Thursday, December 01, 2022

Four in five of the children’s homes in England are run for profit – here’s why that is a problem
Outsourcing care provision is not working and the nation’s most vulnerable children are paying the price. 

THE CONVERSATION
Published: November 28, 2022 

The John Lewis Christmas ad has been an annual, headline-grabbing event in the UK since the retailer first launched a seasonal TV campaign in 2007. To date it has variously featured a pet penguin, a talking dragon and a trampolining dog. Its 2022 iteration, however, has garnered serious attention for the spotlight it shines on children in care.

The Beginner, as it is entitled, follows a middle-aged man who takes up skateboarding so that he can bond with the young girl he and his partner are about to foster. It has rightly been hailed as deeply moving. But, as journalist Danny Lavelle has pointed out: “It’s demoralising that one of the nation’s largest retailers is doing the government’s job for it.”

The challenges facing children’s social care in England are well documented. The number of looked-after children has, in fact, never been higher. The government’s own statistics reported 80,850 children in care in 2021 – an increase of 25% since 2010.

In addition, many councils are increasingly unable to cater to that need. They simply do not have the capacity to sort out local residential accommodation in line with the standards of care they are obliged to meet. The children’s care sector is experiencing what the government’s Office for Standards in Education, Children’s Services and Skills (Ofsted) has termed a “sufficiency crisis”.

Perhaps the most galling statistic, however, is the fact that around 80% – four in five – of all children’s homes in England are now being delivered by for-profit companies. These providers are often free to select which children to accommodate, where to set up services and at what cost. This, in turn, significantly limits local authorities’ capacity to shape the care that children receive.

This issue has been fiercely debated , but there has been surprisingly little empirical investigation. To resolve this knowledge gap, we have examined how outsourcing care homes to private companies has affected service quality across England. We have found that – on average – for-profit children’s homes receive worse Ofsted ratings and violate more statutory requirements than those run by charities and local councils.

Significant differences in quality

Our study is the first longitudinal analysis of the impact of outsourced children’s homes and Ofsted inspections in England. We created and analysed a comprehensive dataset of more than 13,000 Ofsted inspections of children’s homes in England over a seven-year period (2014–2021). We found three things.

First, for-profit children’s homes, on average, receive worse Ofsted ratings than local authority homes across all inspection domains. These include the overall experiences and progress of children and young people, the effectiveness of leadership, and the support and protection afforded to young people and children.

Second, for-profit children’s homes violate more statutory requirements and receive more recommendations to improve their services than their local authority counterparts.

Third, local authority children’s services which place a greater amount of their looked-after children with private companies receive worse Ofsted assessments than the local authorities who do not.

These findings beg the question as to why, when housing some of the most vulnerable children in society, the government would allow and even promote the for-profit provision of children’s homes. Proponents of this model claim that outsourcing to the private sector cultivates competition and enables diverse providers to “innovate” in how they deliver services. They claim this addresses the “inefficiency” of public sector services. It reduces costs and improves service quality.

Recent research from the What Works for Children’s Social Care and the Institute for Government thinktanks disproves these claims. It shows that local authorities (who commission these services) lack the internal capacity and expertise needed to monitor and shape how social care is provided by private companies. Work by the Competition and Markets Authority (the UK’s competition regulator) corroborates their assessment.

Further, it is unclear why the UK government allows for-profit provision in some sectors but not in others. State-funded schools, for example, are not allowed to be operated as profit-making entities. Why then is it desirable for children in care to be accommodated by for-profit companies?

Care work cannot easily be quantified as a commercial service

Research in adult social care shows that it is inherently difficult to align the incentives that underpin commercial enterprises with the needs of social care users. The very nature of social care work makes it challenging to define “outcomes” in the way you might for other commercial services and, as a business, to organise your operations accordingly.

This holds true too for children’s care. “Child-centred outcomes” in this context relate to the stability, wellbeing and long-term improvement of vulnerable children’s lives. However, there is no nationwide framework to shape how local authorities should achieve these outcomes. Instead, commissioning decisions tend be driven by costs – often with little room for negotiation due to the sufficiency crisis.

