Monday, October 31, 2022

Countering Iran’s Brand of Digital Authoritarianism
 A woman holds a smartphone shown to be unable to access internet, 
while standing along a street in the Iranian capital Tehran 
(Photo by ATTA KENARE/AFP via Getty Images).

by Cathryn Grothe
October 21, 2022

Over the past decade, the Iranian government has perfected a sophisticated model of digital authoritarianism that has provided the regime with a vast set of tools to silence dissent online and offline. As massive anti-government protests spread across the country following the death of Mahsa Amini, an Iranian woman who was arrested by Tehran’s “morality police” for improperly wearing her hijab, authorities have relied on these tactics to hinder mobilization efforts and restrict the free flow of information within and outside the country.

By shutting down the internet and blocking social media platforms, authorities can keep people from organizing and limit reporting on the situation, namely security forces’ disproportionate violence against protesters.

While these repressive tactics have enabled the Iranian regime to effectively silence unrest in the past, the sheer magnitude of the current protests has tested authorities’ ability to quickly quell this unwavering dissent. Fractures to Iran’s deeply entrenched model of digital authoritarianism are being exposed, and it is unclear what comes next. However, supporters of internet freedom can take concrete actions to push back against Iran’s long-standing tactics to silence dissent and can simultaneously support Iranians’ calls for freedom.

Tightly Controlling the Online Space

For years, the Iranian government has been building digital walls to isolate Iranians from the global internet, specifically by developing its National Internet Network, which is a domestic internet backbone centralized under the government that allows authorities to more easily censor online content. Following in the footsteps of China’s Great Firewall, authorities have carefully curated an internet that maximizes their control over the online space. By centralizing the internet infrastructure under the government, authorities can more easily shut down the internet, restrict access to major social media and communications platforms, block foreign news websites, and surveil online users.

Nearly all major social media platforms are blocked in Iran, as are thousands of websites. Instagram and WhatsApp were the two remaining foreign apps available, although they were blocked amid the current protests. Some authorities have called to make these bans permanent. Proposed legislation, ironically titled the User Protection Bill, would impose additional requirements on foreign social media companies to comply with government censorship and further centralize the internet infrastructure under the armed forces, effectively sealing the fate of any remaining foreign social media companies in Iran.

Alongside blocking platforms, officials have been encouraging Iranians to use domestic versions of popular social media and messaging apps, many of which receive substantial support from the state. By pushing Iranians onto these domestic apps, not only is the cost of blocking international platforms reduced, but the risk of surveillance is heightened given the apps’ extensive data collection and poor security measures.

Repressive legislation strictly regulates what kind of content is permissible online. Many of these laws include harsh criminal penalties for online speech. As the current protests erupted, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), a branch of the military, called on the judiciary to prosecute those who spread “rumors” amid the ongoing unrest.

Online users who dare stray from the red lines set by Iranian authorities risk harsh retribution. In late September, as protesters took to the streets, two activists who ran a Telegram channel and Instagram account dedicated to LGBT+ issues were sentenced to death by the Islamic Revolution Court of Urmia after being found guilty of “corruption on earth,” in part due to their online activism.

The stakes for dissent – both online and offline – are incredibly high, naturally encouraging many Iranians to self-censor and carefully toe government red lines. With bated breath, the world is watching Iranian women burning their hijabs in the street, testing whether the decades-long status quo of repression has reached a breaking point.

How Defenders of Internet Freedom Can Support Iranian Protesters

Whether these protests result in revolutionary regime change or reluctant capitulation from the government remains to be seen. Either way, there are clear avenues for policymakers, tech companies, and internet freedom advocates to chip away at Iran’s longstanding system of digital authoritarianism, which in turn can support the calls for change echoing through the streets.

Iranian civil society, the diaspora community, and digital rights groups have been working tirelessly to call attention to the regime’s digital repression tactics and highlight how internet freedom can be upheld during the protests. Shortly after the protests and subsequent internet shutdowns began, these groups started sharing tech-savvy measures to help Iranians stay connected and safe online.

