronised under the Ghaznavids, as well as succeeding empires, such as the Ghurids and Mamluks.

Under the Khilji, Tuglak, Sayyid and Lodhi dynasties, Persian was the official language and the main medium of Muslim India’s artistic culture.

According to Encyclopaedia Iranica: “After the foundation of the Delhi Sultanate in 1206, the munificence of its rulers attracted many poets and scholars from Persia and Central Asia. Persian literary trends were thus assimilated and refashioned in the complex and intricately multi-layered cultural milieu of India.”

When the Persian- and Turkic-speaking Timurid prince, Babur, invaded India in the 16th century, establishing the Mughal Empire, he encountered a culture already deeply Persianised that had already produced famed Persian language poets, such as Amir Khusrau.

Indo-Persian culture reached its zenith under Babur’s Mughal descendants, producing architectural masterpieces, such as the Taj Mahal in Agra and New Delhi’s Jama Masjid, among other great architectural achievements across the subcontinent.

Equally important were culinary introductions to the subcontinent, including Mughal dishes, such as biryani, nihari and various styles of kebab.

Linguistically too, the Urdu language developed out of the meeting of old Sanskrit-descended Hindi dialects and the Persian spoken in the Mughal court.

Commissioned by the Mughal emperor Shah Jahan, Delhi's Jama Masjid combines Persian, Arab and local Indian architectural styles 
(MEE/Shahinda Syed)

The abundance of miniature paintings produced during the Mughal period is another testament to Persian influence within South Asia, as are the volumes of printed works written in Persian during Mughal rule.

The 20th-century Iranian historian Ehsan Yarshater wrote: “Persian poetry, its ideas, images and conventions, set the model for the poets in the eastern lands of Islam irrespective of the language in which they wrote.

“Thus when in the 16th century, the eastern non-Arab societies of the Islamic world were articulated in three great empires, the Ottoman, Safavid and the Mughal, their literary culture was founded on the Persian model.”

The demise of Persian in India

The fall of Persian is linked directly to the demise of the Mughal Empire and the correlated ascendancy of British rule in the subcontinent.

Initially the British East India Company utilised Persian in its formal operations and the language continued to serve its traditional role as the language of bureaucracy.

In the early 1800s, Persian language training was still a key part of education for British officers stationed in India.

But such early accommodations of the Indo-Persian culture were a subject of debate among British officials.

An 18th century depiction of a British officer in India, until 1832 East India Company officials were trained in the Persian language (Public domain)

According to Tabreez Ahmed, a scholar of Islamic history and culture based in New Delhi, there was a faction that wanted to preserve “oriental” customs, while another was motivated to preserve the use of Persian as long as it was useful to do so.

In the end it was the utilitarians who won. When British dominance was firmly established in India, Persian fell out of use in favour of English and in 1832, its use for official purposes was banned.

“Persian or any other oriental language meant nothing and there was no point teaching or educating people in Persian as this would not benefit the British East India Company at all,” Ahmed says.

British influence also had another impact on the use of Persian in religious contexts.

The encroachment of European powers into what were traditionally lands ruled by Muslims set off a wave of self-reflection within the Islamic world, which led to the birth of revivalist movements.

In South Asia, this most prominently took the form of the Deobandi school of Sunni thought.

In its attempts to rid Islam of outside influences, Deobandi scholars placed a greater emphasis on approaching the original sacred texts of Islam in their Arabic originals rather than on the Persian-language commentaries that had dominated Islamic scholarship in South Asia until the early 19th century.

While Persian commentaries continue to be studied in Deobandi institutions, Arabic is today the primary focus of study.

Residual influence

British policies set the groundwork for Persian’s eventual demise in India but the language continued to inspire the region’s artists and poets.

“Persian language, literature and culture had penetrated so deep (in South Asia) that it was impossible to wipe out,” said Dr Abdul Halim, head of the Persian department at New Delhi’s Jamia Millia Islamia university.

“The presence of great thinkers, poets and philosophers after 1835, like (Mirza) Ghalib, (Muhammad) Iqbal and many others, itself testifies to the fact that Persian language and culture never lost its battle on the ground.”

For Halim, no history of India can be compiled without a knowledge of Persian, and the academic argues that a revival of the language would help Indians and other South Asians better understand their past.

