Camryn Rogers captures hammer throw silver for Canada's 1st medal at 2022 world championships

Sun, July 17, 2022

Canada's Camryn Rogers has made history at the world athletics championships, becoming the first Canadian woman ever to win a medal in women's hammer throw.

With the wind swirling and sun beating down on Hayward Field Sunday afternoon in Eugene, Ore., Rogers launched her third throw of the final 75.52 metres, enough to capture silver for Canada.

It marks the first time a Canadian woman has won a field event medal at the world championships. It's also Canada's first medal at these worlds.

"Oh my gosh. I feel so completely overwhelmed right now with emotion. I am so happy," Rogers told CBC Sports.

"I am so motivated and so excited to be coming home with this medal. It shows every throw, every lift, this is what it leads to."

Fellow Canadian Olympian Jillian Weir finished fifth with a throw of 72.41m.

Brooke Andersen of the U.S. won gold with a throw of 78.96m, while compatriot Janee' Kassanavoid claimed bronze (74.86m).

Rogers soaked in the historic moment, doing a lap around the stadium with a Canadian flag draped over her.

Camryn's mom, Shari Rogers, was cheering wildly in the stands beside her fiance, waving a Canadian flag.

The two shared a hug while Rogers was continuing her lap around the stadium.

"I felt so overwhelmed with pride and gratitude. Camryn is my hero. She leads by example and I learn so much from her all the time. We've gone through a lot together," Shari said.

"She's now set a huge example not just for Canada but for women and other girls in sport. That means so much. She did it and I'm just so proud of her. My shining star.""

The historic moment fully sunk in for Camryn when she was embraced by her mom.

"When we were doing our lap afterwards I saw her in the crowd. She came down to the railing and gave me a huge hug and that's when it hit me," Camryn said. "When she wrapped her arms around me I started bawling on the spot."

Rogers started strong with an opening throw of 72.61m, putting her in second spot to begin. She didn't register her second throw after it hit the net.

But her best was yet to come.

Her third throw was the silver-medal winning throw. Rogers stepped into the ring and launched it 75.52m.

"I could not be more motivated. My season isn't over yet. Commonwealth Games in two weeks, go there and execute," Rogers said.

It's been another successful season for Rogers.

The 23-year-old from Richmond, B.C., is a three-time NCAA champion, winning her third title just a month earlier. She holds the national and NCAA records in the event.

Rogers also made history in her Olympic debut in Tokyo last summer, becoming the first Canadian woman ever to.advance into an Olympic hammer throw final.

She finished fifth overall with a throw of 74.35m. She was the youngest competitor in the final, just 22 years old at the time, by almost two years.

And her fascination with the sport began just a decade ago while watching the London 2012 Olympics. Rogers was amazed by how strong the women in the hammer throw event were — she wanted to one day be like them.

Now she's made history in the event for Canada, and her mom couldn't be more proud.

"She gives me strength and she doesn't even realize it. When I see her out there doing that, it's such an amazing feeling. I'm so happy for her," Shari said.

"It's huge. And it shows that we have the power within ourselves to make anything happen."

Canada's Ahmed finishes 6th in men's 10,000m

As Rogers continued to make her way around the stadium, the men's 10,000-metre race got underway.

Canada's Moh Ahmed, who had been dealing with an injury over the last number of weeks, was ready to race.

The 31-year-old long-distance runner was looking to improve upon his sixth-place finish one year ago at the Tokyo Olympics in the event.

He also finished sixth in the event three years ago at the worlds in Doha.

Ahmed kept up with the lead pack throughout the entire race and found himself with the top-six once again as the bell sounded for the final lap.

Despite a gutsy push to the finish, Ahmed once again finished sixth in the event, clocking a time of 27:30.27.

"I still haven't figured out the 10K. It's disappointing. I thought I prepared really well. I didn't like my position that last 400 metres. I would have liked to have been more up front," Ahmed told CBC Sports after the race.

"There was a lot of traffic out there and I think I left myself in a bad position."

Uganda's Joshua Cheptegei won the race in a season-best time of 27:27.43. In doing so, he became only the fourth man to win back to back 10,000m world titles.

Stanley Mburu, from Kenya, placed second with a time of 27:27.90. Jacob Kiplimo, also of Uganda, won bronze with a 27:27.97

Ahmed commended the frontrunners after the race.

"That's tough running right there. It comes down to position. It comes down to staying closer up front. And ability," he said.

Ahmed will now shift his attention to the 5,000m.

Last summer in Tokyo, Ahmed won silver in the 5,000m, Canada's first distance medal in Olympic track and field. This season, he set a national record in the indoor 5,000m.

"I feel confident about the five for sure but I also felt confident about this one too," he said.

Hockey trouble: Can the sport overcome its history of neglect and abuse?
HOCKEY IS BOXING ON SKATES

MacIntosh Ross, Assistant Professor, Kinesiology, Western University

THE CONVERSATION
Sun, July 17, 2022 

Eight members of the 2018 national junior team have been accused of sexual assault. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Mark Blinch

“Hockey is Canada, and Canada is hockey.” At least, that’s what Hockey Canada claimed on Twitter in the lead-up to the 2022 Beijing Olympic Games.

But after years of toxic behaviour and the news that a woman sued Hockey Canada in 2018 — alleging she was sexually assaulted by eight members of the 2018 national junior team — many Canadians would no doubt like to see an end to such equivocating.