And because of this, outsourced social care provision is also hard to regulate. Local authorities – and even Ofsted – are severely limited in their ability to monitor the services these companies provide. As a result, the latter are free to let other priorities, such as maximising their profits, determine the quality of the care they provide.

Proponents of outsourcing care routinely dismiss these concerns. The Children’s Home Association (previously known as the Independent Children’s Home Association) recently claimed that “there is no significant degree of variance” in Ofsted ratings according to provider ownership.

Similarly, even though the 2022 Competition and Markets Authority report identified a series of market failures, it nonetheless concluded that “the evidence from regulatory inspections gives us no reason to believe that private provision is of lower quality, on average, than local authority provision”.

Our findings clearly show that Ofsted routinely criticises the care children receive in homes run for profit. This, of course, will come as no surprise to many commissioners, practitioners, social workers and other stakeholders who have long expressed their concerns.

The rise of children in need of support in England is known to have been exacerbated by austerity measures. Although the chancellor of the exchequer, Jeremy Hunt, announced some investment in social care in his autumn statement, experts have been quick to point out that he also avoided any real reform. The worry is that the sufficiency crisis the care sector faces will only be intensified.

The current operating model for children’s social care is not delivering what its advocates promised. And the nation’s most vulnerable children are paying the price.


Authors 
Anders Bach-Mortensen
Postdoctoral Research Fellow in Social Policy, University of Oxford
Anders Bach-Mortensen receives funding from the Carlsberg Foundation.
Benjamin Goodair
Doctoral Scholar in Social Policy, University of Oxford
Jane Barlow
Professor of Evidence Based Intervention and Policy Evaluation, University of Oxford

Football Capitulates at Qatar

 
 NOVEMBER 28, 2022
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Image by Vienna Reyes.

It did not take much. The initial promises of protest from a number of footballers and their teams at the Qatar FIFA World Cup were always suspect and hollow. There was Denmark’s less than impressive form of camouflaged protest via merchandise, supposedly defiant with its logo free monochrome colours. There was the barely threatening promise that armbands about love would be worn.

Then came Australia’s own uniquely celluloid performance: videos from the players claiming sympathy with the various efforts made by Qatar in improving the record on human rights in various areas yet frowning about the fact that more could be done.

From the moment the first ball was kicked, even these feeble efforts were bound to be found wanting. FIFA President Gianni Infantino made his position clear from the outset, playing the role of defender of the Qatari state and mocking detractors for obsessing with such niggling things as human rights.

In a letter sent to all 32 participating teams at the start of this month, Infantino and secretary general Fatma Samoura wrote that football, despite acknowledging that it did “not live in a vacuum” should not be “dragged into every ideological or political battle that exists.” The organisation tried “to respect all opinions and beliefs, without handing out moral lessons to the rest of the world. No one people or culture or nation is ‘better’ than any other.”

Having pretended to relativise all such positions, thereby making protest essentially meaningless, Infantino and his apparatchiks were keen to press home the point that footballers needed to focus on the ball. Gestures of protest on the pitch would not be tolerated – except through officially sanctioned FIFA channels.

Of particular interest were hardly earth-shattering threats that the captains of a number of sides would be wearing “One Love” armbands. Various national football federations baulked, noting that FIFA had “been very clear that it will impose sporting sanctions if our captains wear the armbands on the field of play.”

The national federations could not put their “players in a position where they could face sporting sanctions including bookings, so we have asked the captains not to attempt to wear the armbands in the FIFA World Cup games.” The bureaucrats behind the joint statement, in a weak effort to save face, insisted that they would have paid the fines normally applicable “to breaches of kit regulations and had a strong commitment to wearing the armband. However, we cannot put our players in a position where they might be booked or even forced to leave the field of play.”

