Saturday, December 03, 2022

Across the US, Native Americans are fighting to preserve sacred land

‘It’s important that we unify, and we work together, and share the teachings to protect our sacred areas because once God, once our sacred and holy places are gone, we will no longer exist. Our religion will be gone forever,’ said one Native American activist.

Aerial shot of the Valley of the Gods in Bears Ears National Monument. Photo courtesy of Bureau of Land Management/Creative Commons

(RNS) — In what they call a “holy war” to save their sacred site in Arizona known as Oak Flat, the Apache people have gathered in prayer with other Native American tribes, even those they’ve historically been pitted against, such as the Akimel O’odham, or River People, of the southwestern United States.

They’ve formed a coalition of Native peoples named Apache Stronghold and bonded with Christians and other religious leaders as they seek to stop the land from being transferred to Resolution Copper, a company owned by the British-Australian mining giant Rio Tinto

Now, at a three-day meeting beginning Wednesday (Nov. 30), Apache Stronghold is hoping to unite its cause with other similar Native American groups that are working to preserve land they deem sacred. 

The Sacred Sites Summit in Tucson, Arizona, will offer sessions on Native religion and spirituality, the history of colonization and capitalism, and the destruction mining wreaks on a landscape. The summit will also highlight the efforts tribes are making to protect areas from the Bears Ears National Monument in Utah to Quechan Indian Pass in California.


RELATED: Why Oak Flat in Arizona is a sacred space for the Apache and other Native Americans


Among the summit’s listed speakers are Anna M. Rondon, an advocate for Native communities impacted by uranium mining; Shawn Mulford, who’s Diné, and who’s been outspoken about expansion plans of an Arizona ski resort up in the San Francisco Peaks; and Faron Owl, a councilman of the Fort Yuma Quechan Tribe that halted an attempt to build a gold mine, but have initiated another effort against a proposed project on the land the tribe considers sacred.

Vanessa Nosie, of Apache Stronghold, said the summit was the vision of her father, Wendsler Nosie Sr., who leads the coalition.

His vision, she said, was to unite people to “not only learn from what the Apache Stronghold has done in this fight, but also to stand together and bring awareness of all the issues that are happening throughout Indian country, because it doesn’t just affect the Indigenous people, it affects all people.”

Native American tribes are increasingly choosing to fight encroachment by mining and other corporate developers not only as environmental causes but spiritual ones.

Most recently, a 2016 fight to protect water on the Standing Rock Sioux Reservation from the construction of the Dakota Access pipeline brought new public attention to Indigenous peoples’ concerns about how land is used, according to Rosalyn R. LaPier, professor of history at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. But those concerns stretch back years, said LaPier, an enrolled member of the Blackfeet Tribe of Montana and Métis.


RELATED: Sioux anti-pipeline action sustained by Native American spirituality


Many Americans prize land they consider beautiful, dramatic or awe-inspiring, but Indigenous people view it not only through a physical lens but a spiritual lens. LaPier said Indigenous scholars like herself often are asked, “Why is this place in the middle of nowhere that’s an ugly hill with a rock on it — why is this like a sacred place?”

Several hundred people took part in a prayer walk on Sept. 14, 2016, from the Oceti Sakowin camp near Standing Rock Reservation in North Dakota to the site up the road where Dakota Access began digging over Labor Day weekend for construction on a nearly 1,200-mile pipeline project. RNS photo by Emily McFarlan Miller

Several hundred people took part in a prayer walk on Sept. 14, 2016, from the Oceti Sakowin camp near Standing Rock Reservation in North Dakota to the site up the road where Dakota Access began digging over Labor Day weekend for construction on a nearly 1,200-mile pipeline project. RNS photo by Emily McFarlan Miller

Some places may be a pilgrimage site, some a traditional backdrop for a ritual or ceremony. “When we’re protecting a natural space, we’re also protecting the supernatural space,” she said.

But because many Americans don’t recognize Indigenous beliefs as a real religion, and because dominant European American religions are not tied to a specific place on the landscape, they don’t always understand that Indigenous beliefs are “place based,” according to LaPier.

“You can’t move the mountain. You can’t move the river. You can’t move these places that are part of the sacred areas that different Indigenous religions think are important,” she said.

Vanessa Nosie told Religion News Service: “It’s important that we unify … and share the teachings to protect our sacred areas because once God, once our sacred and holy places are gone, we will no longer exist. Our religion will be gone forever.” 

Here are a few efforts by Native Americans to protect sacred sites that have grabbed headlines in recent years and where they are now.