One such measure is for virtual private network (VPN) companies to make their technology more accessible to Iranian users, who can use them to access blocked websites and communications platforms. While VPNs are an important tool, their utility will be limited during a total internet shutdown.

Despite the significant censorship of social media platforms in Iran, platforms like Telegram and WhatsApp continue to serve as critical tools for sharing information both within and outside of the country. Tech companies can adjust their product design or provide programs to Iranian users to increase their safety and protect the personal information of their users – as Facebook did following the Taliban takeover in Afghanistan – by hiding friends lists and locking account access.

Some of this work is already under way. Some tech companies have been working with members of the Iranian diaspora to help remove sensitive information or delete account information after someone has been arrested by security forces. Signal also recently called on its users around the world to set up proxy servers to help Iranians access its encrypted communications services.

Tech companies have a checkered past when it comes to content moderation in Iran, which at times has aided and abetted the regime’s attempts to silence critics. Since the protests began, Meta was reportedly accused of deactivating Iranian WhatsApp accounts and removing Instagram posts. Telegram, which has repeatedly been critiqued by global civil society and technical experts for its lack of transparency, has been called out for enabling the Iranian government to identify and track protesters. Tech companies must keep the rights and safety of online users front and center, and should use all available avenues to push back against censorship orders.

Companies should also bolster their Persian-language content moderation. For example, research has identified consistent problems with Meta’s content moderation of non-English content. To ensure fair and transparent content moderation, tech companies with user bases in Iran should engage with the diaspora and digital rights groups, whose political and cultural expertise can help inform their policies and approaches.

Multilateral institutions and democratic governments can continue to pressure Iranian authorities to refrain from conducting internet shutdowns, particularly during protests. While international condemnation may not resonate within the Iranian government, multilateral bodies like the Freedom Online Coalition should leverage their name recognition to demonstrate their solidarity with Iranian protesters and use their diplomatic ability to call on the government to limit its attacks to free expression online.

For years, sanctions imposed on Iran for illicit nuclear activity, terrorist financing, corruption, and human rights abuses drastically limited the kinds of online content to which Iranians had access, including news, communications platforms, and apps. When combined with the regime’s proclivity to cut off access to the internet during times of unrest, this has meant severely restricted internet freedom in Iran. Access to information is critically important, particularly during fast-evolving protests, and it is vital that officials keep the preservation of internet access in mind when considering sanctions policy for Iran moving forward.

Since the protests began, the U.S. government has taken encouraging steps to lessen the impact of sanctions on Iranians and expand internet access amid the shutdowns. Specifically, the federal government’s updated guidance to tech companies in light of the Iranian protests will widen access to social media platforms, cloud-based services, and VPNs, and will authorize certain software that can protect users from having their devices infected with spyware or hacking tools.

Some U.S. tech companies jumped at the chance to introduce their products in Iran following the easing of sanctions. Circumvention tools have already provided relief to Iranians trying to bypass government censorship. Other products that could provide long-term solutions to Iran’s digital censorship are less likely to help protesters in the immediate future. Though SpaceX’s Starlink satellite internet reportedly became available in Iran in late September, the physical hardware required to connect will be difficult for Iranian internet users to obtain without outside assistance.

The challenges facing those who want to build and protect internet freedom in an environment as repressive as Iran are immense. But fostering an open and safe online space can go a long way to support the extraordinary and courageous people in Iran in their fight for fundamental freedoms.

Cathryn Grothe

Cathryn Grothe (@Cathryn_Grothe) is a Research Analyst at Freedom House, covering the Middle East and North Africa for the Freedom in the World and Freedom on the Net publications.

Sunday, October 30, 2022

Briefing: Addressing State Atrocities Against Protesters in Iran

Recommendations for the U.S. Government and the International Community

View a PDF version of this briefing here.

View this briefing’s press release here.