The legacy of Persian's historic use in India is evidenced by the number of Persian loan words in Indian languages 
(MEE/Shahinda Syed)

“We need to revive Persian language and literature so as to get access to the treasure trove of Persian manuscripts, which are full of information, facts and figures related to the socio-political, historical and economic condition of our vast land,” he said.

As things stood, Halim warned, most Indo-Persian manuscripts lay in libraries, museums and archives “unattended”.

For most South Asians, the influence of Persian culture on their everyday life is unavoidable, whether that is in the buildings that surround them, the food they eat, or the words they speak.

Despite contemporary efforts by Hindu nationalists to rid languages like Hindi of foreign influences, hundreds of years of rule by Persian speakers means almost every Indo-Aryan language has a significant contribution of Persian words to their lexicon.


Commonly used words, such as asman (sky), darya (sea), zameen (earth/ground), bazaar (market) and darvaza (door), found their way into South Asian languages through Persian.

Just as the hypothetical Sanskrit speaker 3,500 years ago would have been able to find some common ground with an Iranian speaking Avestan, a modern Iranian or Tajik traveller in Lahore or New Delhi will come across plenty of familiar sights and sounds.

Torture is an American value. US leaders from Bush to Biden are in denial

On the International Day in Support of Victims of Torture, US leaders point the finger at others while failing to take responsibility for their government's own torture crimes


'The US government should begin a meaningful process of addressing the legacy of harm from its torture programmes' (AFP)

1 July 2022 

Commemorating the International Day in Support of Victims of Torture on 26 June, both US President Joe Biden and Secretary of State Antony Blinken released statements condemning torture and pledging to eliminate its use.

Noticeably absent, however, was any commitment to hold US government officials accountable for sanctioning, authorising, funding, and committing acts of torture.

Biden perpetuates the false narrative that the practice of torture is antithetical to US values, despite its long and well-documented history

What this silence obscures is that, from Rikers Island and Communication Management Units to Chicago police torture to Guantanamo Bay to the School of the Americas and CIA black sites around the world, the critical fact is that US torture is a systemic and enduring practice. It is an intentional tactic to break down those detained and incarcerated within and outside of the country.

Biden did, however, call for other states to be held accountable. “When a government commits torture, it surrenders its moral authority and undermines its own legitimacy. And, critically, when torture is committed in the name of national security, it only emboldens and multiplies enemies, fuels unrest, and leaves governments isolated internationally,” he stated.

By ignoring the ongoing legacy of US torture while pointing the finger at other governments for the same practice, Biden, like other presidents before him, perpetuates the false narrative that the practice of torture is antithetical to US values, despite its long and well-documented history.

Time for a reckoning

Although Blinken veered slightly towards recognising the US practice of torture, he downplayed the true nature of the issue, saying that “We acknowledge that we must confront our own shortcomings and mistakes and uphold U.S. values."
I witnessed US war crimes in Afghanistan - for all its victims justice is due
Moazzam BeggRead More »

Torture, however, is not a shortcoming or a mistake. Rather, it is a deliberate strategy employed by the state for the purpose of exerting power and control over its victims. As George Orwell wrote in 1984: “The object of torture is torture.”

Like Biden, Blinken’s statement sought to warn perpetrators that they would be held accountable. And once again like Biden, Blinken utterly failed to hold up the same mirror to the US government, choosing instead to deflect the problem of torture onto other countries.

Biden’s comments followed the template of his statement in 2021, which likewise missed the mark by de-centring the experience of survivors, emphasising the impact the revelation of its torture programme has on America's reputation, and rooting the problem with torture in arguments about effectiveness and “terrorist recruitment” rather than human rights.

These elements represent a pattern in US discourse around torture that prevents a true reckoning with the extent to which the US government has perpetuated it, and the lasting harms it has caused.

Torture is especially endemic to the War on Terror and has been systematically practised by the US in the name of national security in Bagram, Falluja, Abu Ghraib, countless CIA detention sites across the globe, and at Guantanamo Bay prison. If the US is truly interested in reckoning with the crime of torture, it must undertake the task of working towards real, meaningful accountability, and not be satisfied with rote annual lip service.

Guantanamo's 'forever prisoner'

To take just one case, if torture were truly a “stain on our moral conscience”, as Biden stated, his administration would not be fighting to keep the details of the case of torture victim Abu Zubaydah, formerly held by the CIA and now at Guantanamo, secret, but would be actively seeking to address the harm done to him.