OAK FLAT

In 2014, Congress approved the transfer of this 6.7-square-mile stretch of land east of Phoenix to Resolution Copper as part of the National Defense Authorization Act in exchange for 6,000 acres elsewhere. 

Wendsler Nosie Sr., former chairman of the San Carlos Apache Tribe and leader of Apache Stronghold, has likened Oak Flat to Mount Sinai in the Jewish faith — “our most sacred site, where we connect with our Creator, our faith, our families and our land.” An attack on Indigenous religion, the oldest religion of this part of the world, he maintains, is a threat to all religions.

This file photo taken June 15, 2015, shows the Resolution Copper Mining area Shaft #9, right, and Shaft #10, left, that await the expansion go-ahead in Superior, Arizona. The mountainous land near Superior is known as Oak Flat or Chi’chil Biłdagoteel. It’s where Apaches have harvested medicinal plants, held coming-of-age ceremonies and gathered acorns for generations. (AP Photo/Ross D. Franklin, File)

This file photo taken June 15, 2015, shows the Resolution Copper Mining area Shaft #9, right, and Shaft #10, left, that await the expansion go-ahead in Superior, Arizona. The mountainous land near Superior is known as Oak Flat or Chi’chil Biłdagoteel. It’s where Apaches have harvested medicinal plants, held coming-of-age ceremonies and gathered acorns for generations. (AP Photo/Ross D. Franklin, File)

The mine, Nosie said, will swallow the site in a massive crater and render “long-standing religious practices impossible.”

In early 2021, Apache Stronghold sued the government in federal court, arguing among other things that destruction of Chi’chil Biłdagoteel, as Oak Flat is called in Apache, violates the Religious Freedom Restoration Act. 

divided 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals held that the government could proceed with the transfer of Oak Flat, determining that Apache Stronghold failed to show a substantial burden on its religious exercise. 

“There’s been this kind of stubbornly persistent hostility to the claims involving the preservation and use of Native American sacred sites,” said Luke Goodrich, vice president and senior counsel at Becket, a legal nonprofit representing Apache Stronghold.


RELATED: Apaches get rehearing in fight to preserve Oak Flat, a sacred site in Arizona


But in mid-November of this year, the 9th Circuit announced it would rehear their case, this time in front of a full 11-judge court instead of the original three-judge panel.

In this July 22, 2015, file photo, tribal councilman Wendsler Nosie Sr., right, speaks with Apache activists in a rally to save Oak Flat, land near Superior, Arizona, sacred to Western Apache tribes, in front of the U.S. Capitol in Washington. A group of Apaches who have tried for years to reverse a land swap in Arizona that will make way for one of the largest and deepest copper mines in the U.S. sued the federal government Jan. 12, 2021. Apache Stronghold argues in the lawsuit filed in U.S. District Court in Arizona that the U.S. Forest Service cannot legally transfer land to international mining company Rio Tinto in exchange for eight parcels the company owns around Arizona. (AP Photo/Molly Riley, File)

In this July 22, 2015, file photo, tribal councilman Wendsler Nosie Sr., right, speaks with Apache activists in a rally to save Oak Flat, land near Superior, Arizona, sacred to Western Apache tribes, in front of the U.S. Capitol in Washington. (AP Photo/Molly Riley, File)

In addition to that turnabout, Goodrich said he’s encouraged by the enforcement of RFRA in recent high-profile rulings such as the 2014 Hobby Lobby case, in which the Supreme Court ruled that the arts-and-crafts chain did not have to obey a mandate in the Affordable Care Act to provide birth control to employees through their health benefits.

“It’s past time for the same protections in RFRA to catch up and do the work they should have been doing all along for Native Americans and sacred sites,” Goodrich said.

MAUNA KEA

Historically, Indigenous communities have been “on the end that has less power in decision-making,” said Noe Noe Wong-Wilson, executive director of the Lālākea Foundation, which works to preserve native Hawaiian cultural traditions.

But things appear to be changing for those fighting to preserve Mauna Kea. Native Hawaiians believe Mauna Kea is the first creation of the Earth Mother, Papahānaumoku, and the Sky Father, Wākea. At 13,803 feet above sea level, it is also a prime location for astronomers. With a dozen observatories already crowding the summit, activists have protested plans to build the much bigger Thirty Meter Telescope on Mauna Kea.

Activists have been camped near an access road to Mauna Kea in Hawaii. RNS photo by Jack Jenkins

Activists camp near an access road to Mauna Kea in Hawaii in 2019. RNS photo by Jack Jenkins

state law that passed this summer has made way for the Mauna Kea Stewardship and Oversight Authority, consisting of university officials and native Hawaiian cultural practitioners, including Wong-Wilson, charged with managing Mauna Kea’s summit.