The teams of England, Wales, Belgium, Switzerland, Germany, Denmark and The Netherlands, duly complied, falling nine pins. It really was just about the football. Prior to their opening match against Iran, it had been reported that England’s captain Harry Kane would be braving the unsanctioned arm band. He barely managed that. Former Manchester United player Roy Keane offered his two bits worth by suggesting that Kane and his team should have done it for the first game and accepted the punishment. “Take your medicine and in the next game move on. You don’t wear it because you don’t want to get suspended but, I think it was a big mistake because both players – Wales and England – should have stuck to their guns and done it.”

What FIFA got was exactly what it wanted: cowed teams and captains who would wear only approved protesting apparel. In a statement dated November 21, the organisation confirmed that “its No Discrimination campaign has been brought forward from the planned quarter-finals stage in order that all 32 captains will have the opportunity to wear this armband during the FIFA World Cup Qatar 2022.”

While this was a victory chalked up to the grey suits in Zürich, other forms of protest had more serious implications. In the case of the Iranian team, the stakes were far more serious. Not singing the Iranian anthem in the first match in solidarity for protestors back in Iran was not a gesture appreciated by the clerical authorities. But then again, some Iranian spectators have been less than impressed by a perception that the team is not supportive enough for the cause back home. As a result, the side known as Team Melli has been given another name: Team Mullah.

Iran’s footballers have come fair game and are being subjected to something a bit more serious than yellow cards and on field scolding. A number of arrests have been made against figures supposedly sympathetic to the protests. The footballer Voria Ghafouri was recently arrested for allegedly “insulting and sabotaging” the country’s team and spreading “propaganda against the regime”.

Besieged and beleaguered, the plight of the players has left the coach, Carlos Queiroz, incensed. “To those who come to disturb the team with the issues that are not only about the football opinions,” he told a news conference, “they’re not welcome because our boys, they’re just simple football boys.”

While sounding a tad condescending, Queiroz revealed an understanding paternalism that sees the tie between ball and player as the only relationship that really matters. “Let the kids play the game. Because this is what they’re looking for. The wanted to represent the country, to represent the people, as any other national team that [is] here. And all the national teams, there are issues at home.”

The perennial issue: let footballers be footballers and leave the politics and moralising to those off the pitch. To FIFA and the Qatari authorities, this must sound like the sweetest of music.

Binoy Kampmark was a Commonwealth Scholar at Selwyn College, Cambridge. He lectures at RMIT University, Melbourne. Email: bkampmark@gmail.com

March against Uganda oil pipeline in Paris


The protesters were opposing the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) and Tilenga oil field project in Uganda and Tanzania, initiated by TotalEnergies -
Copyright © africanewscleared


By Africanews
with AFP Last updated: 10 hours ago

FRANCE

Environmental activists, religious figures and believers protested Tuesday in Paris against the mega oil projects of the French group TotalEnergies in Uganda and Tanzania, a first action led by the movements Extinction Rebellion Spiritualities and GreenFaith.

"Deliver us from Total", "Warm hearts, not pipelines": they were about thirty gathered in front of a TotalEnergies gas station in the south of Paris, according to a journalist of the AFP.

Extinction Rebellion Spiritualities is a branch of the Extinction Rebellion movement, well known for its civil disobedience actions. GreenFaith is an inter-religious NGO born in the United States which fights "for climate justice", supported by religious volunteers.


The protesters were opposing the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) and Tilenga oil field project in Uganda and Tanzania, initiated by TotalEnergies. The NGOs accuse the multinational of taking over land through expropriation and are concerned about the environmental impact of these projects.

"Our traditions and our religions urge us not to remain silent," said Rabbi Yeshaya Dalsace, one of the religious figures present, along with Pastor Caroline Ingrand-Hoffet, President of the Rassemblement des musulmans de France Anouar Kbibech, Buddhist Master Olivier Reigen Wang-Genh and Bishop Marc Stenger.

These religious figures arrived carrying an empty coffin with African landscapes painted on it.

"I'm Catholic and I think it's great to see religious figures taking a stand on the divisive issue of ecology," said Isabelle, 43, who like all the members of Extinction Rebellion refuses to give her last name.

TotalEnergies has been sued by several environmental NGOs over its activities in Uganda and Tanzania. The company will appear before the Paris Court of Justice on December 7 to discuss the matter.

