Sunday, January 01, 2023

Dr Albert W Noll: The Fairy, the Fire Fiend and the Fiddle



The author came across Dr Albert W Noll while researching the recent publication COON: more holes than swiss cheese. The young Boston dentist enjoyed notoriety for his appearances on the Boston stage during the 1890s. He usually performed in drag, either as a white woman or in blackface as a ‘mammy’ caricature.

Born into Boston society, Noll graduated as a dentist in 1895. Apparently content to work extracting teeth, Dr Noll claimed that he never considered a professional stage career. However, the young dentist’s musical compositions proved popular. Sheet music sales provided him with substantial extra income. He also performed on stage in a semi-professional capacity.

Nero, or the Fairy, the Fire Fiend, and the Fiddle

In 1896, Dr Albert W Noll enjoyed acclaim for a grand operatic burlesque loosely based on the story of Nero fiddling while Rome burned. He wrote Nero, or the Fairy… to showcase his own particular talent. Previous to this production, he specialised in ‘skirt, ballet and other dances’ in minstrel shows — blackface drag. Nero, or the Fairy… was his theatrical debut or ‘coming out’ as a white woman.

Veteran local thespian F W Bailey played the title role of Nero. However, Noll as the female lead was the real star. The Boston Globe described him as ‘the gay soubrette who toys with Nero’s affections’.

That newspaper’s coverage of Noll and his friends was always notably sympatico. It seems the writer moved in the same circles and shared similar interests. (Hint, hint. Wink, wink. Nudge, nudge. Say no more.) The Globe journalist even appears to have indulged in a little ‘between friends’ bitchiness. Although production notes name Noll’s character as Actæa, the Globe referred to her as Acne.

“The star, Acne, enacted by Dr Noll, is flirting with Nero, but really her affections are centred on Tenoris.”

Ouch! Bad skin and a floozy!

Dr Albert W Noll
Image: The Boston Globe 28 April 1896

Somewhat gay in disposition

The Boston Globe described Nero, as portrayed by F W Bailey, as ‘somewhat gay in disposition’. Judging by the production sketches, Fred Bailey indeed looked somewhat gay in disposition. His short toga featured a starched collar and ruff adorned by a bowtie. A tophat and splendidly waxed walrus moustache completed the bizarre get-up. A piano shop manager by day, Fred couldn’t have looked gayer in disposition if he’d hoiked up his toga and allowed all 15 of his Praetorian Guards to tickle his ivories.

Nero, in addition to his day job as emperor, also owns a dry goods emporium. Somewhat financially constrained, he sets Rome ablaze after first taking out heavy insurance on his store. The burning of Rome climaxed the second act. The spectacle much-impressed reviewers with the appearance of conflagration achieved by stage lighting and billowing red fabric.

Consisting of three acts, the opera took place over a like number of hours. It was a grand all-male affair. Aside from the 15 lead actors, 8 men joined Albert Noll in the corps de ballet — bewigged, rouged, en pointe and in tutus. Another 51 played minor male roles and 20 more frocked up to play Roman ladies. A 12 piece orchestra provided the music with 45 choristers and 16 boys from St John’s Church choir.

A Drag Party

“The house was filled with the cream of society,” boasted the Boston Globe.

“A drag party of 20 came up from Winthrop. Dr Noll was very much in evidence… When [he] stepped upon the stage, he received a warm ovation from the house of his friends.”

(At the time, the phrase ‘drag party’ meant two different things. From the 1880s, American newspapers referred to illegal gatherings of male cross-dressers raided by the police as ‘drag parties’. However, ‘drag’ also described a large carriage drawn by a team of horses. Groups of friends wanting to travel together to an event sometimes hired a horse-drawn coach or ‘omnibus’. They dressed up in their most ostentatious race day finery and partied en route to their destination. That form of ‘drag party’ was named for the style of conveyance. Think of it as an 1890s version of hiring a stretch limo to get pissed with friends on the way to a concert.)

“As the curtain fell, there were loud calls of ‘Noll, Noll’, and the doctor appeared before the curtain to bow his acknowledgements. He was presented with a large floral wreath and a basket of flowers.”

Albert W Noll’s theatrical career

Following his operatic triumph, Noll appeared onstage less often. He focussed on writing racist songs for blackface performers.

His most successful composition was the lullaby ‘Doan Ye Cry Ma Honey’. Although Noll claimed authorship and collected the royalties, the song’s description as a ‘darky song’ probably means he simply adapted the lyrics from a traditional slave lullaby.

At the time, white composers frequently appropriated traditional African American songs. They rewrote the lyrics in an exaggerated and demeaning ‘black dialect’ for white performers to sing in blackface. Known as ‘coon songs’, the compositions firmly established the slur ‘coon’ in the American vernacular. Picked up in Australia during visits by blackface minstrel shows, the epithet also became common in this country. By the 1920s, ‘coon’ was in everyday use against all People of Colour in Australia, including Asians and First Nations people.