LONG READ

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Since the September 16, 2022, killing of 22-year-old Mahsa Amini by Iran’s police for “improper” hijab, Islamic Republic security forces have killed more than 200 individuals—including at least 23 children—and violently arrested thousands of peaceful protesters.[1] Influential members of civil society, who were not participating in the protests, have been rounded up and detained “preventatively.”[2] Lawyers peacefully protesting these arrests have been teargassed and arrested.[3] Dozens of school children participating in peaceful protests have been rounded up and sent to “psychological centers.”[4]

This briefing by the Center for Human Rights in Iran argues that these actions have risen to the level of crimes against humanity by the Islamic Republic and must be urgently addressed by the international community. Condemnations by individual governments and U.N. officials have had no impact and the authorities in Iran have demonstrated both a deepening pattern of lethal suppression of peaceful protest and a complete unwillingness to institute any means of internal accountability.[5] The actions detailed in this briefing, aimed at signaling a significantly strengthened and coordinated international commitment to impose meaningful costs on the Islamic Republic for its continuing abuses, include the following key recommendations:

  • The nuclear deal with Iran cannot be isolated from these events and must be put on hold. A significant release of funds for the Islamic Republic will flow from this deal, which will increase the repressive capacity of the state.
  • EU and European countries and other governments around the world that have diplomatic relations with the Islamic Republic must forge a forceful, coordinated diplomatic response to the state’s atrocities in Iran, including jointly recalling their ambassadors for consultations and summoning Iran’s ambassadors for censure.
  • The U.S. and its partners should pursue the establishment of an urgent special session at the U.N. Human Rights Council (UNHRC) so that governments can collectively address the violence against protesters, and at this session the council should establish an independent mechanism with investigative, reporting, and accountability functions to address the Islamic Republic’s most serious crimes.
  • U.N. member states should take action immediately to remove the Islamic Republic of Iran from its current membership in the Commission on the Status of Women, given the Islamic Republic’s ongoing atrocities against women and girls.
  • The U.S government and its allies should vigorously pursue an urgent resolution at the U.N. General Assembly condemning in the strongest terms the atrocities committed by the authorities in Iran against peaceful protesters.
  • The U.S. and other countries, especially those bordering Iran that are likely to receive Iranian refugees, should provide assistance to Iranians fleeing the Islamic Republic’s persecution, including expediting asylum cases and providing protection for those seeking asylum.
  • In light of the continued state-imposed internet shutdowns in Iran aimed at blocking news of the state’s atrocities, the U.S. should provide urgent funding to ensure that companies offer, free of charge, the tools and services Iranians need to communicate with one another and the world.


The Center for Human Rights in Iran has developed these recommendations in close consultation with civil society inside Iran. The Center is in daily touch with protesters, lawyers, activists, labor leaders, journalists, teachers, students, workers, intellectuals and many others across civil society in Iran.

THE ISSUE

Escalating protests throughout Iran are being violently suppressed by the authorities.[6] Hundreds of protesters have been killed by state security forces (including many young women and children), thousands have been violently arrested, and scores of school children participating in protests have been abducted and placed in “psychological centers.”[7] These actions by the Islamic Republic have risen to the level of crimes against humanity. The potential for mass atrocities will increase as the authorities seek to reassert control.

THE CONTEXT

Protests broke out across Iran after the death in state custody of Mahsa Amini on September 16, 2022, three days after her arrest by the Islamic Republic’s morality police for wearing an alleged improper hijab.[8] Initially led by young women rejecting the state policy of forced hijab, the protests have grown to include men and women across socioeconomic and ethnic backgrounds voicing broad rejection of the Islamic Republic’s political order.

Credible evidence has shown Iranian security forces repeatedly, deliberately and indiscriminately firing live ammunition and metal pellets, including birdshot, at protesters, including children, resulting in the known deaths of more than 200 protesters and bystanders, including at least 23 children.[9] Actual numbers are likely to be far higher. Violent arrests and abusive detainment conditions are causing untold numbers of serious injuries.