If the Biden administration were truly interested in accountability for torture, then ending Abu Zubaydah’s indefinite detention at Guantanamo would be a good start

Zubaydah was captured in 2002, alleged to be an Al-Qaeda leader and subsequently subjected to a systematic programme of torture that included being waterboarded 80 times and being made to spend over 11 days in a coffin-size confinement box.

Despite US officials acknowledging in 2006 that Abu Zubaydah was not in fact a member of Al-Qaeda, he remains detained at Guantanamo without any hope of release. If the Biden administration were truly interested in accountability for torture, then ending Abu Zubaydah’s indefinite detention at Guantanamo - a place synonymous with torture - would be a good start.

Biden’s vague and evasive statements are not an anomaly when it comes to presidential comments post 9/11 on the UN International Day in Support of Victims of Torture.

While Trump characteristically declined to commemorate the day at all, both Barack Obama and George W Bush released statements that sought to condemn torture while focusing on its supposed incompatibility with the founding values of the US, de-centring survivors and deflecting accountability.

US torture legacy

A few times during the past two decades of the "war on terror," presidential administrations have been forced to address the legacy of US torture head-on. For example, former President George W Bush was compelled to address the atrocities that occurred at Abu Ghraib prison - when it became a global scandal.

In a statement released in 2004, Bush said: “The American people were horrified by the abuse of detainees at Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq. These acts were wrong. They were inconsistent with our policies and our values as a nation.”

In other words, even while admitting wrongdoing, Bush’s language quickly reverted back to the narrative frame of “American values” rather than focusing on redressing harm.

Notably, this statement shortly followed the release of the US Army’s official investigation detailing the torture that occurred at Abu Ghraib, commonly known as the Taguba report, which documented sexual abuse, forced nudity, and other forms of deliberate dehumanisation such as using a dog chain or strap on prisoner’s necks.

Another government report - the AR 15-6 Investigation of the Abu Ghraib Prison and 205th Military Intelligence Brigade, commonly known as the Fay Jones report - was released on 25 August 2004, and corroborated findings of the earlier investigation and detailed additional instances of abuse.

Activists protest the Guantanamo Bay detention camp during a rally in Lafayette Square outside the White House in Washington, DC on on 11 January 2018 (AFP)

Despite the evidence thoroughly documenting the systematic and egregious use of torture at Abu Ghraib, only 11 US soldiers, none of them high-ranking, were ultimately convicted of crimes.

The intellectual authors and high-ranking officials giving the orders have yet to be held accountable and face consequences for their crimes, perpetuating a culture of impunity by giving a tacit green light to continue utilising torture practices.

Tellingly, Bush only addressed the torture at Abu Ghraib in light of mounting public pressure after details, including photographs, of the shocking treatment of prisoners were exposed.

No accountability


Obama, even while trying to distance himself from Bush and his legacy, in fact followed similar discursive patterns. Obama began his presidency by asserting, in regards to torture, that “we need to look forward as opposed to looking backwards”.

Obama's statement established his disinterest in holding accountable those who designed and implemented torture programmes in the name of national security. His position would be repeated in subsequent remarks throughout his two terms.

When Obama said we should look forward, what he apparently meant was that the doors of accountability would be closed forever

In a 2015 statement on the UN International Day in Support of Victims of Torture, for example, Obama said: “No nation is perfect, and the United States must openly confront our past, including our mistakes, if we are to live up to our ideals. That is why I ended the CIA's detention and interrogation programme as one of my first acts in office and supported the declassification of key details of that programme as documented by the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence.”

But ending the CIA’s detention and interrogation programme hardly counts as taking responsibility for it and the enduring harm left in its wake, and neither does declassifying details of a programme for which no one will be prosecuted. When Obama said we should look forward, what he apparently meant was that the doors of accountability would be closed forever.

Lack of accountability abounded during the Obama administration - from then-Attorney General Eric Holder’s decision not to bring criminal charges in over 100 alleged cases of torture, to the administration’s ultimate decision not to prosecute any Bush-era officials for their role in green-lighting and supporting torture programmes.