Wong-Wilson said the new authority will look at the number of observatories that should be on the mountain. To Wong-Wilson, “an imbalance takes place” when resources are artificially changed. “It changes nature, the way water flows and disrupts the cycle of life,” she said.


RELATED: In Hawaii, ‘protectors’ fight telescope project with prayer


In 2014, a group of Native Hawaiians interrupted a groundbreaking ceremony for the new telescope, arguing that building more structures on the mountain will further desecrate a place they deem sacred. Demonstrators blockaded construction crews in March 2015, setting in motion a lengthy legal dispute that ended with Hawaii’s Supreme Court clearing the telescope for construction in 2019.

But on the first scheduled day of construction, protesters blocked the access road at the base of the mountain, joined by a group of kupuna, or Native elders. Police arrested nearly 40 people, primarily the elderly kupuna.

Activists who oppose the construction of the Thirty Meter Telescope, who prefer the term "protectors," perform traditional Hawaiian dances at the base of Mauna Kea in Hawaii. RNS photo by Jack Jenkins

Activists who oppose the construction of the Thirty Meter Telescope, who prefer the term “protectors,” perform traditional Hawaiian dances at the base of Mauna Kea in Hawaii in 2019. RNS photo by Jack Jenkins

This time around, Wong-Wilson hopes to “work together to find solutions … rather than just fighting and resisting and always having to take positions, even though they’re nonviolent.”

“It’s still wearing on everybody and it’s unfortunate that we have to do that,” she said.

BEARS EARS

Bears Ears National Monument in Utah was created by President Barack Obama in 2016 at the request of the Bears Ears Inter-Tribal Coalition, a group of five tribes that consider sites within the monument to be sacred. It was drastically reduced in size by President Donald Trump in 2017, then restored by President Joe Biden in 2021.

Hank Stevens, who represents the Navajo Nation in the Bears Ears Inter-Tribal Coalition, describes the land in one word: “Panacea.” It’s medicine that can heal all divides, all difficulties, all diseases.

Clergy take photos during a gathering with Native American leaders in November 2017 at Bears Ears National Monument in Utah. Photo courtesy of the New Mexico Wildlife Federation

Clergy take photos during a gathering with Native American leaders in November 2017 at Bears Ears National Monument in Utah. Photo courtesy of the New Mexico Wildlife Federation

The land spans 1.35 million acres of desert punctuated by dramatic rock formations “where tribal traditional leaders and medicine people go to conduct ceremonies, collect herbs for medicinal purposes, and practice healing rituals stemming from time immemorial, as demonstrated through tribal creation stories,” according to the coalition’s website.

What Indigenous people consider as sacred isn’t all that different from what the Western world does, said Stevens. He recognizes a tree as something spiritual. Others might recognize a Bible or another holy book, he said. But what are those books printed on but paper, made from trees?

Earlier this year, the Bureau of Land Management, the U.S. Forest Service and the five tribes of the Bears Ears Commission formalized a partnership to co-manage Bears Ears National Monument. The tribes include the Hopi Tribe, Navajo Nation, Ute Mountain Ute Tribe, Pueblo of Zuni and Ute Indian Tribe.

The Bureau of Land Management said at the time that it hoped the partnership would serve “as a model for our work to honor the nation-to-nation relationship in the future.”

The Cedar Mesa Moon House at Bears Ears National Monument in southeast Utah. Photo courtesy of Creative Commons/Bureau of Land Management

The Cedar Mesa Moon House at Bears Ears National Monument in southeast Utah. Photo courtesy of Creative Commons/Bureau of Land Management

Stevens said there’s still work to do. Treaties between the U.S. government and Indigenous peoples have been broken before. People still need to be receptive to co-management and collaboration, to open their minds to understand the world around them.

But the agreement at Bears Ears is part of what he sees as “continuous improvement,” he said.

“I do believe that we, as human beings, have the ability to actually sit down and actually collaborate on a new course of action and continue to improve what we have and try to make the best of it for the next generation.”

National Reporter Jack Jenkins contributed to this report.

CRIMINAL CAPITALI$M

Credibility of key prosecution witness questioned in Vatican financial trial

Prosecutors said they will investigate Monsignor Alberto Perlasca after evidence emerged that his testimony was influenced by a source well known to Vatican insiders.