The associations are targeting two colossal projects that are intrinsically linked: the Tilenga project, a 419-well drilling project in Uganda, one third of which is in the Murchison Falls natural park; and the EACOP (East African Crude Oil Pipeline) project, the world's longest heated oil pipeline, which crosses Tanzania over nearly 1,500 km, crossing several protected natural areas.

TotalEnergies reacted in a press release, stressing that "all the partners in the Tilenga and EACOP projects are committed to implementing them in a way that places environmental and biodiversity issues and the rights of the communities concerned at the heart of the project, in accordance with the highest international standards.

These projects, the press release adds, "represent a major development challenge for Uganda and Tanzania and we are doing everything possible to make them exemplary in terms of transparency, shared prosperity, economic and social progress, sustainable development, environmental awareness and respect for human rights.


Cara Delevingne ‘donates her orgasm to science’ in sex doc
Cara Delevingne in Only Murders in the Building.
 
Queer actress and model Cara Delevingne has “donated an orgasm to science” in a new British documentary series Planet Sex With Cara Delevingne.

The six-part documentary series Planet Sex delves into the various ways sexuality is practised around the globe. Cara travels the world to get a better understanding of “gender, sexuality and our deepest desires”.

Delevingne travels to a hospital in Germany to have an orgasm, so researchers can test her blood before and after sexual climax.

The researchers are looking at a chemical known as endocannabinoids and its levels in Delevingne’s system before and after orgasm.

When released the chemical helps reduce anxiety, amplifies euphoria and increases the pleasure response during sex.

The episodes investigates the so-called “gender climax gap,” and why it’s easier for men to orgasm than women.

“I’m here to have an orgasm and donate it to science. I think female sexual desire has definitely been repressed,” she says in the documentary series.

“I know from my own love life just how sexual women can be, so you’d think in the 21st century men and women should be having equally satisfying sex lives, right?”

“Well, prepare for a shock. When it comes to the orgasm there is a definite gender gap. Scientists say that 95 per cent of straight men orgasm during intercourse but only 65 per cent of straight women do.

“To be honest, I think that sounds way too high; most of my straight female friends say it’s probably more like 15 or 20 per cent. Lesbians and queer women definitely seem to have it better.”

Cara Delevingne says sexuality struggle took her to a dark place

Elsewhere in the docuseries, Cara Delevingne gets personal about her past experiences with suicidal thoughts that she attributed to “internalised homophobia and shame”.

The supermodel and actress first came out in 2018 and was in a relationship with actor Ashley Benson before the couple broke up in 2020.

“I couldn’t talk to anyone about [my sexuality],” she says.

“I had a lot of internalised homophobia and shame, I thought that I was abnormal.

“I thought about ending my life, like I had multiple times. I’m so glad I didn’t because if I can help any other kid that means the world to me. It means the world to that little queer kid I was. Or I am.”

Cara Delevingne initially declared herself bisexual, but told the BBC she now prefers the term “queer”.

“Queer felt fluid and free. It didn’t put too much pressure on anything I was deciding to be,” she said.

She said her sexuality “is definitely a spectrum” that “wavers”.

“But I’m definitely more on the side of women. I like having sex with men, I just don’t date them,” she said.

For the latest lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex and queer (LGBTIQ) news in Australia, visit qnews.com.au

 

OPINION

Why the EU asbestos directive revision ... needs revising


  • In 2019, it was estimated that at least 70,000 people in the EU died from asbestos-related reasons — more than three times the number of people killed in traffic accidents

The recent news that asbestos is two-to-three times as deadly as previously thought, reported here on EUobserver, has brought new — and needed — attention to an old and lingering problem: that of the silent killer, which continues to haunt us.

It comes after the European Commission in the autumn, finally, published its proposal for a revision of the directive on the protection of workers from the risks related to exposure to asbestos at work.

New rules are very much needed, as every year tens of thousands of Europeans die from asbestos-related illnesses and conditions, many without it even being recognised as a work-related death.