To seal the deal, in the final days of Obama’s tenure, the decision was made to keep a 6,000-page report detailing CIA torture classified – an action that effectively silenced the truth and put a final nail in the coffin of accountability.

Torture: An American value


Guantanamo: An enduring symbol of the savagery unleashed upon innocent Muslims
Read More »

The failure of elected representatives to accept responsibility for these systemic and horrific acts of torture doesn’t mean that we should not continue to attempt to hold them accountable, or that calls for truth and justice should end; but it does mean that we have to proactively, consistently, and collectively disrupt the narrative that invisiblises reality and perpetuates injustice.

In addition to pursuing prosecutions against those responsible, the US government should begin a meaningful process of addressing the legacy of harm from its torture programmes.

This entails providing compensation for survivors who have been repatriated to their home countries or precariously resettled in third-party countries, often without legal status; the inability to pay rent, gain employment, or seek necessary medical care and mental health support despite enduring years of detention and torture.

Talk is cheap, and the US feigning concern over torture is even cheaper. Absent true accountability and tangible corrective measures, torture will continue to be an American value.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.
Shireen Abu Akleh killing: Why all journalists must push for justice

To honour the Al Jazeera correspondent's legacy, we must identify those responsible and insist that they be held to account


Peter Oborne
1 July 2022 

Family and friends of slain Palestinian journalist Shireen Abu Akleh hold a vigil in Bethlehem on 16 May 2022 (AFP)

There’s a journalists’ altar at St Bride’s Church, the Christopher Wren architectural masterpiece a few yards south of London’s Fleet Street.

On this sacred spot, the best and the bravest among us are remembered. Those who gave their lives, to tell the truth about corruption, injustice, and oppression. The ones who must never be forgotten.

Anna Politkovskaya refused to give up her reporting on the Second Chechen War despite death threats and was fatally shot. Daphne Caruana Galizia, the Maltese investigative reporter assassinated in 2017, is also remembered there, as is Lyra Catherine McKee, shot dead while reporting on a riot in Derry.

If western journalists don't seek justice for Abu Akleh, we are complicit in her killing

Jamal Khashoggi, barbarously sliced up by Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's goons in the Saudi Arabian consulate in Istanbul, has his place on the altar of heroic sacrifice, as does Marie Colvin, killed by Syrian President Bashar al-Assad’s army in Homs.

This week, a new name joined the list of martyrs who have made the supreme sacrifice and given their lives, to tell the truth: Shireen Abu Akleh, in all likelihood shot by an Israeli sniper in Jenin in the northern West Bank on 11 May. Her funeral two days later was grotesquely disrupted when Israeli police attacked mourners in occupied East Jerusalem.

This desecration shaped the service at St Bride’s. Journalist Penelope Quinton, who organised the service, told me: “Not only did they take away her life, they took away her dignity as she was laid to rest. The principle that her funeral should be allowed to pass with dignity was violated.”
'She was a mother to me'

Events at the funeral explained why Quinton chose to include in the service Edward Elgar’s famous anthem: “They are at rest; we may not stir the heaven of their repose by rude invoking voice".

The choir also sang John Tavener’s Song for Athene as a tribute to the indomitable spirit of Abu Akleh. Athene is the Greek goddess of war and intellect, the two intermingled spheres in which Abu Akleh spent her life.

The St Bride’s memorial was filled with song, biblical readings, superlative choral verses, and profoundly moving addresses from some of those who knew Abu Akleh best and loved her deeply.

Ali al-Samoudi, the Al Jazeera journalist who was with Abu Akleh when she was killed and only recently came out of hospital after being badly injured in the same incident, spoke in Arabic via video link. He marvelled at Abu Akleh’s deep religious faith: “She took her rosary everywhere and always gave money to those in need."

Children visit the site where Abu Akleh was shot dead in Jenin on 12 May 2022 (AFP)

Samoudi, a veteran correspondent, did not tell his audience that - by an astonishing coincidence - two decades ago, he himself was reportedly blown into the air by an Israeli tank shell in exactly the same place that Abu Akleh was killed. He miraculously survived.

Najwan Simri, another Al Jazeera colleague, spoke in Arabic of the irreparable personal loss she felt upon Abu Akleh’s death: “She was a mother to me. She was a sister to me.”

The great British Palestinian singer Reem Kelani brought tears to the eyes of many in the congregation with a breathtaking rendition of The Singer Said, which features lyrics by Palestinian poet Mahmoud Darwish.