“We know we have not done enough to address the actions of some members of the 2018 national junior team, or to end the culture of toxic behaviour within our game,” the organization stated in an open letter to Canadians on July 14.

Hockey Canada ultimately settled the case out of court. But as news of the allegations broke, the organization promised a third-party investigation — but stopped short of requiring all the players involved to participate in the inquiry. That’s now changed.
A history of violence

On July 14, sports writer and activist Shireen Ahmed broke down Hockey Canada’s open letter on CBC News. “Abuse in hockey is not new,” insisted Ahmed. “Sexualized violence in hockey is not new.”

There is a discernible hockey subculture, rooted in violent performances of masculinity, that is undeniably helping fuel this pattern of abuse. And so far, organizations have been reluctant to do anything about it.

Advocates have tried to get hockey’s decision makers to listen, with little success. “There are steps that should have been taken, not in 2018, but possibly 20 years ago,” explained Ahmed.

And many Canadians agree. In a recent survey by the Angus Reid Institute, 56 per cent of respondents who “played or coached youth hockey” felt that “the treatment of women and girls by young male hockey players was misogynistic or disrespectful.” That’s quite a condemnation, but hardly surprising.

Over the last decade, sports researchers like Cheryl MacDonald have examined the ways hockey promotes this “misogynistic or disrespectful” behaviour. And research has found that hockey players embrace a type of masculinity that involves not only the domination of women, but also other men.

There is a discernable hockey subculture, rooted in violent performances of masculinity. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Jeff McIntosh

Hockey not only produces and reproduces violence against women, but also the marginalization and stigmatization of other men, most notably via homophobia. Men who dare show vulnerability, forgoing the stereotypical “tough” hockey player persona, likewise open themselves up to criticism, if not outright bullying. Violence is resolved with more violence.

And for years this masculinity, as historian Peter James Hudson writes, was defended on national television by hockey commentator Don Cherry.
For Canada?

The problematic violent masculinity at the heart of Canadian men’s hockey is reinforced by nationalism, producing a particular kind of hockey, associated specifically with the nation. After all, not all hockey is played like Canadian hockey, nor do all hockey cultures experience the same degree of sexual abuse as Canadian hockey.

Sociologist Kristi A. Allain explains it as

“When those in Canada celebrate hockey as linked to life in Canada, they work to privilege the experiences of young, Anglo, white, middle-class, seemingly straight, and able-bodied men, positioning their experiences as quintessentially tied to national identity in ways not available to others.”

Canada’s celebration of a particularly violent hockey culture has a long history. Take the 1972 Summit Series, for example. Arguably Canada’s defining hockey moment, the Summit Series saw Canada defeat the Soviet Union using, to quote sociologist Ellexis Boyle “tactics of intimidation and aggression that included the deliberate fracturing of an opponent’s ankle.”

Reflecting on the series, Canadian Captain Phil Esposito stated: “I would have killed those sons of bitches to win. It scares me every time I think about it.”

This nationalism — the win at all costs mentality, the notion that “Hockey is Canada, Canada is Hockey” — make hockey players victims, on and off the ice, mere collateral damage. The improprieties and crimes of young men are transformed into a national dilemma; a indictment of a hockey culture that valorizes violence and notions of masculine supremacy.

The basic foundation of this toxic culture was laid over a hundred years ago, during the intense days of 19th century Canadian nation building. Surely, in the 21st century, we’re capable of a fashioning a more inclusive hockey culture that considers the societal implications of the sport in Canada?

Overtime

Combining Canadian nationalism and violent masculinity, hockey and hockey players have harmed — and if Hockey Canada’s reforms fail, will continue to harm — innocent bystanders.

It’s already difficult enough for survivors of sexual assault to secure the conviction of their attacker in Canada — between 2009 and 2014, just 12 per cent of complaints resulted in convictions.

And when the accused is an elite hockey player, revered for their masculine domination and violence on the ice, celebrated for representing the nation in “Canada’s Game,” pursuing a conviction becomes a near insurmountable task. Oftentimes for the victim, coming forward may not seem worth it.

The Canadian hockey player can seem untouchable. Even when sexual offences are proved, it hasn’t always mattered to hockey’s decision makers.

In a high-profile example, Logan Mallioux — who secretly photographed and shared pictures with his team of an 18-year-old woman engaged in a sexual act with him — decided to renounce himself from the NHL draft. The Montréal Canadiens drafted him anyway.

Is Hockey Canada sincere in their quest for reform? Or has a freeze on federal funding and an exodus of major sponsors forced their hand? Call me skeptical, but my money’s on the latter.

This article is republished from The Conversation, a nonprofit news site dedicated to sharing ideas from academic experts. It was written by: MacIntosh Ross, Western University.

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Police investigations into the deaths of several Indigenous youth in Prince Rupert found inadequate


Steff King, PhD Student, Criminology, Simon Fraser University

THE CONVERSATION
Sun, July 17, 2022 

Whale art installation at the waterfront in Prince Rupert, B.C. (Shutterstock)

Between 2004 and 2013, three young Indigenous people died under mysterious circumstances in Prince Rupert, B.C., and the investigations into their deaths were inadequate.

Each death occurred at the waterfront and was quickly labelled a suicide, accident or slip-and-fall and intoxication — all determinations that come as no surprise to Indigenous communities — particularly before the completion of a full investigation.

News coverage at the time of the deaths indicated the families of Kayla Rose McKay, 13, Emmalee McLean, 16, and Justin Brooks, 21, fought for information from investigators.