In 2019, it is estimated that at least 70,000 inhabitants in the EU dies from asbestos-related reasons. To put it into context, that figure is more than three times higher than the number of people killed in traffic that year.

The seriousness of the asbestos situation and the risk that the coming renovation and energy-efficiency wave will increase potential exposure, is the reason why we, in the European Parliament, already in 2021 demanded firm action.

It happened when a very large majority in the parliament, with support from left, right, and centre, adopted our report with recommendations to the commission on protecting workers from asbestos. This report laid out a string of requirements for what would constitute an adequate revision of the directive. It is a report that aimed for, and achieved, broad political backing, precisely so that we could use it to move forward.

As the rapporteur, I was proud of the consensus we ensured, and of how it was endorsed by so many of those that actually encounter asbestos as part of their work.

Revision needs revising

Therefore I was also surprised, disappointed, and frustrated when I read the proposed revision form the commission. Because, very clearly, the proposal for revision is itself in urgent need of a thorough revision. Something that the new figures of asbestos being even deadlier than previously thought, should underline.

All of this is not to say that there are not also good things in the revision, because there are. Several of them with a clear line to the work of the European Parliament. These include:

In addition to the actual revision of the directive, a "communication" has also been presented, with further measures and legislation that we can expect during 2022 and 2023.

These include:

A legislative proposal on mandatory screening and registration of asbestos in buildings, for example in connection with sales and rentals.

Proposals for a common digitised format for registration of all building-related data, including the results of the asbestos screening — a so-called 'EU building logbook'.

Steps to possibly update the commission list of occupational diseases.

Such initiatives are part of what we need and it is something the EU Parliament has already vouched for. They were all part of our 'recommendations to the commission on the protection of workers against asbestos' form 2021.

My disappointment and frustration comes from the parts that either contradicts or directly omits what has already been called for. This means that, especially, the following five points will have to be changed:

1. There must be a clear tightening of the directive, including removing any derogations from the directive's protective measures. If not, it will still in far too many cases be possible to deviate from the parts which are otherwise supposed to ensure the protection and supervision of employees' health.

2. There must be stricter requirements for sampling in connection with risk assessments. This includes certification of the personnel collecting the samples.

3. There must be a requirement for feasibility studies/screenings before energy renovations begin.

4. Introduction of an authorisation-scheme for companies working with asbestos and certified training of colleagues who work with asbestos.

Last but certainly not least:

5. We have to lower the limit value for asbestos set by the directive from the proposed 10,000 fibres per cubic meter, to 1,000 fibres per cubic meter, in line with what has already been decided by the EU Parliament.

So where do we stand now?

With all of the above in mind, I am both frustrated and hopeful. It would have been great to have the proposed directive already living up to our requirements from the beginning.

We are not there, but we are in a place from which we can reach our desired goal. It is my hope and belief that we, in the European Parliament, can revise the proposed revision to such an extent, that it will provide much needed better protection for those, whose work exposes them to asbestos. That makes me hopeful.

AUTHOR BIO

Nikolaj Villumsen is a Danish MEP with the Left, and rapporteur of the European Parliament's 2021 report on protecting workers from asbestos, and shadow rapporteur on the upcoming revision.

Survey finds South Africans have shrinking trust in the internet

30 November 2022 - 
Suthentira Govender
Senior reporter


South Africans’ trust in the internet has declined since 2019 amid concerns over privacy and protection of personal data.

This is according to an international survey conducted by Ipsos with 14,519 internet users across 20 countries, including South Africa.

The survey found online users want better control over how their personal data is collected, used and sold.

Only six in 10 users on average across the 20 countries said they trust the internet. This is down 11 percentage points since a similar survey in 2019.

Privacy was a major concern: 79% expressed worry about their online privacy.

Many felt internet governance was lacking.

Amid privacy concerns and rapidly declining trust, internet users have called for regulations to strengthen online privacy. Respondents indicated the most effective policies to improve trust in the internet should include:
protection of user privacy (65%);
protection of users’ personal data (65%);

the establishment of standards detailing how internet companies collect and make use of user data (62%); and

the establishment of policies allowing users to control their own data (62%).