Some of the words could have been written specifically to describe Abu Akleh’s final moments on earth: “This is how I died / standing, standing / I died like the trees.”
Minute of silence

But we were not there only to mourn and honour Abu Akleh. The congregation stood for a minute of silence to remember the names of all those who have died covering the Israel-Palestine conflict.

Among them were Yusef Abu Hussein, killed in an Israeli air raid last year; Yasser Murtaza, shot dead while covering the 2018 Gaza protests; and so on, and so on.

Among the congregation were journalist Duncan Campbell and his wife, the great actress Julie Christie, and four MPs: former Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn, John McDonnell, Tommy Sheppard, and Claudia Webbe. Quinton told me that she had invited many Tory MPs, but I could see none among the congregation. She said she had invited Foreign Secretary Liz Truss, but did not receive a response; she also invited many members of the Labour front bench, but none were at the service.


Shireen Abu Akleh killing: The West cannot wash away the stain of complicity
Read More »

On the media front, none of the BBC, Sky News, the New York Times, the AP, or AFP had an official presence at the service. Don Macintyre, a veteran political journalist who served as Jerusalem correspondent for the Independent, was among the congregation.

After the service, I spoke with Nadia Nasser Najjab, Abu Akleh’s close friend from the days when they both taught at Birzeit University (Abu Akleh taught English literature before her move into journalism). “I believe that if the case of Shireen is kept alive,” Najjab said, “the case of other Palestinians killed will also be kept alive."

Speaking for the family, Abu Akleh’s niece, Lina, noted that: “Shireen always was a hopeful person and believed that there will be justice for Palestine.”
Lessons learned

I believe there are lessons we journalists must take from Abu Akleh’s magnificent career: report the facts accurately, truthfully, and never give up. Don’t walk on eggshells. Spit it out. Never use the passive tense. Remember how many news outlets reported that Abu Akleh “died” in “clashes”?

She didn’t die. She was killed. To honour her legacy, we need to stick with this story, identify who killed her and who gave the orders, and then insist that they be held to account.

Shireen Abu Akleh was an American citizen and well-known reporter working for a celebrated international news organisation. If we don’t get justice for her, there will never be justice for any Palestinian journalist - or any Palestinian.

One final reflection: if western journalists don’t seek justice for Abu Akleh, we are complicit in her killing.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.


Peter Oborne won best commentary/blogging in both 2022 and 2017, and was also named freelancer of the year in 2016 at the Drum Online Media Awards for articles he wrote for Middle East Eye. He was also named as British Press Awards Columnist of the Year in 2013. He resigned as chief political columnist of the Daily Telegraph in 2015. His latest book, The Assault on Truth: Boris Johnson, Donald Trump and the Emergence of a New Moral Barbarism, was published in February 2021 and was a Sunday Times Top Ten Bestseller. His previous books include The Triumph of the Political Class, The Rise of Political Lying, and Why the West is Wrong about Nuclear Iran.

SEE
Shireen Abu Akleh: US senators say Biden's handling of investigation is neither credible nor independent

In two separate letters, Democrats demand accountability over slain Palestinian-American journalist who was killed by an Israeli bullet


A picture taken on 6 July 2022 shows a mural depicting slain Al Jazeera journalist Shireen Abu Akleh (AFP)

By MEE staff
Published date: 13 July 2022 

Senate Democrats have criticised a US-led review of the killing of Palestinian-American journalist Shireen Abu Akleh, arguing that the probe "hardly constitutes an independent investigation".

Abu Akleh, a veteran journalist with Al Jazeera Arabic, was killed on 11 May during an Israeli military raid in the Jenin refugee camp. Her death sparked outrage among Palestinians and widespread international condemnation.

Since the killing, investigations by Middle East Eye, The Washington Post, The New York Times, as well as international bodies and the United Nations, have lent support to eyewitness accounts that Abu Akleh was killed by Israeli forces.


Burying bad news: US condemned over report on Shireen Abu Akleh's killing
Read More »

In a letter addressed to US President Joe Biden on Tuesday, pro-Israel lawmaker Senator Bob Menendez wrote that the administration had not provided any details of a "thorough… credible investigation" into the killing.