This is now the second time in recent years that the authorities in Iran have responded to nationwide protests with lethal violence on a mass scale. Several hundred —some credible estimates say over a thousand—civilians and bystanders were killed by state security forces during the November 2019 protests.[10] No state official was ever held accountable for any of those deaths. The current violence against protesters indicates a grave escalation of this pattern of swift, indiscriminate and lethal state violence to crush peaceful protest in Iran.

WHY IT MATTERS

As the authorities in Iran move to squash the protests, the fundamental rights of Iran’s citizenry are being violated and international law is being challenged. Defending the Iranian people and their rights is central not only to American principles but also to U.S. strategic interests that rest on the perpetuation of this rules-based order. Anything less than meaningful and coordinated international opprobrium at this juncture signals that the world is preoccupied with other matters and the authorities in Iran can commit their crimes at will and with impunity. This will encourage further state atrocities inside Iran, and increases the potential for similarly reckless behavior in the Islamic Republic’s external relations.[11] It will encourage tyrants everywhere.

WHAT CAN BE DONE

Coordinated action by the international community that imposes meaningful costs on the Islamic Republic for its crimes and rights violations is imperative; it will signal to the authorities that they will be increasingly penalized and isolated for their continued atrocities. The Islamic Republic has demonstrated resistance to pressure, but it is not impervious. As the Iranian government provides no avenues of accountability for abuses committed by its forces and ignores international condemnations, the world community must act together to impose significantly strengthened diplomatic costs and further isolation in an effort to stem the carnage underway in Iran.

RECOMMENDATIONS FOR THE U.S. GOVERNMENT

I. Suspend nuclear negotiations with Iran

  • The nuclear deal with Iran cannot be isolated from the ongoing atrocities being committed by the Iranian authorities, which include the mass killings of peaceful protesters, including women and children. While efforts at nuclear nonproliferation are important, what will flow from this deal is a significant release of funds, in the form of both unfrozen assets and increased oil revenues, which will increase the repressive capacity of the state. Bolstering the capacity of the Islamic Republic at a time when it is trying to crush peaceful public protest with lethal state violence actively assists the government and directly impacts the country’s domestic affairs. As such, the nuclear negotiations should be suspended.

 

II. Advance an urgent session at the U.N. Human Rights Council

  • The U.S. and its partners should establish an urgent special session at the U.N. Human Rights Council (UNHRC) so that governments can address in a coordinated manner and with a collective voice the extreme state violence and crimes against protesters underway in Iran at present. This session should also address Iran’s ongoing human rights crisis, which includes an entrenched pattern of lethal suppression of peaceful protest since November 2019 for which there has been no accountability, and the systemic impunity of state agents who commit numerous and grave human rights violations in the Islamic Republic. In that session, it is imperative that the council establish an independent mechanism with investigative, reporting, and accountability functions to address the most serious crimes under international law and other gross human rights violations committed in Iran, in a manner that meets general standards of admissibility in criminal proceedings, and assist in the investigation and prosecution of those suspected of criminal responsibility.

 

III. Advance a resolution at the U.N. General Assembly

  • The U.S government and its allies and partners around the world, including in Europe, Canada, Japan, Chile, Australia, New Zealand, South Korea, and others, must lead and vigorously pursue a resolution at the U.N. General Assembly (UNGA) condemning the atrocities committed by the authorities in Iran against peaceful protesters, which have now risen to the level of crimes against humanity. Country-level condemnation has had no impact, and there exists no means for accountability inside Iran. Coordinated, forceful international opprobrium is imperative.

 

IV. Assist those fleeing Islamic Republic persecution

  • The U.S. government should provide direct, expedited assistance for those Iranians who are fleeing persecution by the Islamic Republic, including expediting asylum cases and providing effective protection for those seeking asylum.
  • The administration should also actively encourage other governments to provide similar assistance regarding assisting refugees, expediting asylum cases and providing protections, especially in countries bordering Iran that are more likely to receive Iranian refugees.