A view of St. Peter’s Square, Vatican City and Rome from the top of Michelangelo’s dome in St. Peter’s Basilica. Photo by Sandexx/Creative Commons/CC BY-SA 3.0

VATICAN CITY (RNS) — The Vatican’s sprawling megatrial addressing alleged financial mismanagement and corruption among its top officials encountered a new hurdle Thursday (Dec. 1) as the credibility of a key prosecution witness, Monsignor Alberto Perlasca, was thrown into question by new information from an unexpected source.

On Wednesday, the Vatican’s chief prosecutor, Alessandro Diddi, told the Vatican tribunal overseeing the trial that he had received information that the monsignor had been manipulated into making statements in the case.

By the time Thursday’s court session began, an Italian news outlet had revealed that the information had come from Genevieve Ciferri, a friend of Perlasca’s, who had written to the prosecutor over the weekend. Ciferri claimed that Francesca Immacolata Chaouqui, a former economic official at the Vatican, had prompted Perlasca in his pretrial statements to investigators.

Chaouqui is a familiar figure in Vatican legal circles: In 2017, she was sentenced to a year in prison by a Vatican court for leaking state secrets in a scandal known as “Vatileaks.” (Her sentence was later suspended.)

Based on Ciferri’s claim, Diddi asked the Vatican judges for time to investigate the new information and said he is considering charges of perjury against Perlasca.

Lawyers for the trial’s 10 defendants, meanwhile, accused Chaouqui of “misdirection, fraud and threats” that would significantly impact their clients’ cases. They insisted that the entirety of Perlasca’s pretrial testimony, including parts redacted by prosecutors to protect other investigations, be released.

The judges ruled that the trial would continue, urging prosecutors to investigate Perlasca’s earlier testimony over the winter holidays. They also said that Ciferri and Chaouqui will testify in court next year.

Perlasca headed the administrative office of the powerful Secretariat of State in 2018, when funds earmarked for the pope’s charitable works were invested in high-end London real estate, a deal that prosecutors claim lost the church more than 20 million euros. Originally considered a target of the investigation into the purchase, he became a prosecution witness, supplying testimony particularly damning for his former superior, Cardinal Angelo Becciu. 

Becciu, one of the 10 defendants now on trial, is charged with funneling Vatican funds to friends and relatives. He has strongly denied the allegations.

When Perlasca testified last week, defense lawyers highlighted what they said were inconsistencies in his story, and the monsignor often said he could not remember many of the events at the heart of the trial. At several points during the cross-examination, Vatican judge Giuseppe Pignatone warned Perlasca that he risked perjuring himself. The monsignor struggled especially to remember details regarding his written testimony to Vatican prosecutors.

Ciferri told Vatican prosecutors in documents sent to Diddi’s phone that she told Perlasca what to write in his testimony, and that she in turn was following Chaouqui’s instructions. Ciferri offered ample evidence of her claims in the form of text messages and audio recordings. She said Perlasca did not know that Chaouqui was behind the instructions.

Following the instructions, Perlasca told the judges on Wednesday, he invited Becciu for dinner at a restaurant in Rome where he secretly recorded the cardinal while asking him questions about the trial case. Perlasca allegedly handed over the recording and transcript of the conversation to Vatican prosecutors.

Perlasca testified that he had received 15 messages from Chaouqui over several months beginning in August 2020, in which, he claimed, she tried to intimidate him by “claiming to be well acquainted with the Vatican prosecutors, the gendarmes and others.” 

“I forgive you Perlasca, but you owe me a favor,” Chaouqui wrote in a message to the monsignor, according to his testimony. “Don’t block me or you will appear on the newspapers.”

Perlasca said he kept Chaouqui “at arm’s length as much as possible.”

Diddi said he had interrogated Perlasca without any knowledge about his conversations with Chaouqui. Diddi pushed back against the news report, which suggested that the Vatican prosecutors were behind Chaouqui’s messages to Perlasca, designed to move the investigations forward.

“I didn’t do it,” Diddi said, “do whatever you want, you can even seize my phone if you want.” He also said that his office intends to lead an investigation into the matter “to avoid any other attempts at misdirection.”


RELATED: In Advent, we hope and wait. Climate change doesn’t lend itself to either.

Ye’s Trump dinner is a high point for Catholic nationalists’ influence campaign

The meeting of Ye, Nick Fuentes and Donald Trump was a win for an extreme, Catholic-leaning subset of Christian nationalism.