In 2013, the families sought out legal advocacy and a team of people with expertise in challenging Indigenous death investigations formed. They included advocates from Vancouver Aboriginal Transformative Justice Society Services (VATJSS), B.C. Civil Liberties Association (BCCLA) and Grand Chief Stewart Phillip from the Union of B.C. Indian Chiefs (UBCIC). The team’s goal was to assist the families in getting information and address the investigative inadequacies.

As part of an academic team dedicated to helping achieve these goals, I examined the investigative conduct from each case and compared it with standard procedure required for both law enforcement and coroners. The results determined that each investigation had several procedural deficiencies.
Investigative inadequacies

In the case of Brooks, his family presented concerns about how quickly the RCMP returned his bloodied clothing — especially when Brooks had been in a fight the night of his death.

Baseline death investigation policy says that “all material located at a crime scene should be considered potentially relevant to the investigation” and that investigators must collect and preserve all relevant evidence should the case arrive in court.

Given that the coroner had not yet made a final determination of death at this point, the clothing should have been treated as valuable relevant evidence, received forensic analysis and been kept for the duration of the case. By returning the clothing to the family so quickly, forensic analysis wasn’t done meaning the clothing won’t be viable to use in court if the case ever reopens.

Brooks’s family also says they were not allowed to identify their son’s body and were unable to confirm whether it was their son who was found at the waterfront. McKay’s family expressed the same, saying investigators denied them the right to view her body after she was found.

Investigative policy identifies both instances as inadequate procedures. Standard practice requirements state that families should be allowed to designate an individual to identify the deceased at the morgue. It further entitles families, should they choose, “to have a representative present during the autopsy.”

In the cases of McLean and McKay, special investigative attention should have been paid over the suspicious circumstances of their deaths and the age at which they passed. Both girls had acute alcohol poisoning and McKay was noted to have been missing her clothing when found.

In the interest of public well-being, the B.C. Coroners Act gives power to the chief coroner to call a reinvestigation (also known as an inquest) into any unnatural death — particularly when there are multiple similar youth deaths in one area.

Considering the additional suspicious factors like underage alcohol consumption — that McKay was found without clothing and that Brooks was in a fight the night of his death — it is surprising that none of the cases came to inquest or criminal court.
Community efforts and action

The inadequate investigations forced the victims’ families to search for information themselves. This is a common occurrence for many Indigenous families when working with law enforcement.

Research and case reviews report that racism within police forces has not only contributed to direct violence against Indigenous people but also to victim-blaming determinations, refusal to fulfil basic investigative requirements and premature case conclusion.

Two women hold hands as a group of family members and advocates of missing and murdered Indigenous women and girls walk along the Highway of Tears in British Columbia. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Darryl Dyck

In 2013, the Brooks family established Justice for Justin, a campaign that fundraised thousands in reward money for public tips. And representatives from UBCIC, VATJSS and BCCLA assisted each of the families in negotiating information from investigators through Freedom of Information requests.

Challenging each of these investigations is ongoing and remains a committed effort between the families, their communities, legal and Indigenous advocacy teams and Simon Fraser University academics. This work brought small triumphs in the forms of a private investigator for Brooks’ case, an academic thesis examination of inadequate procedures and a pro-bono DNA analysis of evidence from the British Columbia Institute of Technology.

Now, years after their children’s deaths, families are still searching for information as thousands of similar cases become visible across Canada.

Recent news stories show that review of past inadequate investigations is possible. Thunder Bay, Ont., recently had a reinvestigation into the deaths of nine Indigenous people and found similar inadequacies like failure to conduct forensic analysis of evidence, disregard for missing clothing or evidence of sexual assault and refusal to talk with the families.

Reviewers said the inadequacies in the investigations were partly due to systemic racism and racial stereotypes, and argued that other cases still need review.

It is the duty of us all — settlers, Indigenous people, investigators, academics and members of the public — to not only hear the calls of injustices, but also demand fair and supportive death investigation procedures for all.

These findings come from long-term existing relationships with many community and Indigenous partners. Because of the nature of this work, at this time we request and do respect the privacy of individuals, families and communities.

This article is republished from The Conversation, a nonprofit news site dedicated to sharing ideas from academic experts. It was written by: Steff King, Simon Fraser University.

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Health-care providers and MAID: The reasons why some don't offer medically assisted death

Janine Brown, Assistant Professor, Faculty of Nursing, University of Regina

THE CONVERSATION
Sun, July 17, 2022 

Several factors ranging from personal spiritual beliefs to patient relationships to medical legal issues can influence whether a health-care practitioner participates in providing medical assistance in dying (MAID). (Shutterstock)

Medical assistance in dying (MAID) was legalized in Canada in 2016. Since then, there have been year-over-year increases in Canadians accessing a MAID death. The most recent data from 2019 to 2020 highlights a 34.2 per cent increase in Canadians accessing MAID.

Bill C-7, which passed in June 2021, changed the eligibility criteria by removing the “natural death has become reasonably foreseeable” requirement. As a result, more Canadians may qualify for MAID.

During the pandemic, 23 per cent of care providers in an international survey reported that assisted death inquiries or requests had “somewhat” or “significantly” increased. MAID and COVID-19 pressures resulted in at least one Canadian province temporarily pausing referrals for patients wishing to access MAID.

Non-participation in MAID:

Health-care providers willing to participate in patient assessment and MAID provision are essential to support Canadians who wish to access MAID. That makes it important to understand the factors that influence practitioners’ decisions to not participate in MAID.