 

V. Support Iranian civil society

  • Build on the U.S. Treasury’s new D2 General License (which exempts an expanded range of online communication tools and services from sanctions) by urging private companies to make these products accessible to Iranians. Without U.S. government encouragement and explicit assurances of permissibility (e.g. public statements, private meetings, letters of comfort, etc.) such sales will not proceed any better than they did under D1.
  • Address the difficulties Iranians have in accessing international financial channels to pay for such products by persuading private technology companies to provide these products and services cost-free to the Iranian people, and provide full and expedited U.S. funding for companies that are willing to develop free tools and services for the people of Iran.[12]
  • Expand U.S. government funding for Farsi-language news and informational broadcasts.

 

VI. Public condemnation and sanctions

  • Continue to forcefully and publicly condemn, at the highest levels —which would include statements by U.S. President Joe Biden, Secretary of State Anthony Blinken, and National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan—the Iranian government’s violence against the protesters, the use of “preventative” arrests, which have been used to round up and intimidate key civil society actors, the abduction and detainment of school children in “psychological centers,” and the state-imposed disruptions to internet access inside Iran, which are designed to prevent communication amongst protesters and block news of state atrocities from reaching the world, and call for the immediate release of all those detained for participating in the protests.
  • Encourage other governments, including not only U.S. allies and partners but also other countries, especially those in the Global South, to not only publicly condemn the Iranian authorities’ crimes, but also to take tangible actions in protest such as recalling their ambassadors from the Islamic Republic and summoning Iran’s ambassadors to issue condemnations and warnings of further isolation if the violence against protesters continues.
  • Maintain all individual and institutional human rights sanctions and encourage other governments to impose meaningful human rights sanctions. The administration should also work to further identify and sanction individuals, companies and parastatal organizations associated with rights violations. This includes scrutiny of elite figures in the intelligence and security forces, police, judiciary, prisons, detention centers, and the inner circle of supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, as well as the companies they control, the placement of their funds, the individuals they use as asset-owning proxies, and financial holdings they have outside Iran.

 

RECOMMENDATIONS TO U.N. MEMBER STATES

    • EU and European countries that have diplomatic relations with the Islamic Republic must forge a coordinated, forceful diplomatic response to the state’s atrocities in Iran. European countries should jointly recall their ambassadors for consultations, and they should summon Iranian ambassadors to communicate directly their condemnation of the crackdown and a warning that further international isolation will ensue unless the state violence ceases.
    • All member states should call for a U.N.-led investigative, reporting, and accountability mechanism on the Islamic Republic’s most serious crimes and human rights violations, including the current crackdown, as well as an urgent special session at the UNHRC to address the Iranian government’s ongoing lethal violence against protesters.
    • U.N. member states should take action immediately to remove the Islamic Republic of Iran from its current membership in the Commission on the Status of Women. In light of the Islamic Republic’s ongoing atrocities, especially against women and girls, it has no place in the principal global intergovernmental body dedicated to promoting gender equality and women’s empowerment.
    • Governments around the world should at a minimum communicate directly to Iranian ambassadors and other counterparts their unequivocal condemnation of the unlawful violence being used against women and other protesters in Iran, issue forceful public statements (both unilaterally and in joint statements with other governments) condemning the Iranian government’s violent suppression of peaceful protest, and consider recalling their ambassadors from the Islamic Republic and summoning Iran’s ambassadors to issue condemnations and warnings of further isolation if the violence against protesters continues.
    • Member states should assist the cases of individuals fleeing the Islamic Republic due to political persecution by the Iranian authorities and provide protection for those seeking asylum.
    • Governments around the world should impose and enforce meaningful human rights sanctions against any and all Iranian officials responsible for violence and unlawful activities against protesters and freeze the assets of regime officials who are human rights violators.