South Africa and Kenya were the two African countries included in the study.

In Kenya, seven in every 10 (70%) expressed trust in the internet.

South Africans were no different to those in the rest of the world about their trust of the internet, with 63% agreeing they trust the internet.

“In line with findings in other countries of shrinking trust in the internet, this showed a decline of 9 percentage points since 2019.”

A fine balance needs to be maintained between freedom of speech and stricter government policies so as not to suppress or deny freedom of information access and flow in our democracies
Mari Harris of Ipsos

Citizens’ concerns about online privacy ranked high, with 93% in Kenya and 88% in South Africa voicing concerns — considerably higher than the 79% country average. In Kenya there was an increase of 49 percentage points in this indicator since 2019.

On whether South Africans and Kenyans thought the internet was effectively governed, almost six in 10 in both countries — Kenya (59%) and South Africa (57%) — agreed.

“Kenyans were more positive than South Africans about new government policies to improve internet trust, but it must be kept in mind that overall internet access in Kenya is only 30%.

“Internet penetration is much higher in South Africa, where seven in 10 had access to the internet in 2020 — this is growing rapidly and Ipsos proprietary figures indicate internet access is about 77%.

“Most Kenyans (89%) and South Africans (75%) agreed policies to protect internet user privacy would improve trust in the internet.

“In Kenya and South Africa citizens are looking to government policies to protect them on the internet, but a fine balance needs to be maintained between freedom of speech and stricter government policies so as not to suppress or deny freedom of information access and flow in our democracies,” said Mari Harris of Ipsos.
Taking Brunt of Lockdown, Migrant Workers Fuel China’s Latest Protests

Although security forces have reasserted control in many cities, poor workers could help maintain the pushback against Beijing’s strict Covid restrictions.


By Amy Chang Chien, Chris Buckley, Muyi Xiao, Joy Dong and Olivia Wang
Nov. 30, 2022


Workers and residents rebelling against a pandemic lockdown in an industrial district of southern China clashed with riot police in white hazmat suits twice this week, the latest flare-up of anger against “zero Covid” restrictions that have spawned protests across the country.

The Communist Party under Xi Jinping has been confronting China’s widest and boldest surge of protest in decades, as large numbers gathered over the weekend to denounce Mr. Xi’s stringent, exhausting and increasingly difficult efforts to eliminate Covid cases.

Although security forces reasserted control over neighborhoods and university campuses this week, the tumult on Monday and Tuesday nights on the edge of Guangzhou suggested that poor, frustrated communities of migrant workers may keep pushing back against the “zero Covid” measures, especially the weekslong shutdowns of neighborhoods.

Crowds of hundreds in the city’s Houjiao neighborhood clashed with the police, following days of angry confrontations there.

Some threw glass bottles at lines of anti-riot officers. Some tore down barriers meant to lock in the crowded warrens of shops and cheap apartments. They pushed over a makeshift hut used for Covid tests, while hundreds of onlookers roared in approval. Members of the crowd also overturned a small van.

Understand the Protests in ChinaThe Toll of ‘Zero Covid’: The protests against China’s strict pandemic policy come after President Xi Jinping’s unbending approach hurt businesses and strangled growth.
At a ‘Tipping Point’: For the protesters, public dissent was unimaginable until days ago. Our columnist asked young people what led them to take the risk.

The Economic Fallout: The growing unrest in the world’s biggest manufacturing nation is injecting a new element of uncertainty and instability into the global economy.

Reasserting Control: The Communist Party is drawing on its decades-old policy of repression and surveillance — along with some new tactics — to quash the protests.

Video showed hundreds of police officers pouring into the area, shouting and banging their clubs on their riot shields and subduing residents. Several men, apparently handcuffed, were led away by the officers, another video showed.

“The working people mostly feel that the lockdown has gone on too long; it’s been over a month,” said a resident of the neighborhood who joined the nighttime protest. He asked to be identified only by his surname, Zhang, citing fear of punishment for describing the confrontation.