As an end-of-life researcher and registered nurse, I investigated this question with the support of my thesis committee. That research highlighted the complex and interwoven reasons why health-care practioners may not participate in MAID.

These factors can be divided into internal and external factors, but it’s also important to recognize that there are conscience and non-conscience-based factors that influence non-participation.
Internal factors

Several personal, or internally originating, factors influenced non-participation. These included a general discomfort in caring for dying patients as well as the provider’s previous personal and work experiences related to death and dying. Also, MAID did not align with some practioners’ approaches to end-of-life care.

Other factors that influenced non-participation included practitioners’ views of their professional duty. MAID did not align with some practitioners’ faith or spiritual beliefs, and some reported they could not imagine being at peace with the decision to participate in medically assisted dying.

Health-care practitioners also considered how they were likely to respond emotionally to participating in MAID. They had concerns about the future impact of MAID participation in terms of their potential risk of post-traumatic stress disorder and burnout.
External factors

Health-care system factors: The health-care system influenced non-participation. This included working for an organization with an institutional conscientious objection to MAID and the uncertainty of working within a rapidly changing legal landscape in terms of MAID regulation. There were also concerns about adequate access to alternatives to MAID, such as palliative care and chronic care support at home. Some nurse practitioners reported that they did not participate in MAID because of limiting job or practice descriptions at their current employer or a lack of billing codes that would enable them to be paid for these services.

Community factors: Reasons for non-participation also included gauging the “community conscience,” perceiving a lack of openness in end-of-life discussions and the dominant religious beliefs of the community. Health-care practitioners were concerned about the impact of having to reduce or cancel other services in an already busy practice to make the time to provide MAID care to a single patient. They were also unsure if or how culture influenced the patient’s perception of MAID, or the patient’s perception of them as health-care practitioners if they participated or if participation would alter the community’s trust in them.

The health-care practitioner-patient relationship influenced non-participation. A long relationship with the patient could make participating in MAID uncomfortable and challenging. (Shutterstock)

Practice factors: For some health-care practitioners, their decision to not participate in MAID was influenced by a lack of policy and program knowledge or skills to participate in the MAID assessment or provision. Another reasons was adequate pay for the time and overhead costs involved. Others said they lacked understanding about the optimal care model for MAID (such as whether MAID is provided by family medicine practitioners, end-of-life care practitioners or MAID teams). Others identified that MAID was outside their clinical interest and practice strengths.

Visibility factors: How MAID participation would be viewed by colleagues, clinic staff and patients also influenced the non-participation of health-care providers. This included fear of colleagues’ disapproval, fear that participation would harm patient relationships and their relationship with their faith community and a fear that participation would be interpreted as giving up on patients.

Risk factors: Health-care providers contemplated the risk to themselves, their practice and their families. Specifically, the risk associated with professional discipline if the patient or patient’s family disagreed with their assessments, the risk of colleagues making their professional lives difficult and the perceived risk of personal physical harm or violence to themselves or their families.

Time factors: Concerns about competing clinical demands, time-limited appointments that do not accommodate end-of-life conversations and lack of time to offer quality MAID care influenced non-participation as well. Some health-care providers did not wish to take on new practices at their current career stage (for example, close to retirement) and others noted a lack of time to take continuing education in MAID.

Patient’s family factors: Other factors that influenced non-participation in MAID related to the patient’s family. Health-care providers expressed concern that participation would impact the care provided to other family members and that there was a lack of support for the family before, during and after MAID. They also considered the potential challenges of inter-family conflict around the patient’s MAID choice and the impact of the MAID death on future family dynamics.

Patient relationship factors: Another factor was the health-care practitioner/patient relationship. A long relationship with the patient could make participating in MAID uncomfortable and challenging. Others noted that a long history with a patient would support open discussions about their reasons for not participating in MAID.

Support for health-care practitioners

My research outlines a model of non-participation in the formal MAID processes. In terms of conscience and non-conscience-based factors, it’s vital to differentiate between a conscientious objection to MAID and non-participation in MAID because health-care practitioners require different support for these.

Steps that might support health-care practitioners who are considering participating in MAID include clarifying regional models of care, which vary between provinces and territories.

Practice-focused MAID education could include not only policy and legal aspects but also pragmatic issues such as obtaining medications and administrative requirements, as well as discussions about relevant factors like communication skills and religious knowledge.

Recognizing the practice issues, time and relationship investment required to provide MAID, and developing fair remuneration policies for health-care practitioners who provide it, may support more participation in MAID.

Supporting health-care practitioners will be vital to a sustainable, healthy health-care system for Canadians.

This article is republished from The Conversation, a nonprofit news site dedicated to sharing ideas from academic experts. It was written by: Janine Brown, University of Regina.

Read more:

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Medical assistance in dying for mental illness ignores safeguards for vulnerable people

Janine Brown has received funding from the Saskatchewan Health Research Foundation, Canadian Association of MAID Assessors and Providers and Dying with Dignity Canada.

Caregivers were traumatized by COVID-19 public health and long-term care policies

Charlene Chu, Assistant Professor, the Lawrence S. Bloomberg Faculty of Nursing, University of Toronto 

Vivian Stamatopoulos, Associate Teaching Professor, Criminology and Justice, Ontario Tech University

Sun, July 17, 2022

Many caregivers were prevented from seeing and taking care of their loved ones in long-terms care homes during the COVID-19 pandemic. 