 

CONCLUSION

Without U.S. prioritization of the human rights crisis in Iran, and a significantly strengthened and coordinated international response that imposes meaningful costs on the Iranian authorities for their crimes and abuses, the government of Iran will receive a clear message: global attention is focused elsewhere and the authorities can violate the rights of citizens—and international law—at will and with impunity. The grave violations underway in Iran, which have become increasingly flagrant and reckless, will continue and likely worsen, with all the concomitant risks; a state that kills and abducts children for participating in peaceful protests is one that no longer has any check on its actions, legal, moral or otherwise.

The international community has failed to take meaningful action to address the Islamic Republic’s repeated violence against peaceful protesters and the Iranian authorities have repeatedly ignored the calls of the U.N. secretary general, the U.N. high commissioner for human rights, the U.N. special rapporteurs, the U.N. General Assembly, and multiple governments around the world to cease the unlawful use of excessive and lethal force against protesters and to investigate and prosecute those responsible for unlawful killings and other abuses.[13]

The Islamic Republic has consistently demonstrated it has no intention of instituting any means of accountability for crimes committed by state officials. It is imperative that the U.S. and the international community move beyond isolated statements of condemnation and communicate to the Islamic Republic that its international isolation and pariah status will only increase if the state violence and denial of the Iranian citizenry’s most fundamental rights continues.

The U.N. special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Iran, Javaid Rehman, put it succinctly, when he noted the “lack of any progress or political will to conduct investigations, let alone ensure accountability” in the Islamic Republic. He stressed that it was “imperative that the international community uses other existing channels… to seek accountability…. [and that] without the involvement of the international community, such grave violations will continue.”[14]

ENDNOTES 

[1] “Iran Protests: Death Toll Rises to at Least 201/Children Victims of the Crackdown,” Iran Human Rights, October 12, 2022 https://iranhr.net/en/articles/5517/

[2] “Iran Protests: Scores of Civil Society Members Detained ‘Preventatively’,” Center for Human Rights in Iran, October 6, 2022 https://iranhumanrights.org/2022/10/iran-protests-scores-of-civil-society-members-detained-preventatively/

[3] “Iran Protests: Human Rights Layers Arrested, Teargassed,” Center for Human Rights in Iran, October 12, 2022 https://iranhumanrights.org/2022/10/iran-protests-human-rights-lawyers-arrested-teargassed/

[4] “Iran Protests: Arrests of School Children Prompt Grave Fears of More Child killings,” Center for Human Rights in Iran, October 13, 2022 https://iranhumanrights.org/2022/10/iran-protests-arrests-of-school-children-prompt-grave-fears-of-more-child-killings/

[5] “Iran: Fundamental Legal and Institutional Reform Needed to Curb Impunity, Says UN Expert,” Press release from the U.N. Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, March 17, 2022 https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2022/03/iran-fundamental-legal-and-institutional-reforms-needed-curb-impunity-says

[6] “Students Violently Attacked, Arrested by Security Forces,” Center for Human Rights in Iran October 3, 2022 https://iranhumanrights.org/2022/10/sharif-students-violently-attacked-arrested-by-security-forces-as-protests-in-iran-spread/

[7] “Iran Protests: Sanandaj Becomes Latest Killing Zone Amid Worsening State Violence,” Center for Human Rights in Iran, October 10, 2022 https://iranhumanrights.org/2022/10/iran-protests-sanandaj-becomes-latest-killing-zone-amid-worsening-state-violence/

[8] “Mahsa Amini is Another Victim of the Islamic Republic’s War on Women,” Center for Human Rights in Iran, September 16, 2022 https://iranhumanrights.org/2022/09/mahsa-amini-is-another-victim-of-islamic-republics-war-on-women/