Despite Beijing’s promises that “zero Covid” restrictions would be more selectively enforced, Mr. Zhang said, local officials — under intense pressure to keep infection rates down — went to extremes in shutting down the area, while providing inadequate food to penned-in residents.

“Some people don’t even have things like cooking noodles and have to eat instant noodles day in, day out,” he said. “A lot of places haven’t had supplies for ages, and finally that’s why this happened. It wasn’t just everyone kicking up a fuss.”

The Haizhu District of Guangzhou, where the clashes took place, is a center of garment production, and tens of thousands of migrant workers from rural China make a living in small factories, shops and diners that cram its streets.

But there and across much of China, Covid restrictions on work and travel have added to a wider economic slowdown and pushed many small businesses into closure or bankruptcy, leaving migrant workers struggling to make a living.

“People don’t have anywhere to vent their frustration,” said a local resident surnamed Hu, a construction business owner whose work has been suspended. He witnessed the arrival of hundreds of riot police officers near his home on Tuesday evening and felt sympathetic to the protesting workers. “The police were not protecting the people. They were scaring the people.”

A rise in Covid cases in Guangzhou over the past several weeks led officials to impose lockdowns across several districts that are home to a total of about six million people, according to government announcements.

In the Haizhu District in the city’s south, some 1.8 million residents were ordered to stay at home and undergo daily coronavirus testing, and local authorities erected barricades around neighborhoods where Covid cases were recorded. Two weeks ago, residents of one neighborhood marched to protest the lack of food and other necessities while held at home for weeks, people there told The New York Times at the time.

On Wednesday, multiple districts in Guangzhou, including Haizhu, lifted Covid prevention measures in some areas that are not listed as “high risk.” Close contacts, who had been sent to centralized quarantine facilities, are allowed to do quarantine at home if they meet a certain standard, according to a government notice.

China’s leadership has remained silent about the protests of the past week, although the unrest has drawn global attention, including comments from the White House, and unsettled international investors. When called and asked about the nights of clashes, a Haizhu District official and a police officer on Wednesday both promptly hung up, each saying, “I don’t know about it.”


Amy Chang Chien covers news in mainland China and Taiwan. She is based in Taipei. @amy_changchien


Chris Buckley is chief China correspondent and has lived in China for most of the past 30 years after growing up in Sydney, Australia. Before joining The Times in 2012, he was a correspondent in Beijing for Reuters. @ChuBailiang


Muyi Xiao is reporter on the Visual Investigations team, which combines traditional reporting with advanced digital forensics. She has been covering China for the past decade. @muyixiao


Joy Dong covers news in mainland China and Hong Kong. She is based in Hong Kong. @JoyDongHK

A version of this article appears in print on Dec. 1, 2022, Section A, Page 4 of the New York edition with the headline: Migrant Workers Active In Protests of Lockdowns .


Inside China’s ‘Zero-Covid’ Fortress
The strict policy has been a drag on China’s economy, travel and everyday life.

What is “zero Covid”? Here’s what to know about this harsh policy that was born out of Beijing’s effort to control the initial Covid outbreak in the city of Wuhan.


China stands out in the harshness of its Covid measures. A Times video analysis examines the lengths officials will go to eliminate infections.


Empty streets, shuttered shops, long lines at testing sites. Here’s what China’s unyielding approach on Covid looks like.


For Vivian Wang, a Times correspondent, the most unsettling part of life in “zero-Covid” China is the utter arbitrariness. “You’re under lockdown, until someone decides you’re not,” she writes from Shenzhen.


Companies and investors are wondering when the government will drop its strict restrictions. But Xi Jinping, China’s leader, appears intent on sticking with them.


The Communist Party’s use of propaganda has been on overdrive in the “zero-Covid” era, with some citizens saying the language has bordered on nonsense.

OPINION

Three Ways to End Gender-based Violence

Testing new approaches for preventing gender-based violence to galvanize more and new partners and resources. Credit: UN Women

UNITED NATIONS, Nov 30 2022 (IPS) - How are the multiple shocks and crises the world is facing changing how we respond to gender-based violence? Almost three years after the COVID-19 pandemic triggered high levels of violence against women and girls, the recent Sexual Violence Research Initiative Forum 2022 (SVRI) shed some light on the best ways forward.