THE CANADIAN PRESS/Ryan Remiorz

We all watched as the horrors unfolded in long-term care (LTC) in Canada during the COVID-19 pandemic. Canadian LTC residents represented 81 per cent of the national reported COVID-19 deaths.

News reports documented our national shame as older residents suffered throughout the pandemic. They experienced inhumane treatment, ranging from physical and social solitary confinement to severe neglect, and even death from dehydration and malnourishment.

Residents were confined to their rooms for extended periods of time without access to recreation programs or visitors, including essential family caregivers who often provided the majority of daily care, like feeding and dressing, as well as socialization.

The Canadian military was deployed to some of the hardest-hit LTC homes across Canada. They documented disturbing accounts of abuse and substandard care — residents were left for days in soiled bedding and were documented choking on their food due to improper feeding. Some LTC homes had insect infestations and poor infection prevention and control practices.


Family caregivers watched as the tragedies and distress occurred, while they were forbidden from visiting their loved ones in these homes.
Collective trauma

Essential family caregivers are defined as any trusted individual chosen by the resident or their substitute decision-maker who provides care and companionship to a resident.

In many provinces, LTC homes began drafting strict rules allowing only a small number of essential family caregivers — one or two — into LTC homes at varying stages throughout the pandemic, and initially only for residents receiving palliative care. This access was often regulated by varying rules. These designated family members were often the only connection LTC residents had to the world outside their room.

Collective trauma can be understood as a “cataclysmic event” that significantly, directly or indirectly, impacts a unique group of people. Our research shows that essential family caregivers of residents in LTC experienced collective trauma caused by prolonged separation, resulting in feelings of extreme helplessness and hopelessness.

Family caregivers felt powerless in the face of draconian visitation bans levied by governments. They had to watch helplessly as their loved ones deteriorated. Relationships between essential family caregivers and LTC staff and management became strained, and often adversarial. Families felt that they were being purposefully kept out to hide the ongoing negligence exposed early on in the pandemic.
Technological substitutes

After months of separation, LTC homes attempted to use technology to facilitate communication between family caregivers and residents. Another study showed that technology was a poor substitute for in-person communication. This was often due to scheduling issues, poor utility and the devices not being able to adapt to the physical or cognitive needs of the resident.

Additionally, LTC homes lack technological infrastructure, like Wi-Fi or tablets, to support that mode of communication. The majority of homes also do not train their staff to use technologies — facilitating video calls, for example, requires staff to set up the devices for the resident.

Often, calls were inappropriately set up. In one situation, residents were placed in a noisy common area, making it hard for families and residents to hear one another. Video conferencing was also a source of distress and agitation for some residents with dementia. The lack of privacy also prevented residents and families from discussing the care provided.

The futility of these video conferences led family caregivers to give up. Technology, in this case, was promoted as a lifeline to essential family caregivers but it turned out to be an inadequate means of communication.

Finally, essential family caregivers were forced to undergo repeated and invasive polymerase chain reaction (PCR) testing. During times of high community spread, caregivers completed twice-weekly testing to retain their weekly access to residents. One study participant noted completing 50 PCR tests in an eight-month period to merely retain uninterrupted weekly access to her loved one in LTC.

During a period of limited testing, this meant hours of additional time and strain on family caregivers, often adult female children of residents who had to take time off work.


Family caregivers also recalled seeing their loved one in person again and experiencing the “shock” from seeing the damage firsthand. The physical, cognitive and psychological harm done to their loved ones from prolonged confinement was described as a “nightmare.”

Many recounted their loved ones’ physical decline from being able to walk to becoming wheelchair-bound. They also witnessed residents’ deterioration, severe weight loss to the point of being “skin and bones,” unexplained injuries and often drastic cognitive changes.

The inability to protect and be there for their loved ones in LTC during COVID-19 is an additional burden that essential family caregivers will have to shoulder.
Preparing for future pandemics

As we prepare for potential future pandemics, collectively we must fix the issues that persist within the LTC sector. The future of care must involve more publicly funded and quality models of home care that allow older adults to age in place in their private households.

But because LTC homes will remain to provide extensive and complex care for a growing number of older people and others, like people with disabilities, we propose the following starting points:

1) Policy: There need to be laws, ideally at the federal level, to prevent families from being locked out of LTC homes. Efforts have been made, like Bill 203, More Than a Visitor Act in some provinces, but have yet to be implemented.

2) Practice: Adopting a trauma-informed care approach, that emphasizes safety, trust, support, collaboration, empowerment and the consideration of cultural, historical and gender issues. This approach should be integrated into health-care providers’ practices and care guidelines.

3) Interventions: The Ontarian LTC Commission’s final report highlighted the need for counselling services to be offered to staff and residents, yet no suggestion was made to extend these services to family caregivers. Our research clearly highlights the need for such supports to family caregivers of those living in LTC.

The cumulative consequences of ongoing visitation restrictions in LTC have yet to be fully realized, and will continue to emerge over time for these family caregivers. The combined psychological, social and physical harms incurred by this collective group of caregivers must be recognized. We must prevent these same horrors and collateral damage from occurring again.

This article is republished from The Conversation, a nonprofit news site dedicated to sharing ideas from academic experts. It was written by: Charlene Chu, University of Toronto and Vivian Stamatopoulos, Ontario Tech University.

Read more:

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Charlene Chu receives funding from CIHR, SSHRC, NFRF, Alzheimer Society of Canada, Center for Aging and Brain Health, and AGE-WELL NCE.