Kraft Cheese Radio Hour

In 1930, Australia’s Kraft-Walker Cheese Company produced the Kraft Cheese Radio Hour to promote its foodstuffs. The show featured the Kraft Orchestra and the Kraft Revellers, a white male quartet who specialised in ‘negro spirituals’ and ‘coon songs’.

Noll’s ‘Doan Ye Cry Ma Honey’ was one of their selections. Given Noll’s history as a ‘skirt dancer’ in minstrel shows, he likely composed the song to sing himself — dressed as a ‘mammy’ — a standard minstrel character.

Dr Albert W Noll

Queen of the ballet

It appears Albert W Noll gave his last stage performance in 1898. He helped the young women of the East Boston Athletic Association to organise a ‘negro minstrel show’. The young society dames blacked up with burnt cork and sang ‘negro’ songs. Noll wrote a new ‘negro’ ditty, especially for the occasion. However, it seems Albert Noll missed the spotlight. Unable to resist the opportunity to frock up, he arranged a surprise.

With no warning to the performers, nine unknown dancers suddenly took over the stage. Contrary to the advertised program, these women were not in blackface. They wore white dresses with ‘delicate green and pink skirts’.

According to the newspapers, it took a while for the penny to drop.

It was Albert and some of his friends. Albert had again convinced some talented mates to dress in drag and put on a show.

“Dr Noll was Queen of the ballet…

“The boys were all old hands at the business, and carried the thing through very cleverly.”

It seems that was the last occasion on which Albert took to the stage in drag.

In 1902, the star of a Boston theatre production sang a ‘dainty coon serenade’ composed by Noll. However, a newspaper reported that the composer was absent, ‘studying overseas’.

Whether Albert tired of performance or a scandal caused him to take a lower profile is not known. However, in the following two decades, he only made the papers for directing the occasional church benefit. He also stopped writing ‘coon songs’.

Dr Albert W Noll gives up dentistry

But, yanking out rotting molars no doubt loses its appeal over time. In the early 1920s, despite previous protestations, Dr Albert W Noll put down his dental appliances and began a fulltime career in music. He moved to New York and became musical director of the famed Carnegie Hall. He also organised ‘glee’ clubs at local YMCAs for young men who enjoyed singing together.

You can stay there, and I’m sure you will find
Many ways to have a good time.

(Of course, Noll did not write the song ‘YMCA’. Victor Willis of the Village People did. And ‘YMCA’ is not about illicit gay sex. Definitely not! Victor Willis said it is not. And he also said he would sue the next media organisation to say it was. No. That song is purely about going to a place where you can hang out with all the boys and do whoever whatever you feel.)

Noll’s sudden departure from the world of blackface minstrel music still causes some mystery among admirers of the genre. Fans of ‘Doan Ye Cry Ma Honey’ argue over whether the lullaby can be definitively classified as racist because the author’s race is unknown.

We can clear that up. Dr Albert W Noll was white. The song was, and is, racist.

But was Albert racist?

More than two decades after he stopped performing in blackface and writing ‘coon’ songs, Dr Albert W Noll did something rather pleasantly surprising. In 1924, his boss at Carnegie Hall, Mrs Anne Wolter, accomplished what African American newspaper the New York Age described as her dream. She set up the National Ethiopian Art Theatre to provide training and employment for black American actors.

Dr Albert W Noll volunteered as director of music and choirmaster. No ‘coon songs’. Indeed, black newspapers offered plaudits for his contribution. He received a standing ovation at the first concert given by the students.

When this author first wrote about Dr Albert W Noll, it was with great disappointment. I liked the guy. He obviously loved life and lived it to the fullest — and as his authentic self. But he also exploited African American culture and cruelly mocked the very people he profited from with demeaning lyrics and degrading impersonations.

Therefore, it was a great joy to since discover that Dr Albert W Noll later redeemed himself by helping the very people he previously hurt.

Albert Noll realised he could do better.

And he did.

https://qnews.com.au/

Colorado Law Could Force Boulder to Sell Oil and Gas to a Private Company

State regulators could order Boulder County to sell its gas rights without the consent of voters or property owners.


Lauren Petrie, of Food & Water Watch, holds up a photo of a fracking site near a playground and wears a mask to show opposition to Colorado Oil and Gas Conservation Commission (COGCC) board members during a public comment session on October 30, 2017 in Denver, Colorado.

Extraction Oil and Gas, a Denver-based energy company, sent Boulder County an offer this summer. It’s one that local officials don’t want, but can’t refuse.