Bringing together over 1,000 researchers, practitioners, policymakers and activists in Cancún, Mexico, the forum highlighted new research on what works to stop and address one of the most widespread violations of human rights.

While some participants candidly – and bravely – shared that their initiatives did not have the intended impact, many discussed efforts that transformed lives, in big and small ways.

After 5 days of the forum one thing was clear; a lack of evidence is not what is standing in the way of achieving a better future. It is a lack of opportunities and the will to apply that evidence.

Among the many shared findings, UNDP presented its own evidence.

Since 2018, the global project on Ending Gender-based Violence and Achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), a partnership between UNDP and the Republic of Korea, and in collaboration with United Nations University International Institute for Global Health, has tested new approaches for preventing and addressing gender-based violence, to galvanize more and new partners, resources, and support to move from rhetoric to action.

Three key strategies have emerged.

1. We need to integrate

Gender-based violence (GBV) intersects with all areas of sustainable development. That means that every development initiative provides a chance to address the causes of violence and to transform harmful social norms that not only put women disproportionately at risk for violence, but also limit progress.

Bringing together diverse partners to jointly incorporate efforts to end GBV into “non-GBV” programmes has been central to the Ending GBV and Achieving the SDGs project. Pilots in Indonesia, Peru and the Republic of Moldova integrated a GBV lens into local development planning.

The results were local action plans that focused on needs and solutions identified by the communities themselves, including evidence-based GBV prevention programming such as the Common Elements Treatment Approach, which has been proven to reduce violence along with risk factors such as alcohol abuse. This approach is growing, opening up new and more spaces for this work.

2. We need to elevate

While evidence is crucial to creating change, the work doesn’t stop there. We also need to elevate this evidence to policy makers and to support them in putting the findings into action. In our global project, we went about this in different ways.

In Peru women’s rights advocates and the local government worked together to draft a local action plan to address drivers of violence in the community of Villa El Salvador (VES). By working collaboratively and building trust between key players, the project was able to take a more holistic approach and to create stronger alliances to boost its sustainability and impacts.

In particular, the local action plan was informed by cost analysis research that showed that this approach would pay for itself if it prevented violence for only 0.6 percent of the 80,000-plus women in VES who are at risk for violence every year.

Since the pilot’s launch, more than 15 other local governments have expressed interest in the model, and it has already been replicated in three.

3. We need to finance

Less than 1 percent of bilateral official development assistance (ODA) and philanthropic funding is given to prevent and address GBV, despite the fact that roughly a third of women have experienced physical or sexual violence.

The “Imperative to Invest” study, funded by the EU-UN Spotlight Initiative and presented at the SVRI Forum, shows just what can be achieved with a US$500 million investment. The study highlights that Spotlight’s efforts will have prevented 21 million women and girls from experiencing violence by 2025.

The Ending GBV and Achieving the SDGs project also finds positive results when financing local plans. Through pilot initiatives in Peru, Moldova and Indonesia, it was possible to mobilize funds when different municipal governments take ownership of participatory planning processes at an early stage.

The local level is a key, yet an often overlooked, entry point to identifying community needs and, through participatory, multi-sectoral partnerships, to translate them into funded solutions.

In Moldova the regional government of Gagauzia assigned funds to create the region’s first safe space, with the support of the community.

The SVRI Forum was living proof that a better future is possible. It offered profound moments for thoughtful exchange, learning with partners and peers, and deepened our own reflections on the outcomes and next steps for this global project.

As we approach the final countdown to meeting the SDGs, including SDG5.2 on eliminating violence against women and girls, it has never been more urgent to take all this evidence and turn it into action against gender-based violence. Let’s act today.

Jacqui Stevenson is Research Consultant UNU International Institute for Global Health, Jessica Zimerman is Project Specialist, Gender-based Violence, UNDP, and Diego Antoni is Policy Specialist Gender, Governance and Recovery, UNDP.