Vivian Stamatopoulos has received funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC CRSH)

Feds propose to cap oil, gas emissions using industry-specific carbon pricing system

Sun, July 17, 2022 


OTTAWA — The federal government is proposing to use an industry-specific cap-and-trade system or a modified carbon pricing system to set a ceiling for emissions from the oil and gas sector and drive them down almost 40 per cent by the end of this decade.

The two options are contained in a discussion paper Environment Minister Steven Guilbeault will publish Monday. It is the first glimpse Canadians are getting of how the Liberals expect to implement the oil and gas emissions cap promised in last year's election.

The oil and gas industry accounts for more than one-quarter of Canada's total emissions — 179 million tonnes in 2020, or about what an average car would emit driving around the equator more than 17 million times.

"We simply cannot ignore the fact that the oil and gas sector is Canada's biggest emitter," Guilbeault said in April during a House of Commons committee meeting studying the proposed emissions cap on oil and gas.

What Guilbeault didn't say then, and what the discussion paper doesn't say now, is what the specific emissions cap will be. It's supposed to start at "current levels" — which going by the data that was available when that promise was made would mean 2019 levels, or 203.5 million tonnes.

Background documents and government sources suggest the cap for 2030 will be very close to the one proposed in the new national Emissions Reduction Plan in March — 110 million tonnes. That's a 46 per cent cut from 2019 levels, and 32 per cent over 2005.

Canada is aiming to cut emissions across all sectors 40 to 45 per cent from 2005 levels by 2030.

The oil and gas sector has not had emissions that low since 1992. In the last three decades, as production of gas, conventional oil and oilsands soared, emissions from the sector have risen 83 per cent. Overall emissions in Canada are about 23 per cent higher over the same time period.

Input on the options to manage the cap will be accepted until Sept. 21 with Guilbeault aiming to unveil the final plan early in 2023.

The first proposed option involves a new cap-and-trade system on the oil and gas sector in isolation. The total emissions allowed would be divided into individual allowances which will be allocated to specific companies mainly through an auction.

Companies that don't buy enough allowances to cover their emissions will have to buy allowance credits from other oil and gas companies that bought more than they need.

The funds raised from the auction would be recycled to programs that help the sector cut emissions.

The second option would modify the industrial carbon price already applied to the oil and gas sector, possibly by hiking the price itself if needed, but with the aim of ensuring the emissions from the oil and gas industry itself fall by limiting the trading of carbon credits to the sector.

Companies can currently reduce the carbon price they pay by buying credits from others that produce less than their emissions limit. The modified plan would allow them only to buy credits from other oil and gas companies, not from other industries.

Most of Canada's oil and gas producers are already cutting emissions due to other regulations and a desire to become a cleaner, more competitive option for global customers.

That has been the Conservative party's position on the industry for years — using cleaner Canadian fossil fuels to displace dirtier ones produced elsewhere.

The industry has work to do, particularly on the oil side, where Canada's heavier oils require more energy to extract from the ground than in places like Saudi Arabia. While oilsands emissions per barrel of oil, known as the emissions intensity, is down about 30 per cent since 1990, it's still higher than many global competitors.

The Oil Sands Pathway Alliance, with six of the biggest oilsands companies on board, is aiming to get emissions to net zero by 2050, mainly through carbon capture and storage projects that trap greenhouse gases before they go into the atmosphere and then store them back underground.

The alliance, whose member companies account for 95 per cent of oilsands production, released a plan this spring aiming to cut 22 million tonnes of emissions from 2019 levels by 2030.

Company leaders have said they're not opposed to a cap, but insist it must be realistic and based on consultations with industry about what is feasible. Anything more than that would likely drive production cuts and job losses, they have argued.

But the Alliance and government remain far apart on some fundamental issues, such as determining where current emission levels actually stand. The most recent national inventory report says oilsands production and processing emissions were 83 million tonnes in 2019, but the Alliance pegs the figure at 68 million.

A government official, speaking on background because he was not authorized to speak publicly, said if the cap on emissions for the oil and gas sector comes in higher than the Emissions Reduction Plan, it will force other industries to cut more than their share or Canada won't meet its 2030 targets.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published July 17, 2022.

Mia Rabson, The Canadian Press

Alberta government urged to regulate tuition increases for international students

Sun, July 17, 2022 

Students from the University of Alberta and the University of Calgary are asking the province to step in and implement a cap on tuition fees for international students. (Richard Siemens - image credit)

Student groups at Alberta's two largest universities are calling on the provincial government to introduce regulations on tuition fees paid by international students.

Tuition fees for international students at the University of Calgary increased by 10 per cent in May, affecting about 6,000 students.

At the University of Alberta, international student tuition will rise by six per cent starting in the 2023-24 academic year. The hike is projected to impact about 4,100 new international students enrolling that year and will add about $10,000 to most art and science degrees.

Statistics Canada reported last fall that, on average, international undergraduate students in Alberta paid about $28,000 a year in tuition, compared to $6,600 for their Canadian counterparts.

Nationally, Alberta ranks fourth highest in tuition fees charged to international undergraduate students, behind Quebec, B.C. and Ontario, which charges an average of $42,000 per student. The national average is about $34,000.

CBC

Dhir Bid, president of the U of A International Students' Association, said a failure to regulate tuition for international students could have far-reaching effects.

"If universities have the free will to increase tuition as they like, it's going to impact how many international students come to not just the university, but even to Alberta, to Canada. And that's going to affect the economy," Bid said in an interview.

The U of C Students' Union is also calling for regulation of tuition for international students.