FILE - Nick Fuentes right-wing podcaster, center right in sunglasses, greets supporters before speaking at a pro-Trump march, Nov. 14, 2020, in Washington. Former President Donald Trump had dinner, Nov. 22, 2022, at his Mar-a-Lago club with the rapper formerly known as Kanye West, who is now known as Ye, as well as Nick Fuentes, who has used his online platform to spew antisemitic and white supremacist rhetoric.(AP Photo/Jacquelyn Martin, File)

Nick Fuentes, right-wing podcaster, center right in sunglasses, greets supporters before speaking at a pro-Trump march, Nov. 14, 2020, in Washington. Former President Donald Trump had dinner Nov. 22, 2022, at his Mar-a-Lago club with the rapper formerly known as Kanye West, who is now known as Ye, as well as Fuentes, who has used his online platform to spew antisemitic and white supremacist rhetoric.(AP Photo/Jacquelyn Martin, File)

(RNS) — In the days after his recent dinner with former President Donald Trump, the rapper Ye, formerly known as Kanye West, reflected on the experience in a video posted to Twitter. Speaking to an associate, Ye said his own exchanges with Trump were tense. But as they dined, he said, the former president was practically glowing about someone else at the table: Nick Fuentes, the white Christian nationalist whom Ye had brought with him to Mar-a-Lago.

“Trump is really impressed with Nick Fuentes,” Ye said in the video, which has since been deleted.

A few seconds later, Ye pivoted to a different topic: faith.

“Since we know, and all the Christians in America that love Trump know, that Trump is a conservative, we’re going to demand that you hold all policies directly to the Bible,” Ye said.

While the meeting at Trump’s club drew national outrage because of Fuentes’ antisemitic and white supremacist views, it was a win for an extreme subset of Christian nationalists who knit together virulent anti-immigrant and anti-LGBTQ sentiment, opposition to abortion and, in many cases, overt forms of antisemitism and white nationalism.

This cadre of media-savvy, mostly right-wing Catholics are exacting a growing allegiance from far-right political figures and groups. While some, including Fuentes, have attached themselves to seemingly quixotic causes such as Ye’s own nascent presidential bid, the dinner at Mar-a-Lago showcased how they have succeeded in gaining entree for their vision of American politics.


RELATED: How the Capitol attacks helped spread Christian nationalism in the extreme right


A key figure in the movement is Milo Yiannopoulos, a far-right agitator who reportedly helped set up the Trump meeting, and whom Ye referred to as a campaign staffer in a recent video. (Yiannopoulos clarified to Religion News Service in an email this week that “there is no campaign at present” in a legal sense.) Once associated with the right-wing website Breitbart, Yiannopoulos faded from prominence around 2017 after several scandals, one spurred by a video showing him singing karaoke as white supremacists in the audience cheered and gave Nazi salutes.

Michael Voris, left, founder of Church Militant, listens as activist Milo Yiannopoulos speaks during a rally outside of the Baltimore hotel where the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops was holding its Fall General Assembly meeting, Tuesday, Nov. 16, 2021, in Baltimore.(AP Photo/Julio Cortez)

Michael Voris, left, founder of Church Militant, listens as activist Milo Yiannopoulos speaks during a rally outside of the Baltimore hotel where the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops was holding its Fall General Assembly meeting, Nov. 16, 2021, in Baltimore.(AP Photo/Julio Cortez)

He has since recovered his standing as a connector of various far-right Catholic voices with right-wing politicians. His recent ascendance is partly thanks to Michael Voris, head of the hyperconservative Catholic outlet Church Militant. Decried by critics as racist and homophobic, the digital talk and news outlet, based in Michigan, originally used the word “Catholic” in its name until its local archdiocese publicly pressured it to stop doing so.

In an interview with RNS in April, Voris pointed to a Church Militant interview with Yiannopoulos in which Voris pressed him to explain how he reconciles his homosexuality with his Catholic faith. According to Voris, Yiannopoulos called him years later to thank him, describing his question as a “challenge” that set him on a new spiritual path that eventually resulted in his identifying as “ex-gay” and embracing a more conservative form of Catholicism.

Voris, who has built a reputation as an anti-LGBTQ crusader, also claims to have abandoned homosexuality. He revealed in 2016 that for most of his 30s he “lived a life of live-in relationships with homosexual men,” but has since reverted back to Catholicism and now “abhor(s) all these sins.”

Both men often tie the Catholic sexual abuse crisis to homosexuality. Yiannopoulos, even before abandoning his gay identity, spoke publicly about being a survivor of sexual abuse by a priest. (A 2011 John Jay College of Criminal Justice report concluded that claims that homosexuality fueled the sex abuse crisis are not borne out by statistical evidence.)