The company, a subsidiary of one of Colorado’s largest oil and gas producers, Civitas Resources Inc., gave the county three options: Sell access to its oil and gas, partner up as a working interest owner or get thrown into a legal process known as “forced pooling,” whereby the state can give a company permission to drill for a nonconsenting owner’s oil and gas.

Boulder, one of Colorado’s most populous counties, is pushing back against the private company’s efforts to extract oil and gas worth millions of dollars. The company is urging the state to give it access to the lucrative minerals, despite the county’s objections. But the county is arguing that the process would be illegal, and that local governments should have the power to reject drilling because of its harmful environmental and health effects.

Colorado established its forced pooling process in 1951 with the intention of reducing helter-skelter drilling, preventing waste and protecting the rights of mineral owners. Many oil and gas producing states have similar legal tools for compelling landowners to accept oil and gas operations.

The Colorado Oil and Gas Conservation Commission (COGCC), a state regulatory agency that oversees the industry, has sole decision-making power over who gets forced to pool their oil and gas into a company’s planned drilling. The COGCC told Capital & Main that it can’t comment on pending legal matters, but acknowledged that Colorado passed a law in 2019 that transformed the commission’s mission from “fostering oil and gas development” to “regulating in a manner that is protective of public health, safety, welfare, wildlife and the environment.”


Fracking Firm Agrees to Pay a Small Town’s Water Bills for 75 Years
A fracking company has been convicted 14 years after polluting water wells in Dimock, Pennsylvania. 
By Mike Ludwig , TRUTHOUT December 1, 2022

Extraction requested a forced pooling proceeding from the COGCC just two days after submitting its offer to Boulder County, and months before county officials decided to reject it. The COGCC has scheduled a hearing for Jan. 25, 2023. However, the county is hoping to end the process early.

“We believe that the whole concept of forced pooling is outdated,” said Boulder County Deputy County Attorney David Hughes, who filed a motion with the COGCC on Nov. 21 asking to halt the process through summary judgment.

The county is arguing that if the COGCC forced it to pool its oil and gas with Extraction, the commission would be violating both the state constitution and local laws. Boulder County argues that these laws give it “clear and largely exclusive authority over its own property and budget.” Forced pooling would infringe on this local authority by requiring the county to enter into a multiyear financial partnership with a private entity “against the will of its elected officials and its electorate,” the county claims.

If the COGCC decides to make Boulder pool its oil and gas, Hughes said the county is prepared to appeal.

When Extraction proposed the drilling project in 2018, the company hoped to drill up to 32 horizontal wells on a 13-acre well pad just 1,000 feet outside of Boulder in neighboring Weld County. Boulder County objected, arguing that while the well pads would be built in Weld County, the oil and gas would be removed from Boulder. Nonetheless, the COGCC approved the permits.

Boulder County challenged the permits in 2019 on the grounds that a conservation easement and several existing leases don’t allow for the drilling. But the lawsuits failed.

Because the oil and gas in question lies beneath 552 acres of land purchased by Boulder County with tax money designated for open space parks, various county agencies were required to hold public hearings to decide what to do next.

The Boulder County Parks and Open Space Advisory Committee unanimously recommended not to accept Extraction’s offer, for reasons including an ongoing dispute over whether Extraction owns or has control of more than 45% of the mineral rights, the legal threshold for forced pooling.

The Boulder Board of County Commissioners rejected the offer in November. Commissioner Claire Levy said in a press release that Extraction’s offer “is not in the best interests of the county, our residents or our open space.” Levy said that the drilling project would bring detrimental health and environmental impacts, and “require Boulder County to be in business with a private corporation on oil and gas development — something the county cannot and will not do.”

Environmental lawyers and activists told Capital & Main that the Boulder case exemplifies broader problems with Colorado’s forced pooling process, even after the state passed its 2019 law intended to better protect owners of oil and gas rights.

As the oil and gas industry’s technologies have improved over time, companies have been able to expand the acreage of their proposed drilling sites, increasing the potential for there to be multiple owners of the land and minerals, said Matt Sura, an attorney who represents land and mineral owners in lawsuits against oil and gas companies.

Meanwhile, with the advent of horizontal drilling and hydrofracturing, also known as fracking, the industry has been able to pool resources beneath larger swaths of land. In the case of Boulder County, the company would be extracting oil and gas from several miles away using horizontal pipes connected to wells built in a neighboring county.

But even as the proposed drilling areas grow, options remain limited for objecting to forced pooling.

Kate Merlin, an attorney who has represented mineral rights owners in COGCC proceedings for about a decade, said she has only protested forced pooling a handful of times because “the odds are incredibly stacked against [those who own oil and gas beneath their land].”

“It’s a travesty against property rights,” Merlin said. “It seems to be capitalism run completely amok” because the state tends to side with companies seeking access, rather than owners, whether they are local governments or average homeowners.