[9] See this video of security forces shooting at a protester from close range in Tehran’s Sa’adat Abad neighborhood, October 8, 2022 (Source: Bazaar Civil Protest channel) https://t.me/Eterazebazar/96757; this video of security forces shooting at protesters in Lahijan, northern Iran, October 12, 2022 (Source: Bazaar Civil Protest channel) https://t.me/Eterazebazar/96757; this video of security forces shooting directly at protesters near Tehran’s Sharif University, October 10, 2022 (Source: Bazaar Civil Protest channel) https://t.me/Eterazebazar/97105; this video of security forces shooting at protesters when someone shouts: “They killed him!” in Divandareh, western Iran, October 4, 2022 (Source: Bazaar Civil Protest channel) https://t.me/Eterazebazar/96396; this video of security forces shooting at protesters in Dehgolan, Kurdistan province, October 1, 2022 (Source: Free Workers Union of Iran) https://t.me/ettehad/105927; and this video of security forces shooting at protesters in Isfahan, central Iran, October 1, 2022 (Source: Free Workers Union of Iran) https://t.me/ettehad/105926

[10] See “They Aimed at My Son’s Head: Report Reveals Carnage in Crushed Iran Protests,” Center for Human Rights in Iran, May 2020 https://iranhumanrights.org/2020/05/they-aimed-at-my-sons-head-report-reveals-carnage-in-crushed-iran-protests/ and “Iran: Details of 321 Deaths in Crackdown on  November 2019 Protests,” Amnesty International, updated July 2022 https://www.amnesty.org/en/wp-content/uploads/2022/07/MDE1323082020ENGLISH.pdf and “Special Report: Iran’s leader ordered crackdown on unrest – ‘Do whatever it takes to end it’,” Reuters, December 23, 2019 https://www.reuters.com/article/us-iran-protests-specialreport/special-report-irans-leader-ordered-crackdown-on-unrest-do-whatever-it-takes-to-end-it-idUSKBN1YR0QR

[11] See “Human Rights in Iran and U.S. National Security Interests: A Path Forward for U.S. Foreign Policy Toward the Islamic Republic,” Center for Human Rights in Iran, June 13, 2022 https://iranhumanrights.org/wp-content/uploads/Human-Rights-in-Iran-and-U.S.-Security-Center-for-Human-Rights-in-Iran.pdf and “Prioritizing Human Rights in Iran: A New U.S. Foreign Policy Approach,” Center for Human Rights in Iran https://iranhumanrights.org/wp-content/uploads/US-Iran-Human-Rights-Foreign-Policy-QA-for-Policy-Briefing.pdf and Burke-White, William W., “Human Rights and National Security: The Strategic Correlation” (2004). Faculty Scholarship at Penn Law. 960. https://scholarship.law.upenn.edu/faculty_scholarship/960

[12] Joseph Menn and Yasmeen Abutaleb, “With U.S. Nudges, Google and Others Aim to Help Iranian Protesters,” The Washington Post, October 13, 2022 https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2022/10/13/iran-protests-google-jigsaw-vpn/

[13] See “Situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran Report of the Secretary-General, Report to the Seventy-sixth session of the UN General Assembly,” August 4, 2021 https://documents-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N21/216/25/PDF/N2121625.pdf?OpenElement; and “Mahsa Amini: Acting UN human rights chief urges impartial probe into death in Iran,” Press release from the U.N. office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, September 20, 2022 https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2022/09/mahsa-amini-acting-un-human-rights-chief-urges-impartial-probe-death-iran; and “Iran: UN condemns violent crackdown against hijab protests,” UN News, September 27, 2022 https://news.un.org/en/story/2022/09/1128111; and “UN experts strongly condemn death of Mahsa Amini, ‘victim of Iran’s sustained repression’,” UN News, September 22, 2022 https://news.un.org/en/story/2022/09/1127471; and “Seventy-sixth session Agenda item 74 (c) Promotion and protection of human rights: human rights situations and reports of special rapporteurs and representatives Resolution adopted by the General Assembly on 16 December 2021 [on the report of the Third Committee (A/76/462/Add.3, para. 34)] 76/178, Situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran” https://documents-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N21/403/86/PDF/N2140386.pdf?OpenElement

[14] A/HRC/49/75: Situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran – Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran, Javaid Rehman, Published January 13, 2022 https://www.ohchr.org/en/documents/country-reports/ahrc4975-situation-human-rights-islamic-republic-iran-report-special

NOT SNL COLD START
Saudi investors welcome 'dear friend' Elon Musk as new Twitter CEO

The New Arab Staff
29 October, 2022

Saudi investors welcomed Elon Musk as Twitter CEO on Friday, confirming the Gulf kingdom would remain the joint second-largest stakeholder in the company.