Yiannopoulos began regularly appearing on the Church Militant website and in 2021 emceed a protest the group staged outside a gathering of the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops in Baltimore. Voris said he has also served as Yiannopoulos’ occasional spiritual adviser.

“I just give him further instruction in the faith,” Voris told RNS in April. The two had another session slotted for later that month, he said, when Voris planned spend “three or four hours” at his house schooling Milo on Catholic sacramental theology.

FILE - Fr. Paul Kalchik, from left, St. Michael’s Media founder and CEO Michael Voris, center, and Milo Yiannopoulos talk with a court officer before entering the federal courthouse, Sept. 30, 2021, in Baltimore. A federal judge has blocked Baltimore city officials from banning the conservative Roman Catholic media outlet from holding a prayer rally at a city-owned pavilion during a U.S. bishops’ meeting in November. U.S. District Judge Ellen Hollander ruled late Tuesday, Oct. 13, 2021, that St. Michael’s Media is likely to succeed on its claims that the city discriminated against it on the basis of its political views and violated its First Amendment free speech rights. (AP Photo/Gail Burton, file)

The Rev. Paul Kalchik, from left, St. Michael’s Media founder and CEO Michael Voris, center, and Milo Yiannopoulos talk with a court officer before entering the federal courthouse, Sept. 30, 2021, in Baltimore. A federal judge blocked Baltimore city officials from banning the conservative Roman Catholic media outlet from holding a prayer rally at a city-owned pavilion during a U.S. bishops’ meeting in November. (AP Photo/Gail Burton, file)

Voris and Church Militant distanced themselves from Yiannopoulos on Monday, tweeting out a statement saying he “has never been an employee of Church Militant.” The statement acknowledged Yiannopoulos’ early work for the website but added ”since then (and unrelated to us) Milo has re-entered the world of political activism of which we have no comment.”

Yiannopoulos has also forged a relationship with Fuentes, who founded America First — an advocacy group and media enterprise — after dropping out of Boston University at age 18. Fuentes, now 24, traffics in memes celebrating Christian nationalism, often linking it to Catholicism.

During a livestream in June, Fuentes advocated for “Catholic Taliban rule in America,” explaining that such a regime would ban same-sex marriage and contraception. His followers, known as Groypers, were a consistent presence at anti-vaccine and anti-abortion rallies in 2021, often holding aloft crucifixes and chanting “Christ is king!”

People wearing America First-branded gear were also among those who stormed the U.S. Capitol and entered the U.S. Senate chamber, although there is no evidence Fuentes was part of the riot himself.

Aside from the Yiannopoulos connection, Church Militant has begun to echo Fuentes’ rhetoric. Earlier this year, Voris published a video in which he referred to young people who “style themselves as an America first approach,” arguing they should ultimately put “faith first” because doing so will allow “everything else” to fall into place. Another video directed at “young Catholics with an eye to political battle” railed against Protestantism, declaring that “’Christ is king’ must ring loud across the land, and that means Catholic truth must be embraced.”


RELATED: As Catholic bishops gather, so do protesters on right and left


Voris’ approach to Christian nationalism appears to differ from Fuentes’, however. In a recent interview, he argued that the U.S. shouldn’t be ruled by one Christian sect, but that laws should be rooted in “Christian principle … because what’s the alternative?”

Nick Fuentes in a still from his America First livestream. Video screen grab

Nick Fuentes in a still from his “America First” livestream. Video screen grab

Asked in April whether he was addressing his comments to members of America First, Voris demurred, insisting he was using the term “Christ is king” in the historic Christian sense and speaking generally to “young, orthodox Catholics who, on the political spectrum, would count themselves as patriotic.” He said any connection to groups such as America First was “informal,” later adding he didn’t want to “embrace any group.”

He also decried violence, calling it “repugnant to my Catholicism.”

Even so, America First leaders have been interviewed on Voris’ website, and Salon reported in May that Church Militant’s youth-focused movement was attempting to recruit from the ranks of America First supporters. Voris did not deny “linking arms” with groups such as America First for such purposes as staging protests outside Planned Parenthood clinics.

Yiannopoulos and Fuentes eventually brought into their orbit U.S. Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, a Georgia Republican whose outlandish statements have triggered fierce criticism from across the political spectrum. Greene, an ex-Catholic who was reportedly baptized in 2011 at the evangelical North Point Community Church, spoke in February at Fuentes’ America First conference. He introduced her by saying,“I want to say a very special thank you to Milo Yiannopoulos for making this happen.”