Menendez, along with co-signatory Senator Corey Booker, urged Biden to provide a senior-level classified briefing on the investigation's details and what steps the administration would take next regarding accountability.

"We urge you to raise Ms Abu Akleh's case at the highest levels and press for accountability during your upcoming visit to Israel and the West Bank. We also ask for continued US participation in transparent and timely investigations into any remaining or new evidence," the letter said.

In a separate communique to Secretary of State Antony Blinken, Senators Chris Van Hollen, Patrick Leahy, Chris Murphy, and Dick Durbin criticised the US's forensic analysis of the bullet that killed Abu Akleh as insufficient and pressed the administration for further details on the investigation.

"While we were glad to see the USSC [US Security Coordinator] involved in an independent forensic analysis of the bullet that killed Ms Abu Akleh, that hardly constitutes an independent investigation into the overall circumstances of her killing," the letter said.

Ensuring accountability


In the second letter, the lawmakers also said that the administration failed to live up to Blinken's call for an "independent, credible investigation" into Abu Akleh's killing.

The forensic analysis fails to meet "any plausible definition of the 'independent' investigation that you and members of Congress have called for," the lawmakers wrote. "Nor does it provide the transparency that this case demands."

The lawmakers specifically questioned what led the USSC to conclude that gunfire from the positions of Israeli forces likely killed Abu Akleh, and how the USSC determined that the shooting was unintentional.


"What steps will you take to ensure the 'independent, credible' investigation you called for?" the letter continued, further asking, "What steps do you plan to take to ensure… accountability?"

Palestinian activists have criticised the State Department's probe into the killing and the decision to make it public on 4 July – US Independence Day – a major national holiday when many people are spending time with their families and not focusing on the news.

Abu Akleh's family has described Washington's assessment as "frankly insulting to Shireen's memory" and demanded that Biden meets with them during his visit to Israel this week.

The White House did not immediately respond to MEE's request for comment on the letters.

Slain Palestinian American reporter’s family ‘outraged’ as Biden arrives in Israel


Lina Abu Akleh, the niece of slain Al Jazeera journalist Shireen Abu Akleh, watches on a television screen at the family home in occupied East Jerusalem, the speech of US President Joe Biden, upon his arrival at Tel Aviv’s Ben Gurion Airport, on Wednesday (AFP photo)

By AFP - Jul 13,2022 - 

OCCUPIED JERUSALEM — The niece of slain Palestinian American journalist Shireen Abu Akleh expressed “outrage” on Wednesday as US President Joe Biden arrived in Israel, condemning Washington for inaction over her killing.

Lina Abu Akleh watched on television from her home in Israeli-occupied East Jerusalem as Air Force One touched down near Tel Aviv, just over two months after her aunt, a veteran Al Jazeera correspondent, was shot in the head while covering an Israeli army raid in the occupied West Bank.

The United Nations concluded she was killed by Israeli fire in Jenin, while wearing a helmet and vest marked “Press”. The family is adamant she was deliberately targeted, which Israel denies.

Drawing on rival probes by the Israelis and Palestinians, the US State Department concluded on July 4 that she was likely shot from an Israeli military position, but said there was no evidence of intent to kill.

“Sadness, outrage and, just, upset,” said Lina on watching Biden arrive, describing feelings stemming from “the lack of action they [the US] have taken towards the case of Shireen”.

“The amount of power that the US administration has to make a change, yet, not taking that political choice to do that, is very frustrating,” said the 27-year-old, dressed in black.

“They either choose their interests with Israel, or they carry out a meaningful effort towards accountability and justice for Shireen,” she added.

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken called Lina while en route to Tel Aviv with the president, inviting the family to Washington.

But Lina said they are still awaiting a response to their request to meet with the president during his time in Jerusalem.

Portraits of Shireen hang at the entrance to their home, while the journalist’s dog lay at Lina’s feet.

As Al Jazeera broadcast footage of Biden’s arrival, Lina said she has still not got used to the absence of her aunt’s voice on the network.

“It’s so weird watching this because Shireen would have been the one” covering such events, she said.

‘Still in grief’ 

During Biden’s talks with Israeli Prime Minister Yair Lapid, the Abu Akleh family hopes the president will press his host for details about the journalist’s killing on May 11.

Lina said that the Israeli authorities have the name of the soldier who shot her aunt.