"Tuition for all students has increased tremendously, with no similar increase in quality. International students are bearing the brunt of these increases," president Nicole Schmidt said in a statement.

"It's time for the government of Alberta to protect international students from the sharp increases they've endured over the last few years."

Regulation not contemplated, province says

Regulation of tuition fees for international students is not under consideration, a government spokesperson told CBC News.

"While there is no cap, tuition amounts must be guaranteed for the program's standard duration," Sam Blackett, press secretary to Advanced Education Minister Demetrios Nicolaides, said in a statement.

"The ministry expects public institutions to set international student tuition at a cost-recovery level or above, as international students and their families have not contributed substantially to funding post-secondary education through years of taxation."

In 2020, the U of A implemented a guaranteed fee tuition model, in which international students are guaranteed that the total cost of their program will be in place for the typical time required to complete it, plus one extra year.

Bid said while the approach looks appealing in theory, each new cohort could see tuition increases.

Bid added that there isn't adequate consultation about and support for international students with regard to tuition hikes.

International students don't have access to provincial student aid but can access scholarships, grants or bursaries.

The U of A's International Students' Association says 7.55 per cent of international students' tuition goes to bursaries and scholarships. The university offers scholarships ranging in value from $5,000 to $120,000 per year.

Bid said while that may help ease the financial burden for some students, it doesn't alleviate financial challenges for the majority of international students. There are currently about 7,200 international students at the U of A.

The U of A said tuition paid by international students helps pay for operating costs such as course materials, lab spaces, scholarships, bursaries and staff salaries.

The U of C said its tuition increase is "designed to align tuition rates more closely with our U15 [Canadian research universities] peers" and that it is intended to support lower-income students by reinvesting a portion of new revenue in needs-based student support.

Precarious situation

At the U of A, the students' union says it is important to show solidarity with the institution's international community.

"International students face twice the rate of food insecurity compared to domestic students," president Abner Monterio said.

"Also, the amount of harassment or discrimination in the classroom, which results in a lot of international students needing mental health supports and culturally appropriate mental health supports that aren't always available on our campus."

Bid said international students are part of the building blocks of the economy.

"Many are doing part-time jobs. Once they graduate, they're doing a full-time job here," he said.

"They're already trying to fight the system ... but the situation right now doesn't support international students."

Teacher shortage:

 ‘The worst I’ve ever seen’:

 AFT president

Rebecca Chen

·Reporter

Sun, July 17, 202

The American Federation of Teachers (AFT) found that 79% of preK-12 grade educators are dissatisfied with their jobs. Randi Weingarten, AFT president, joined Yahoo Finance Live (video above) to discuss a teacher shortage situation she referred to as “the worst I’ve ever seen.”

“Political Attacks, Shortages, School Shootings, and flatlining Salaries”

The AFT research result collected by an independent third party found that teachers’ sentiments toward education were worsened by pandemic challenges and increasing political wars in the last two years.

Weingarten shared that teachers did their best to power through the pandemic but were met with frustrations and lack of assistance from the system:

“The pandemic teachers were amazing," Weingarten said. "They moved to remote [sic] with many of them not having really good platforms. You could hear they engaged kids. Parents were very, very grateful. But what has happened is that the politics and politicians have really polluted what goes on with teachers right now."

Supporters of wearing masks in schools Sofia Deyo 11, and her brother Matthew Deyo 6, protest before the special called school board workshop at the Pinellas County Schools Administration Building in Largo, Florida, U.S., August 9, 2021. REUTERS/Octavio Jones

The political conflicts battled across the nation included mask mandates, culture wars, book banning, and school shootings, the July 11 AFT press release shows.

The report highlighted that educators increasingly feared gun violence in schools since the Uvalde, Texas tragedy. Now “nearly half of all members are concerned about a mass shooting,” it reads.

Furthermore, morale is at an all-time low as conspiracy theorists publicly attack teachers. Weingarten said teachers face “constant hectoring, being called pedophiles, being called groomers, wondering whether whatever they said, whether they were going to be pulled into a principal’s office if they answered a kid’s question.”

Forty-percent of teachers expressed they would like to leave the profession within two years, given the depressing and hostile ambiance, according to Weingarten.

Union Wants Fair Compensation

Amidst the hurdles faced by teachers in America, Weingarten said politicians are not funneling enough support. Namely, some states are not compensating their teachers fairly due to political influences even though President Biden’s American Rescue Plan budgeted for an increase in teacher salaries. This increase would agree ‘in terms of the rest of the economy.’

MINNESOTA, USA - MARCH 8: Minneapolis school teachers hold placards during the strike in front of the Justice Page Middle school in Minneapolis, Minnesota, United States on March 8, 2022. About 30,000 public school students will have to take a break from their education from March 8th. Members of the union have asked for teachers, with a starting salary of $35,000. (Photo by Kerem Yucel/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images)

“We shouldn’t be having the fights like we have in New York," Weingarten said. "There’s $4 billion that’s left in President Biden’s Rescue Plan. And the mayor in New York is not actually lowering class size, is doing cuts instead. So what’s happened is that the normal politics have now gotten worse by the electoral politics.”

As the union representative, Weingarten believed that teachers across the nation will be pushing for salary bumps.

“You saw that a little bit last year in Minnesota, in Scranton, Pennsylvania," she said. "But you’re going to see a lot of that this year through collective bargaining.”

Weingarten believes this is what the industry deserves.