When Greene took the stage, she opened her remarks by citing her faith. “My name is Marjorie Taylor Greene, I am the daughter of the king, the one true living God, the Alpha and Omega, our Father in heaven. And I am a forgiven sinner, washed in the blood of our savior, Jesus Christ,” she told the crowd in Florida.

When people in the audience began chanting “Christ is king,” Greene replied: “Amen — Christ is king.”

Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, R-Ga., speaks with Church Militant head Michal Voris during an interview. Video screen grab

Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, R-Ga., speaks with Church Militant head Michael Voris during an interview. Video screen grab

Greene was quick to distance herself from Fuentes after the event, but in an hourlong Church Militant interview two months later she attacked U.S. Catholic bishops who lend aid to immigrants as an example of “Satan controlling the church.”

Asked about her remarks shortly afterward, Voris defended Greene to RNS, saying, “I don’t think the congresswoman went far enough, really.”

Yiannopoulos told RNS in an email this week that he helped broker the interview, and around the time it took place, he posted a video of himself on the social media site Telegram eating a Smucker’s Uncrustable Peanut Butter and Jelly Sandwich in what appeared to be the same house where the conversation was filmed.

Greene soon began identifying as a Christian nationalist. Yiannopoulos told RNS he identifies the same way, although he differentiated his views from those of Greene. “I’m somewhere closer to a Catholic Integralist than, say, Marjorie, who just wants a return to authentic 1776 America,” he said.

Yiannopoulos has since left a position as Greene’s intern to join with Ye. Fuentes now appears to be part of their team: In addition to traveling with Ye to Mar-a-Lago, Fuentes reportedly read aloud a message from Yiannopoulos over the weekend signaling he was joining the campaign.

“My last super chat ever because the next cash I send will be your paycheck,” Fuentes said, reading Yiannopoulos’ message. “And see you at the office on Monday, brother!”


RELATED: Who is Trump and Kanye’s dinner companion, Nick Fuentes?


Ye’s affiliation with Fuentes and Yiannopoulos appears linked to faith. In the days leading up to their dinner with Trump, Fuentes posted an image on Telegram depicting Ye and him shaking hands under the words “2 Most Banned in USA.” Between them is a cross, underneath which the line “Jesus is King” — also the title of a recent Ye album — is repeated five times.

Since the meeting, Fuentes has posted a video of Ye saying he continues to look for people who could be a better president than himself, but has yet to find anyone.

“Trump would be a great president but he’s gotta put God first in everything he does,” Ye says.

The same video also appeared on Yiannopoulos’ Telegram page. Two days earlier he posted a message celebrating the new campaign, saying, “it’s dawning on me tonight what a powerful and deadly alliance I have assembled—and how gloriously and effectively we can serve God.”

Ye, Donald Trump and Nick Fuentes. File photos

Ye, Donald Trump and Nick Fuentes. File photos

The precise dimensions of Ye’s religious beliefs are unclear, though he often invokes God and Jesus in public appearances and organized a series of gospel music “Sunday Services” in 2019. But more recently his thoughts on faith have taken on new dimensions: His antisemitic remarks that cost him licensing deals with Gap and Adidas appeared to echo the beliefs of a subset of Black Hebrew Israelites. In October, he tweeted a desire to go “death con 3” on Jewish people, adding, “I actually can’t be Anti Semitic because black people are actually Jew.”

On Thursday (Dec. 1), Ye invoked his faith repeatedly during an appearance with Fuentes on conspiracy theorist Alex Jones’ show “Infowars.” With Fuentes frequently agreeing with Ye’s remarks and referring to a “Jewish mafia,” Ye insisted people need to “stop dissing Nazis all the time” and referred to Planned Parenthood as the “New World Order population control.” Fuentes, for his part, called for a “Christian party.”

Ye, wearing a mask the covered his entire head and calling himself a “baby Christian,” at one point apologized to Yiannopoulos, who was presumably offstage, for misquoting Scripture. Ye also read from a Bible that sat on the table in front of him throughout the interview.

Fuentes discussed their meeting with Trump at length, and Ye aimed to influence Jones’ listeners in their attitudes toward the former president. Among other things, he goaded Trump to put faith at the center of his new campaign.

“The worst thing that could come from this is that our leaders are held to Christian values, not Zionist values,” Ye said.

This story was produced under a grant from the Stiefel Freethought Foundation.

Who is Trump and Kanye’s dinner companion, Nick Fuentes?

Last year the 24-year-old right-wing media personality told an audience that the United States will cease to be America 'if it loses its white demographic core and if it loses its faith in Jesus Christ.'