Rashida Tlaib, a US congresswoman of Palestinian origin, has said the president “must obtain the names of the soldiers responsible for killing Shireen, along with that of their commanding officer”.

The Democrat lawmaker has also echoed the Abu Akleh family’s call for US authorities to launch their own probe, one that would see “these individuals... fully prosecuted for their crimes by the Department of Justice”.

Israeli Defence Minister Benny Gantz said last week it remained impossible to determine the source of the shooting, and “the investigation will continue”.

The Israeli forces’ top lawyer has not ruled out criminal charges against an individual soldier over Abu Akleh’s killing but said prosecution was unlikely, as she was shot in what the military deemed a scene of active combat.

Biden did not mention the case in his remarks on landing in Israel, before embarking on his two-night stay during which he will also meet with Palestinian President Mahmud Abbas.

In Jerusalem, the Abu Akleh family is still coming to terms with the killing of the star reporter.

“We’re mourning, we’re still in grief. It’s a huge shock,” said Lina, with a badge of Shireen pinned to her chest.

“But we are not discouraged — we will continue our fight for justice and accountability for Shireen.”

SEE

Israel's homeless population growing

but response anemic, report says

Study shows that hundreds of cases of street dwellers that are treated on a local level go unreported each year as resources allocated barely cover a fraction of group's needs

Hadar Gil-ad|
Published: 07.10.22, 

Israel's homeless population has been growing steadily in recent years, already numbering in the thousands, but the state does not adequately address its needs, a new Knesset report published last week found.
  • Follow Ynetnews on Facebook and Twitter

  • "Treatment of homeless people is done in several different ways, both through government ministries and through local authorities, but like we see in other phenomena, here too there is a lack of holistic understanding of all the resources needed [to prevent people from winding up on the street] and rehabilitation," MK Yasmin Sacks Friedman, who commissioned the report, said.
    דרי רחוב בדרום תל אביב
    Homeless people in the southern parts of Tel Aviv
    (Photo: Yariv Katz)
    Many homeless people in Israel are struggling with mental issues, drug addiction and chronic diseases that are left unattended. Feeling abandoned and increasingly wary of society, many of them avoid seeking help.
    The report points to glaring gaps between Welfare Ministry data on the country's homeless population and that of local authorities.
    According to ministry data, some 2,000 individuals experiencing homelessness received aid in 2019. Their number grew to 2,250 the following year, 86% of them were men and 67% were aged 26-55.
    On the other hand, according to data collected by the Welfare Ministry from 89 departments for social services in local authorities, about 3,470 homeless people were treated in 2020 when about 29% received short-term treatment that was not reported or treated but not registered as homeless.
    דרי רחוב מתגודדים במחסה באזור התחנה המרכזית הישנה
    (Photo: Dana Kopel)
    In addition, local authorities report about 800 street dwellers in their jurisdiction who are not treated, of whom 345 are not interested in receiving care or are unmotivated to receive it, and about 455 other street dwellers who are not recognized, but authorities know or estimate they live in their jurisdiction.
    The report's authors point out that these discrepancies in data collection demonstrate the ambiguity around the size of Israel's homeless population and that the country's homeless shelters can house only about a third of its street dwellers.
    Israel: Elections are a sideshow as army and settlers call the shots

    The depressing truth about Israeli politics today is that the upcoming election may yield the same inconclusive outcome as the previous four

    Richard Silverstein
    30 June 2022

    Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett and Foreign Minister Yair Lapid attend a session at the plenum at the Knesset, Israel's parliament, in Jerusalem on 30 June 2022 (Reuters)



    On Monday, Israel’s coalition government led by Prime Minister Naftali Bennett dissolved itself after a year in office. Bennett’s party, Yamina, originally held a thin one-seat majority in the 120-member Knesset.

    But Bennett had successively lost MKs who abandoned the coalition. Most left because they felt Bennett’s unwieldy melding of parties from across the political spectrum, right to left, betrayed their nationalist values.
    Why Israel's collapsed 'coalition of change' was no longer worth savingRead More »

    It didn’t help Bennett that Likud, the opposition party led by former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, waged intense efforts from the day the new government took office to poach MKs and cause the government’s fall.