Saudi conglomerate Kingdom Holding Company, the second largest stakeholder in Twitter, was founded by Prince Al-Waleed bin Talal [source: Getty] 
ORIGINALLY WAS A SHAREHOLDER IN FOX NEWS CORP.

Saudi investors welcomed Elon Musk’s $44 billion takeover of Twitter on Friday, saying they were "together all the way" with the new ownership.

The Kingdom Holding Company (KHC) and the private office of Prince Alwaleed bin Talal released a statement on the social media platform saying they would remain in control of their 34,948,975 Twitter shares, valued at $1.89 billion.

This makes the Saudis the second largest investor alongside the South African business tycoon. They had initially criticised Musk for miscalculating the platform's "intrinsic value".
 
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"This deal is in line with the long-term investment strategy for which Kingdom Holding Company is known for," the KHC statement read.

KHC was founded by Prince Waleed bin Talal, the grandson of Saudi Arabia's founder Abdul Aziz ibn Saud It is 16.9 percent owned by the Saudi Arabian sovereign wealth fund, a multi-billion dollar fund run by Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman which has made a number of high-profile purchases such as buying Newcastle Football club.

Musk took control of Twitter, which has more than 230 million users, on Friday. His first move as CEO involved firing a number of senior figures, including chief executive Parag Agrawal and chief financial officer Ned Segal.

The SpaceX founder said his reasons for buying the social media platform was "to try to help humanity".

Musk has visioned Twitter as a "common digital town square, where a wide range of beliefs can be debated in a healthy manner, without resorting to violence".

Saudi Arabia is a prolific human rights abuser that regularly imprisons people for expressing dissenting opinions. This year, a Saudi mother of two was given a 34-year jail sentence for retweeting tweets mildly critical of the government.
SOLIDARITY IS INTERSECTIONALITY
Greta Thunberg visits Westminster sit-in protest for jailed British-Egyptian Alaa Abdel-Fattah

The New Arab Staff
30 October, 2022

Climate icon Greta Thunberg lent her support for Alaa Abdel-Fattah and his sisters, who are pushing for him to be released before the COP27 summit begins in Egypt on 6 November


Teen climate activist Greta Thunberg lent her support to the Westminster sit-in [
Getty]

Youth climate activist Greta Thunberg has made a surprise visit to London’s solidarity sit-in for writer and activist Alaa Abdel-Fattah, who is being imprisoned by Egypt.

Alaa’s sister Sanaa Seif began her sit-in protest outside the UK’s Foreign Commonwealth and Development Office almost two weeks ago.

Seif is calling on UK Foreign Minister James Cleverly to secure the release of her brother, who holds British citizenship, after 200 days of hunger strike and years of incarceration.

Thunberg lent her support for Alaa and his sisters, who are pushing for him to be released before the COP27 summit begins in Egypt on 6 November.

She also wrote in the sit-in visitors' book, which bears the names of David Lammy MP, Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe, Layla Moran MP and many others who have visited the protest site.

"It was deeply moving to have @GretaThunberg's solidarity at the #FreeAlaa sit-in today. A big thank you," tweeted the campaign.

"For #COP27 not to greenwash Egypt's human rights abuses, prisoners of conscience must be released now."



Greta Thunberg, who rose to international acclaim after going on strike at her Swedish school in protest against the climate crisis, is in the UK for the global launch of her new publication, 'The Climate Book'.

The international climate meet will be held in the resort city of Sharm el-Sheikh, Egypt, from next week.

Egyptian activists have argued that real action on the climate can only be taken if activists, journalists, scientists and others like Alaa Abdel-Fattah are free to put pressure on their governments, without fear of imprisonment and repression.