"We already ask teachers to take money out of their pockets to pay for supplies of kids." she said. "No other profession does that. But we need to give them a raise. And we need to get them the conditions that they need so that they can help kids thrive."

'Be brave like Ukraine': Stick to sanctions in turbine strife, protesters tell Canada

Sun, July 17, 2022

OTTAWA — Protesters called on Canada to "be brave like Ukraine" and uphold economic sanctions against Russia on Sunday, just hours after Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy delivered essentially the same message to the Prime Minister.

In a phone call between the leaders, Zelenskyy told Justin Trudeau that his stance on sanctions against Russia “must be principled” at a time when relations between Canada and the embattled country are somewhat strained by Canada's controversial decision to send parts of a Russian natural gas pipeline back to Germany.

Zelenskyy recapped their conversation in a short statement shared on Twitter, saying he thanked Trudeau for the continued powerful defence support Canada has offered his country but also raised the importance of upholding the sanctions.

“After the terrorist attacks in Vinnytsia, Mykolaiv, Chasiv Yar, etc. the pressure must be increased, not decreased,” he said.

Trudeau reiterated Canada's support for Ukraine against Russia's military aggression, according to an official account of the discussion from the Prime Minister’s Office.

The two leaders also talked about maintaining unity among their allies and imposing "severe costs" on Russia, the PMO said.

Canada agreed earlier this month to grant an exemption to the economic sanctions issued against Russia in response to the invasion of Ukraine.

The two-year waiver would allow six Siemens Energy turbines, which were in Montreal for repairs, to be returned to Germany for use in the Russian state-owned Nord Stream 1 pipeline.

Trudeau has previously defended the decision and said Canada's German ally relies on the natural gas supply from the pipeline.

In a written and video address last week, however, Zelenskyy called the move "absolutely unacceptable."

Russian state-owned energy company Gazprom reduced gas deliveries from its Nord Stream 1 pipeline, which runs to northeastern Germany, by 60 per cent last month, citing turbine-related technical problems.

The decision has left several Ukrainian supporters who attended a rally in Ottawa Sunday afternoon in a state of disbelief.

Canadian-Ukrainian Yuri Kolomiyets told the crowd of about 150 supporters assembled on the lawn of Parliament Hill that the decision will mean more oil and gas money for Russia to fund its attack on Ukraine.

"I guess it's okay to supply genocidal maniacs with the technology and the money, as long as it keeps German voters happy," Kolomiyets told the crowd, eliciting cries of "shame" in response.

"It's not their children who are dying in the missile strikes."

Two young protesters, Arsenii Pivtorak and Ladislao Zaichka, have been camped outside of Parliament Hill for days and say they've been on a hunger strike since July 9 when the waiver was announced.

"This decision broke our heart. We felt like the German's pockets were more important than Ukrainian lives," Pivtorak, 19, said of the decision.

Zaichka said he's particularly passionate about the decision because he has family in Ukraine.

"What Justin Trudeau did and what the Canadian government has done is upsetting for me as a Canadian but even worse for me as a Ukrainian," he said.

The Ottawa chapter of the Ukrainian Canadian Congress planned the Parliament Hill protest to urge the government to revoke the waiver.

The protesters called for Deputy Prime Minister Chrystia Freeland, who defended the turbine decision last week, to answer to the Ukrainian community in Canada. They also chanted for the government to "stand with Ukraine."

Speaking to reporters in a teleconference after a meeting of G20 finance ministers in Bali, Indonesia on Saturday, Freeland said Germany's ability to sustain its support for Ukraine could be at risk if the turbines were not returned. She said a united G7 effort would be needed to support Ukraine and allowing the repaired parts to return to Germany was "the right thing to do." The United States has also spoken up in support of Canada's decision.

The congress' parent organization, the Ukrainian World Congress, has petitioned the Federal Court for a judicial review in hopes of stopping the turbines from making it to Germany.

"Both Canada and Germany, we feel, have been manipulated here by the Russians," said Ukrainian Congress national executive director Ihor Michalchyshyn ahead of the planned protest.

The group contends Canada bowed to Russian blackmail and set a dangerous precedent that will lead to the weakening of the sanctions regime imposed on Russia.

"This is a decision that has angered Canadians and the Ukrainian government as well," Michalchyshyn said.

He said Ukrainian-Canadians involved in his group initially expressed surprise and disappointment when they learned that Canada would allow the turbines to be returned.

The government has also faced political backlash. In a video posted on Twitter Sunday, Alberta Premier Jason Kenney admonished the Liberals for helping to fund Russian oil and gas and allowing the country to continue to dominate the European energy market.

"Why do we have a government in Ottawa that is impeding efforts to export responsible Canadian energy to Europe while helping Vladimir Putin's Gazprom to continue to dominate European energy markets? It makes no sense," Kenney said.

The Ukrainian Canadian Congress is expected to appear at a Foreign Affairs Committee meeting to discuss the decision, along with the ambassadors of Ukraine, Germany and the European Union to Canada.

Foreign Affairs Minister Mélanie Joly and Natural Resources Minister Jonathan Wilkinson have also been summoned to the committee to answer questions about the exception.

Echoing Zelenskyy's principled stand on sanctions, protester Oksana Bashuk Hepburn said Canada's strength is its values. Standing in front of the parliament buildings in a straw hat decorated with a ribbon in Ukraine's yellow and blue colours, she said Canada should stick to those values and stand by the sanctions.

"You have suasion because you have an honorable reputation. Take it back," she said.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published July 17, 2022.

Laura Osman, The Canadian Press