Nick Fuentes in a still from his America First livestream. Video screen grab

(RNS) — When supporters of former President Donald Trump rallied near the White House on Jan. 6, 2021, a boisterous pocket of young men waving “America First” flags broke into a chant: “Christ is King!”

It was one of the first indications that Christian nationalism would be a theme of the Capitol attack later that day, where insurrectionists prayed and waved banners that read “Proud American Christian.”

The chant also announced the presence of followers of Nick Fuentes, the 24-year-old white supremacist and Christian nationalist leader who dined Tuesday evening (Nov. 22) with Trump and the rapper Ye, also known as Kanye West, at Mar-a-Lago, Trump’s home and resort in Florida.

Fuentes’ appearance at Trump’s table has brought criticism for the former president, who had only a week before formally launched a new campaign for the White House. The dinner apparently caused embarrassment in the Trump camp: Hours after reportedly saying that Fuentes “gets me,” Trump now claims he didn’t know who Fuentes was.


RELATED: How the Capitol attacks helped spread Christian nationalism in the extreme right


Fuentes’ notoriety has been growing since the then-18-year-old Boston University student attended the 2017 Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, where neo-Nazis and other white supremacists marched to protest the removal of Confederate statues from the city’s public spaces. At the time, Trump said there were “good people on both sides” of the clashes that followed, in which a counterprotester was killed.

Fuentes claimed that he had received death threats on his return to Boston, and he left college to begin a media career as the host of “America First with Nicholas J. Fuentes,” a livestreamed TV show that often echoed Trump’s anti-immigrant fulminations. 

But while Trump sees the “America First” movement largely in terms of protecting U.S. trade and guarding the nation’s borders, Fuentes explicitly calls for the preservation of European American power. A Catholic, Fuentes has celebrated the idea of “Catholic Taliban rule” and, in March of 2021, told an audience at his America First conference that the United States, which he called “a Christian nation,” will cease to be America “if it loses its white demographic core and if it loses its faith in Jesus Christ.”

Nick Fuentes, center, speaks to supporters of President Donald Trump during a pro-Trump march Saturday, Nov. 14, 2020, in Washington. (AP Photo/Jacquelyn Martin)

Nick Fuentes, center, speaks to supporters of President Donald Trump during a pro-Trump march Saturday, Nov. 14, 2020, in Washington. (AP Photo/Jacquelyn Martin)

Fuentes has also denied the Holocaust on his America First livestream and has said that, as non-Christians, Jews have no place in Western civilization. West, who recently lost a licensing contract with Adidas after he issued an antisemitic tweet, was said to have brought Fuentes along to Mar-a-Lago as a consultant to his own as-yet-unannounced White House bid.

Though Fuentes was subpoenaed by the House committee investigating the Capitol attack, and a person carrying an America First flag was spotted in the Senate Chamber during the insurrection, there is no evidence Fuentes entered the Capitol himself on Jan. 6. But Fuentes’ channeling of religious fervor in the name of right-wing extremism has played no small part in keeping Christian nationalist ideology alive in the aftermath of the insurrection.

Throughout the pandemic, Fuentes and his supporters, known as Groypers, were one faction in a large and amorphous network of anti-vaccine protesters and anti-abortion demonstrators. At 2022’s March for Life on the National Mall, Fuentes’ Groypers held crucifixes aloft.

Through his America First conferences, Fuentes has distinguished himself by luring establishment figures, including elected officials, to his cause. Arizona Rep. Paul Gosar, the keynote speaker at Fuentes’ America First 2021 conference, tweeted “Christ is King” the same day the congressman posted a widely condemned animated video that depicted him killing New York Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez.

Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene spoke in February at this year’s conference. “My name is Marjorie Taylor Greene, I am the daughter of the king, the one true living God, the Alpha and Omega, our Father in heaven, and I am a forgiven sinner, washed in the blood of our Savior Jesus Christ,” she said in her remarks before the group.

When attendees began chanting “Christ is king,” she responded, “Amen — Christ is king.”

Both Gosar and Greene have since distanced themselves from Fuentes and his group. Now it is Trump’s turn to deflect an association with Fuentes.

The backstory behind Fuentes’ trip to Mar-a-Lago remains unclear, but the visit reportedly included efforts to maintain alignment between America Firsters and the former president. Fuentes publicly blasted Trump’s recent campaign announcement speech, calling it an “awful … abject, absolute failure” and declaring he was “reevaluating” his support for the business tycoon. According to Axios, Fuentes disliked what he characterized as the former president’s more cautious approach to politics and told Trump as much when they dined together last week.