    After intense deliberations with the defectors and further threats by others to bolt, Bennett realised that he no longer had a stable coalition, and that the only alternative was dissolution. He also wanted to pre-empt a no-confidence defeat, causing the electorate to perceive him as a loser. Going out on his own terms was far preferable.

    Among the blandishments Likud offered to MKs who defected was a safe Likud seat in the next election if they deserted. Therefore, it was bizarre to see the very opposition which sought to topple the coalition actually try to stall the final vote on dissolution.

    The reason was simple: if they could peel off just a few MKs from the ruling coalition to switch to Likud, Netanyahu's camp could create its own "alternative government" and avoid elections. This ploy failed and the country will go to the fifth election in three years.

    On Wednesday, Bennett announced that he would not be running in the upcoming elections.

    Unprecedented stalemate

    The past three years have offered an unprecedented stalemate in the history of Israeli politics. It has put the business of governing into limbo for long periods, as governments rose and fell in quick succession.

    During that period, major policy issues could not be addressed for lack of consensus, and due to the refusal of key MKs to provide votes to pass legislation. Thus, a bill to preserve the legal status of settlers under Israeli law, rather than military courts, did not gain enough votes to pass.

    This stagnation emphasises that real power in the country lies not with elected officials, but with the army, police and intelligence apparatus

    Normally, everyone living in the West Bank - a territory under Israeli occupation - is ruled by military law. But historically, the Knesset offered legislation that exempted settlers.

    It was the highest priority of the right-wing coalition to renew it. But it was adamantly opposed by the Arab parties. The result was that two Palestinian MKs refused to vote for the legislation and it failed.

    The debate on the legislation featured the odd phenomenon of the leftist Meretz party, in the government coalition, supporting a bill that violated every principle it held dear, while Palestinian MKs in the coalition were excoriated for remaining true to their values and refusing to support it.

    The reason for these odd bedfellows was that the only glue that held the disparate political factions together was their determination to prevent Netanyahu from returning to power. It was the Anything-But-Bibi government.

    If the history of politics tells us anything, it is that a government built solely on opposition, and which cannot perform the elementary tasks of governing, will not survive.

    More of the same


    The depressing truth is that the upcoming Israeli election may offer more of the same: an outcome that offers a mandate to neither Likud nor its opponents. Polls of voter preferences for the coming election show the Likud winning the most seats, but its chances of forming a ruling coalition with other parties remain shaky.

    That would mean yet another period of uncertainty, as the various parties jockey for power, while the country finds itself, once again, without a functioning government.

    Israeli former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu (L) speaks before the Knesset (parliament), in Jerusalem on 30 June 2022.

    This stagnation further emphasises that real power in the country lies not with elected officials, but with the army, police and intelligence apparatus. That’s why Israel, during this period of instability, has continued land grabs against Palestinians, and continued its evictions of Palestinians from homes in Sheikh Jarrah. It’s why border police storm Muslim holy places.

    It is also why settlers march through Palestinian neighbourhoods in East Jerusalem chanting genocidal slogans to terrorise the Palestinian residents - all of which goes unchallenged by the political class.
    A garrison state

    Politicians no longer set the agenda. This vacuum has permitted the only sector of Israeli society which is united in its determination to pursue its interests: settlers and their powerful lobby.

    When a society that conceives of itself as a democracy cannot govern itself, and turns instead for stability to the army and intelligence services, it becomes a garrison state

    Because they are unelected, the army, police and intelligence services remain stable. They can pursue their strategic goals relentlessly with little interference.

    The political echelon cedes key decision-making to them and provides enormous budgets, permitting them to execute their plans.

    They hardly even need to lobby the Knesset for huge funding increases. Their status is sacrosanct. They are unassailable. No "mere" politician dare cross them.

    When a society that conceives of itself as a democracy cannot govern itself, and turns instead for stability to the army and intelligence services, it becomes a garrison state, rather than a democracy.

    The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.


    Richard Silverstein writes the Tikun Olam blog, devoted to exposing the excesses of the Israeli national security state. His work has appeared in Haaretz, the Forward, the Seattle Times and the Los Angeles Times. He contributed to the essay collection devoted to the 2006 Lebanon war, A Time to Speak Out (Verso) and has another essay in the collection, Israel and Palestine: Alternate Perspectives on Statehood (Rowman & Littlefield) Photo of RS by: (Erika Schultz/Seattle Times)