Some Colorado legislators attempted to establish additional protections in 2017 for oil and gas interest owners who are subject to pooling, but the bill didn’t pass.

Legal challenges have also been unsuccessful. In 2019, a residential community in Broomfield, a city between Boulder and Denver, launched a lawsuit in federal court challenging the constitutionality of forced pooling. Ultimately, a judge dismissed the case, and the COGCC gave Extraction Oil and Gas the go ahead to drill against the community’s objections.

Nonetheless, that same year, Colorado passed the law that altered the COGCC’s mission and introduced new rules for forced pooling. Now, a driller must secure consent from the owners of more than 45% of the mineral interests in order to pool. The changes also prohibit oil and gas operators from using the land of nonconsenting owners without their permission, slightly increase the royalties due to nonconsenting owners and remove liability that nonconsenting owners previously faced.

Even with these changes, Kate Christensen, an activist with the advocacy group 350 Colorado, said the state regulation has been twisted into an “industry tactic” used to scare the owners of oil and gas rights into entering agreements with companies.

“Oil and gas has a total stranglehold on the state,” Christensen said. “It’s really hard for local electeds to fight against oil and gas. They’re fighting the regulators, they’re fighting the commissioners, they’re fighting everything.”

Extraction, the company seeking access to Boulder’s oil and gas, has hired several lobbying firms to represent its interests in recent years, among them the 76 Group, whose past clients include Chevron and ExxonMobil. In 2022, Extraction’s parent company Civitas also paid the lobbying firms Husch Blackwell StrategiesCollective Strategies and Axiom Politics. Extraction did not respond to Capital & Main’s emails or phone calls.

Christensen said this type of industry influence is why forced pooling continues to play out in companies’ favor.

“If an oil and gas company dot all their i’s and cross their t’s, then they’ll get approved,” Christensen said. “It’s hard for people to get their heads around that in our country, with all these personal freedoms. … An oil and gas company can just take your minerals [even] if you say no.”

An Ahistorical Argument About Asian-American Bias

A critique of affirmative action fails to account for the flawed

data used to "prove" bias.

 
January 1, 2023

Historian of education Jonathan Zimmerman’s superficial commentary on “affirmative action and anti-Asian bias” (Dec. 12) demands a response. Without checking any evidence, Zimmerman parrots opinion essays in The New York Times and elsewhere that repeat the undocumented, ideologically fueled court filings—not initiated by either Asian-Americans or other American—by a well-funded right-wing campaign of assault on the proven (if never 100 percent perfect) record of affirmative action for almost one half-century.  

Its leader, Ed Blum, first made a name for himself as litigant in Shelby County v. Holder, the 2013 case that gutted the 1965 Voting Rights Act. He almost succeeded in ending affirmative action with Fisher v. University of Texas in 2016, stopped by Justice Scalia’s death. 

It is no secret that the purposefully misleadingly titled Students for Fair Admissions—that is, fair for middle- to upper-middle-class white students—leads with its own bias, misrepresentations and distortions. Among them is the repetition of false, ahistorical and non-contextual comparisons with Jewish quotas while ignoring the parallel Catholic, Black, Brown, and Asian limitations. (See among many reports, Evan Mandery, “The Supreme Court is Set to Kill Affirmative Action. Just Not for Rich White Kids,” Mother Jones, Oct. 31, 2022.) 

Both scholars and journalists who have demanded access to the actual data on which the cases leading to the recent Supreme Court hearings are based find the Southern California researchers’ studies inadequate both quantitatively and qualitatively to sustain any arguments, respectively, in support of anti-Asian bias at Harvard in particular, or in related filings addressed at secondary and post-secondary school white bias in admissions.  

These observers also maintain that the researchers commissioned by the anti-affirmative action groups who purport to respond to Asian-American claimants but in fact solicit the Asian-Americans refuse to reveal their complete data and supposed analytical results. This is unscholarly as well as suspicious. 

I do not understand why a historian takes his stand in support of the opponents of affirmative action—policies he claims to endorse—without making an effort to review any data, other than what he reads in The New York Times. The text of his essay is an exercise in muddled, self-contradictory “what-aboutism,” much like the recent NYT “Applying to College, and Trying to Appear ‘Less Asian,’ ” by Amy Qin (Dec. 2, 2022) that ends by arguing the opposite of what it begins. Another parallel is the Manhattan Institute’s Renu Mukerjee’s “Affirmative Action Is Wrong: There’s a Better Way to Make Campuses Diverse,” NYT, Oct. 30, 2022.  

--Harvey J. Graff

Professor Emeritus of English and History
Ohio Eminent Scholar in Literacy Studies 

https://www.insidehighered.com/